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SPEECH OF
HON. A. 11. STEPHENS,
delivered in the Hall of the House of Rep
resentatives of Georgia, Wednesday
evening. Nov. 14 th, 1800.
[■reported by a. e. marshal.]
Mr. STEPHENS entered the Hall at
the hour of 7 P. M., and was greeted with
Jong and rapturous applause. He rose and
twill I
Fellow-Citizens :—I appear before
vuii to-night at the request of Members of
the Legislature and others, to speak of
the deepest interest that can possibly con
s us all of an earthly character. There
is nothing, noquestion or subject connected
with this life that concerns a free people so
intimately as that of the government un
der which the/ live. We are now,indeed,
ftirroonded by evils. Never since 1 en
tered upon the public stage, has the coun
ter been so environed with difficulties and
•lnnirers that threatened the public peace
mil the very existence of society as now.
j do not now appear before you at my own
instance I? is not to gratify desire of my
i wi) that lam here. Had 1 consulted my
own ea,v.‘ and pleasure I should not be be
t.,re von ; but believing that it is the duty
.f every good citizen to give bis counsels
Kid views whenever the country is in dan
pr, an to the best policy to be pursued 1
sui here. lor these reasons and these
c!y do f bespeak a calm, patient and a‘-
trn.ive hearing.
Mv object is not to stir up strife, but to
•. A #
r. o i’ ; not t‘> appeal to your passions,
bu t> vour reason. Good governments;
cm ivver he built up or sustained by the J
liiti'iiUt* f w. { waii to address my- |
►■• it vuir good sens**, to vour good judg
m*m‘. and if after hearing you disagree, let !
agree to disagree, ami part as ve met.
IfHids. We all have the* same object, the
rviic interest. That people should disa
gree in i''j I’.bdiean governments upon uiies
fma ct public policy is natural. That
m :i stemid. disagree upon all matters con
t-cted with human investigation, whether
Lulling m science or human conduct, is
natural. Hence, in tree governments par- I
! wi.i arise. I>u t a free people should
rxnrcMs their different opinions with liber
ciity and charity, with no acrimony to-j
wnr-is those of their fellows when honestly
nud sincerely given. These are my feelings
to-night.
bft us, therefore, reason together. 11
h not uiy pm pose to say aught to wound
the tilings of any individual who may be
present; and if in the ardency with which
1 shall express my opinions, l shall say
*ny thing which may be deemed too j
wrong, let it he set down to the Real with ;
“inch 1 advocate my owu convictions. —
1 here is with me no intention to irritate
hr offend.
Fellow-citizens, vc are all launched in
the same barqife, we are all in the same
rr "di in the wide political ocean—the same
awaits us all tor weal or for woe.—
‘W have been launched in the good old
‘ tip that has been upon the waves for three
quarters of a century, which lias been iu
i >hiiy tempests and storms, has many
‘'Cii.'s been in peril, and patriots have often
bared that they should have to give it up,
Tea, had at times almost given it up, but
still the gallant ship is afloat ; though new
r.orme now howl around us, and ilie temp
fit beats heavily against us, 1 say to you
don’t give up the ship ; don't abandon her
ret. if she can possibly be preserved, and
nr rights, interests and security be main
lined, the object is worth the effort. Let
to not on account of disappointment and
at the reverse of an edection give
u l>*Was lost, but let us see what can be
to prevent a wreck. (Someone said
ship has holes in her.) And there may
k leaks in her, but let us stop them it we
Ca u; many a stout old ship has been saved
w hh richest cargo, alter many leaks, and
may be so now. (Cheers.)
1 do not, on this occasion, intend to en
ter into the history of the reasons or causes
the embarrassment which press so heav
% upon us all at this time. In justice to
Myself, however, I must barely state upon
:^8 point, that 1 do think much of it de-
upon ourselves. The consternation
tout has come upon the people is the result
a sectional election of a President ofj
‘ he l nited States, one whose opinions and !
*Towed principles are in antagonism to our ,
interests and right, and we believe if car
ru *and out, would subvert the Constitution
which we now live. But are we en
,ir.v blameless in this matter, my coun
? I give it to you as my opinion,
j but for the policy the Southern peo
f P ur &ued, this fearful result would not
av e occurred. Mr. Lincoln has been
1 doubt not, bv a minority of the
Q le of the United States. What will
vet txtent °f that minority we do not
• know, but the disclosure when made,
J think, that a majority of the
constitutional, conservative voters of the
country were against him ; and had the
: South stood firmly in the Convention at
Charleston, on her old platform of princi
ples of Non-Intervention, there is in my
mind but little doubt that whoever might
have been the candidate of the National
Democratic Party would have been elected
by as large a majority as that which elected
Mr. Buchanan or Mr. Pierce. Therefore
let us not be hasty and rash in our action,
especially if the result be attributable at
all to ourselves. Before looking to ex
treme measures, let us first see, as Geor
gians, that every thing which can be done
to preserve our rights, our interests, and
; our honor, as well as the peace of the
j country iu thy Union, bo first done. (Ap
j plause.)
The first question that presents itself, is
shall the people of the South secede from
j the Union inconsequence of the election
ot Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency, of the
| United States ? My countrymen, I tell
you frankly, candidly and earnestly, that
Ido not think that they ought. In my
judgment, the election of no man, consti
tutionally chosen to that high office, is suf
, ficient cause fur any State to separate from
the Union, it ought to stand by and aid
still in maintaining the Constitution of
i the country. To make a point of resis
tance to the Government, to withdraw
i from it because a. man has been constitu
tionally elected, puts us in the wrong. We
are pledged to maintain the Constitution.
Many of us have sworn to support it. Can
we, therefore, for the mere election of a
man to the Presidency*, and that too in ac
cordance with tiie prescribed forms of the
Constitution, make a point of resistance to
the Government Without becoming the
breakers of that sacred instrument our
selves ? withdraw ourselves from it ?
\\ ould we not be in the wrong ? What
ever fate is to befall this Country, let it
never be laid to the charge ol the people of
the South, and especially to the people of
; Georgia that we were untrue to our na
tional engagements. Let the fault and
, the wrong rest, upc n others. If all our
hopes are to be blasted, if the Republic is
to go down, let us be found to the last mo
i merit standing on the deck with the Con
: stitution of the United States waving over
! our heads. (Applause.) L**t the fanatics
: of the North break the Constitution if such
ji> their fell purpose. Let the responsibility
[be up n them. I shall speak presently
more of their acts ; but let not the STmih,
let us not be the ones to commit the ag
gression. We went into the election with
this people. The result was different from
what we wished ; but the election has been
constitutionally held. Were we to make
i point of resistance to the Government
and go out of the Union on that account,
tiie record would be made hereafter against
us.
But it is said Mr. Lincoln’s policy and
principles are against the Constitution and
that if he carries them out it will be de
structive of our rights. Let us not antici
pate a threatened evil, if he violates the
Constitution then will come our time to
act* Do not let us break it because, for
sooth, he may. If he does, that is the
time for us to strike. (Applause.) 1 think
it would he injudicious and unwise to do
this sooner, ido not anticipate that Mr.
Lincoln will do anything to jeopard our
safety or security, whatever may be iiis
spirit to do it; for he is bound by the con
stitutional checks which are thrown around
him, which at this time renders him pow
erless to do any great mischief. This shows
tiie wisdom of our system. The President
of the United States is no Emperor, no
Dictator —he is clothed with no absolute
power. He can do nothing unless lie is
backed by power in Congress. The House
of Representatives is largely in the major
ity against him. In the very face and
teeth of the heavy majority which he liar
obtained in the Northern States, there
. have been large gains in the House of Rep
resentatives to the Conservative Constitu
tional party of the country, which here I
will call tiie National Democratic party,
because that is the cognomen it has at the
North. There are twelve of this party
elected from New York to the next Con
gross. 1 believe. In the present House
there are but four, I think. In Pennsyl
vania, New, Jersey, Ohio, and Indiana
there have beeu gains. In the present
Congress there were 113 Republicans,
when it takes 117 to make a majority. Tiie
gains in the Democratic party in Pennsyl
vania, Ohio, New Jersey, New \ork, In
diana, and other States, notwithstanding
its distractions, have been enough to make
a majority of near thirty in the next House
against Mr. Lincoln. Even in Boston, Mr.
Burlingame, one of the noted leaders of
the fanatics of that section, has been de
feated, and a conservative man returned in
his stead. Is this the time then to appre
hend that Mr. Lincoln, with this large ma
jority in the House of Representatives
against him, can carry out any ot his un
constitutional principles in that body ?
In the Senate lie will also be powerless.
There will be a majority of four against i
him. This after the loss of Bigler, Fitch,
and others, by the unfortunate dissensions
of the National Democratic party in their
States. Mr. Lincoln cannot appoint an
officer without the consent ot the Senate
he cannot form a Cabinet without the same
consent. He will be in the condition ot
George the Third, (the embodiment ot j
Toryism,) who had to ask the W bigs to
appoint his Ministers, and was compelled
to receive a Cabinet utterly opposed to his
views ; and so Mr. Lincoln will be com
jycllei to ask of the Senate to ch.oOee tor
‘THE UNION OF THE STATES!—DISTINCT, LIKE THE BILLOWS; ONE, LrtCE TOE SEA.”
THOMASTON, (iEORUIA, SATURDAY MOIiMM!. NOVEMBER 24, IS6O.
j him a Cabinet, if the Democracy of that
body chose to put him on such terms. He
j will be compelled to do this or let the Gov
ernment stop, if the National Democratic
men, (for that is their name at the North.)
the Conservative men in the Senate, should
so determine. Then how can Mr. Lincoln
obtain a Cabinet which would aid him, or
allow him to violate the Constitution ?
Why, then, I say, should We disrupt the
ties of this Union when his hands are tied,
when he can do nothing against us ? I
have heard it mooted that no man in the
State of Georgia, who is true to her inter
ests, could hold office under Mr. Lincoln.
But 1 ask who appoints to office P Not
i the President alone ; the Senate has to
| concur. No man can be appointed with
out the consent of the Senate. Should
any man then refuse to hold office that
was given him by a Democratic Senate ?
(Mr. Toombs interrupted arid said if the
Senate was Democratic it was for Mr.
Breckinridge.) Well, then, continued Mr.
S., I apprehend no man could be justly
: considered untrue to the interests of Geor
gia or incur any disgrace, if the interests
oi Georgia requin and it, to hold an office
under whieh a Breckinridge Senate lmd
given him, even though Mr. Lincoln should
be President. (Prolonged applause, min
gled with interruptions.)
I trust, my countrymen, von will be still
and silent. lam addressing your good
sense. lam giving you my views in a
calm and dispassionate manner, and if any
of you differ with me, you can on any oth
; er occasion give your views as I am doing
, now, and let reason and true patriotism
, decide between us. In my judgment, I
say, under such circumstances there would
be no possible disgrace for a Southern man
to hold office. No man will be suffered to
l*e appointed, I have no doubt, who is nut
true to the Constitution, if Southern Sen
tors are true to their trusts, as I cannot
permit myself to doubt that they will be.
My honorable friend who addressed you
last n’ght, (Mr. Toombs,) and to whom I
listened with the profuuudest attention,
asks if we would submit to Black Repub
lican rule ? I say to you and to him, as
a Georgian, I never would submit to any
Black Republican aggression upon our
constitutional rights. I will never consent
myself, as much as I admire this Union,
for the glorii sos the past or the blessings
of the present, as much it has done for
the people of all these States, as much as
the hopes of the world hang upon it ; I
would never submit to aggression upon my
rights to maintain it longer ; and if they
can not be maintained in the Union, stand
ing on the Georgia Platform, where I have’
stood from the time of its adoption, I
would be in favor of disrupting every tie
which binds the States together. I will
have equality for Georgia and for the citi
zens of Georgia in this Uniou, or I will
look for new safeguards elsewhere. This
is my position. The only question now, is
can they be secured iu the Union. That
is what I am counseling with you to-night
about. Can it be secured ? In my judg
ment it may be, but it may not be ; but
let us do ali we can, so that in the future,
if the worst come, it may never be said we
were negligent in doing our duty to the
last.
My countrymen, I am not of those who
believe this Union has been a curse up to
this time. True, men, men of integrity
entertain different views from me on this
subject. Ido not question their right to
do so ; I would not impugn their motives
in so doing. Nor will 1 undertake to say
that this Government of our fathers is per
fect. There is nothing perfect in this world
of a human origin. Nothing connected
with human nature from mau himself to
any of his works. \ r ou may select the
w isest and best men for your Judges, and
yet how many defects are there in the ad
ministration of justice ? You may select
the wisest and best men from your legisla
tor and yet how many detects are appa
rent in your laws ? And it is so in our
Government. But that this Government
of our fathers, w ith all its defects, comes
nearer the objects of all good Governments
than any other on the face of the earth, is
my settled conviction. Contrast it now
with any on the face of the earth. (Eng
land said Mr. Toombs.) Mr. Stephens t
England my friend says. Well, that is the
next best 1 grant, but I think we have im
proved upon England. Statesmen tried
their apprentice hand on the Government
of England, and then ours was made.—
Ours sprung from that, avoiding many of
its defects, taking most of the good and
leaving out many of its errors, and from
the whole constructing and building up
this model Republic—the best which the
history of the world gives any account of.
Compare, my friends, this Government
with that of Spain, Mexico, the South
American Republics, Germany, Ireland. —
Are there any sons of that down-trodden
nation here to-night ? Prussia ; or it you
travel iurther East, to Tui key or China. —
Where will you go, following tiie sun in
its circuit round our globe, to find a gov
ernment that better protects the liberties ;
of its people, and secures to them the bless
ings we enjoy. (Applause.) I think that
one of the evils that beset us is a surfeit of*
liberty, an esnbeianco of the priceless
blessings for which we are ungrateful.—
We listened to my honorable friend who
addressed you last night (Mr. Toombs,) as
be recounted the evils of this Government.
The first was the fishing bounties paid i
mostly to the sailors of New England. Our
friend stated that forty-eight years of our
Government was under the administration
of Southern Presidents. Well, these fish- 1
ing bounties began under the rule of a
j Southern President, I believe. No one of
tliHin during the whole forty-eight years
i ever set his ad ministration against* the
principle or policy of them. It is not for
me to say whether it was a wise policy in
the beginning ; it probably was not, and I
j have nothing to say in its defence. But the
i reason given for it was to encourage our
young men to go to sea and learn to mnu
i age ships. Wo had at the time but a small
naVy. It was thought best to encourage a
| class of our people to become acquainted
with sea-faring life ; to become sailors ; to
; man our naval ships. It requires practice
jto Walk the deck of a ship, to pull the
ropeft, to furl the sails, to goaloft, to climb
the mast ; and it Was thoUght by offering
this bounty, a nursery might be formed in
which young men would become perfected
in these tints', and it applied to otie Section
of tne country as well as to unv other. The
result of this was that in the war of 1812,
our sailors, many of whom came from this
nursery, were equal to any that England
brought against us. At any rate,no small
part of tiie glories of that war were gained
[by the veteran stars of America, and the
j object of these bounties was to foster that
, branch of the national defence. My opin
; ion is, that whatever may have been the
i reason at first, this bounty ought tobedis
continued—the reason for it at first no lon
ger exists. A bill for this object did pass
the Senate the last Congress I Was in, to
which my honorable friend coritHbuted
greatly, but it was not reached in the
House of Representatives. I trust that he
will yet see that he may with hohor con
tinue his connection with the Government,
and that his eloquence, unrivaled in 1 lie
Senate, may hereafter as heretofore, be dis
played in having this bounty, so obnoxious
|to him. repealed and wiped off from the
statute book.
The next evil that my friend complained
of was the Tariff. Well let us look at that
for a moment. About the time I com
menced noticing public matters this ques
tion was agitating the country almost as
fearfully as the slave question now is. In
j 1532 when I was in college, South Caro
lina was ready to nullify or secede from the
j Uniou on this account. And what have
iwe seen ? The Tariff no longer distracts
j the public councils. Reason has triumph
ed ! The present Tariff* was voted for by
Massachusetts and South Carolina. The
lion and the lamb lay down together—ev
ery man in the Senate and House from
Mass, and South Carolina I think voted
fi>r it as did my honorable friend himself.
And if it be true, to use the figure of speech
|of my Hon. friend, that every man in the
North that works in iron and brass and
wood has his muscle strengthened by the
protection of the Government, that stimu
-Imt was given by his vote and I believe
every other Southern man. So we ought
not to complain of that.
Mr. Tooaibs. That tariff assessed the
duties.
Mr. S. Yes and Mass, wi th unanimity
voted with tin* South to lessen them, and
they were made just as low as Southern
men asked them to he, and that istherates
they are now at. If reason and argument
with experience produced such changes in
the sentiments of Massachusetts from 1532
to 1857, on the subject of the Tariff, may
not like changes be effected there by the
same means, reason and argument, and ap
peals to patriotism on the present vexed
question, and who can say that by 1875 or
1890, Massachusetts may not vote with
South Carolina and Georgia upon all those
questions that now distract the country
and threaten its peace and existence. I be
lieve in the power and efficiency of truth,
in the omnipotence of truth, and its ulti
mate triumph when properly wielded. (Ap
plause.)
Another matter of grievencealluded to
by my Hon. friend, was the navigation
laws. The policy was also commenced tiu
der the administration of one of these
Southern Presidents who ruled so well and
has been continued through all of them
since. The gentleman’s views of the poli
cy of these laws and my own do not disa
gree. \Ve occupied the same ground in
relation to them in Congress. It is not
my purpose to defend them now. But it
is proper to state some matters connected
with their origin.
One of the objects was to build up a com
mercial American Marine by giving Amer
ican bottoms the exclusive carrying trade
between our own ports. This is a great
arm of national power. This object was
accomplished. \Ye have now an amount
of shipping not only coast-wise but to for
eign countries which puts us in the front
ranks of the nations of the woild. Eng
land can no longer be styled the mistress
of the seas. What American is net proud
of the result ? Whether those laws should
be continued is another question. But one
thing is certain no President Northern or
Southern has ever yet recommended their
repeal. And my friend’s efforts to get
them repealed was met with but little fa
vor North or South.
These then were the trife main gnevan- j
ces or grounds ot complaint against the
general system of our government afid ids
workings, I mean theadmirriitration of the;
Federal Government. As? to’ tire Acts of
several of the States, I shall speak pres- ,
eutly, but these three were the main ones ,
used against the eofnmon head. Now sup
pose it be admitted that all of these are
evils fn the system, do they over-balance
and outweigh the advantages and great
good which this same government affords
in a thousand innumerable ways that can .
rot be estimated ? Have we not at the ‘
I South as well as the North grown great,
prosperous and happy under its operation ?
lias auy parW of the world ever shown such
rapid progress in the development of wealth,
aud all the material resources of national
power and greatness as the Southern States
have under the General Government not
withstanding all its defects ?
( Mr. Toombs—in spite of it.
Mr. Stephens—Mv Hon. friend fiays tve
i have, in spite of the General Government,
that without it I suppose he thiuks we
might have done as well or perhaps better
than we have done this in spite of it. That
may be, and it may not be, but the great
fact that we have growu great and power
i iul under the government asit exists, there
is no conjecture or speculation about that,
it stands out bold, high and prominent like
j your Stone Mountain to which the gentle
-1 man alluded in illustrating home facts in
his record —this great fact of our unrivaled
■ prosperity in the Union asitis admitted—
whether all this is in spite of the govern
meht—whether we of the South would have
been better off without the government is
| to say the least problematical. On the one
| side we can only put the fact against spec
ulation and conjecture on the other. But
| even us a question of speculation 1 differ
with my distinguished friend. What we
would have lost in bo.rder wars without
the Union, or what vve have gained simply
by the peace it lias Secured ho estimate can
jbe made of. Our foreign trade which is
, the foundation of all our prosperity has
the protection of the Navy, which drove
[ the pirates from the waters near our coast
I where they had been buccaneering for cen
turies before, and might have been still,
had it not been foi the American Navy Un
der the command of such spirits as Com
; modore Porter. Now that the coast is
clear, that our commerce flows freely out
wardly and inwardly we can not Well esti
mate how it would have been under other
circumstances. The influence of the gov
ernment on us is like that of the atmos
phere around us. Its benefits arc so silent
and unseen that they are seldom thought
of or appreciated.
We seldom think of the single element
of oxygen in the air we breathe, and Vet
let this simple unseen and unfelt agent be
withdrawn, this life-giving element beta
ken away from this all-pervading fluid a
round us, and what instant and appalling
changes would lake place in all organic
creation !
It may be that we are all that we are in
“spite of the General Government,” but it
may be that without it we should have
beeti far different from what we are now.—
It is true there is no equal part ot the earth
with natural resources superior perhaps to
| ours. That portion of this country known
as the Southern States stretching tlorn the
Chesapeake to the Rio Grande is fully
: equal to the picture drawn by the Hon
j and eloquent Senator last night, in all nat
ural capacities. But how many ages and
centuries passed before these capacities
were developed to reach this advanced stage
of civilization ? There these same hilis,
rich in ore, same rivers, same valleys, and
plains, are as they have been since they
came from the hand of the Creator, unedu
cated and Uncivilized man roamed over
them for how long no history informs us.
It was only under our institutions that
they could be developed. Their develop
ment is the result of tiie etiternrize of our
people under operations of the Government
and institutions under which we have liv
ed. Even our people without these neVer
would have done it. The organization of
society has much to do with the develop
ment of the natural resources of any coun
try, or any land. The institutions of a
people political and moral are tiie matrix
in which the germ of their organic struc
ture quickens into life—takes root and de
velops in forng nature and character. Our
institutions constitute the basis—the ma
trix from which spring all our characteris
tics of development and greatness. Look
at Greece ; there is the same fertile
the same bine sky, the same inlets and har
bors, the same Egt-an, the same Olympus,
there is the same land where Homer sung,
where Pericles spoke ; it is in nature the [
same old Greece ; but it is living Greece no
more. [Applause.] Descendants of the same
people inhabit the country ; yet what is
tiie reason of this mighty difference ? In
the midst of present degradation we see
the glorious fragments of ancient works of
art —temples with ornaments and inscrip
tions that excite wonder and admiration—
the remains of a once high order of civili
zation which have outlived the language
they spoke, upon them ail Iclfabod is writ
ten —tbeir glory has departed. Why is
this so ? I answer tbeir institutions have
been destroyed. These were but the fruits
of their forms of government, the matrix
from which tbeir grand development sprung
and when once the institutions of a people
have been destroyed, there is no earthly
power that can bring back the Promethean
spark to kindle them here again, any more
than in that anciynt land of eloquence, po
etry and song. [Applause.] Thesame may
be said of Italy. Where is Rome, once the j
mistress of the world ? There are the same j
seven hills now, the same soil, the same
natural resources ; nature is the same, but ;
what a ruin of human greatness meets the j
eye ot the traveler throughout the length
aud breadth of that rn'oSt Stow it trodden
land ! Why have uot the people of that
Heaven-favored clime the spirit that ani
mated their fathers ? Why this sad dis- i
rerence ? It is the destruction ot her in- ,
stitutions that has caused it ; and, ray j
countrymen, if we shall in an evil hour!
rashly pull down adkf Antroy those ioslb
Editor and Proprietor
Volume 3 Number 2. -
tutionß which the patriotic band of our f
• thers labored so long and so hard to build
up, and which have done so much for uA
and the world, who can venture the pre
diction that similar results wiU not ensue ?
Let us avoid it if we can. I trust the spirit
fcj amongst us,that will enable us to do it.
Let U 8 not rashly try the experiment, for
if it fails as it did in Greece and Italy aud
in the South American Republics, aud in
every other place, wherever liberty is onoe
i destroyed, it may never be restored to ua
. again. [Applause.] , . ,
There are defects in our Government,
errors in administration, and shortcomings
of many kinds, but in spit.e.of these <jiefecti
and errors Georgia has grown to be a greal
State. Let us pause here a moment. la
, 1850 there was a gvee.t crisis, but not 0
fearful as this, for of all I have overpassed
through this is the most perilous aud re
quires to be met with the greatest calmness
; and deliberation. , ,
There were many amongst us in 1850
zealous to go at once out of the Union, to
disrupt every tie that binds us together.—
i Now do you believe had that policy been
carried,out at that time, we would have
been ttie same great people that we are to 1
| day ? It may be that we would, but have
j you any assurance of that fact ? W ould
| we have made the same advancement, itu
i provement and progress in all .that consti
tutes material Wealth aud prosperity thut
we have ? • • •. , .
I notice in the Comptroller General’s re
port that the taxable property of . Georgia
; is S6TO,O(X),T)OO, and Upwards,’ ah amount
not far from double that it was ip, 1850.
I think I may venture to fay that for the
! last 10 years the material wealth of the
! people of Georgia has been nearly if not
quite doubled. The same may by said of
our advance in education, and everything
that marks otir civilisation.. (l Have we any
assurance that had, we regarded the earnest
but misguided patriotic advice, as I think
of some ol that day, and disrupted the ties
which bind Us to the Uuion,we wquld have
advanced as we have P I think not. Well
then, let us be careful now before w’e at
tempt any rash experiment sprt. I.
know that there are {Viefids whose patrio
tism I do not intend to question, who think
this Union a curse, and that we. would bh
I better off without it. Ido not so think ;
if we can bring about a correction of these
| evils which threaten —and I am not with
out hope that this may yet be, done-—thil
appeal to go out with all the provisions for
good that accompany it, I look upon as a
j great, and I fear a fatal temptation.
When I look around and see our pros
perity in everything, agriculture, commercb;
I art, science and every department of edu
j cation, physical and mental, as well as
moral advancement, and our colleges, I
think in the face of such an exhibition if
we can without the hiss of power, or any
essential right or interest, remain in the
Union, it is our duty to ourselves and to
posterity to —let us not too readily yield
I to this temptation —do so. Our first par.
; rents; the great progenitors of the hum ad
race were not without a like temptation
when in the garden of Eden. They were
led to believe that their condition would be
bettered—that their eyes would be opened,
and that they would oetorne as Gods. —
They in an evil hour yi lded—instead of
j becoming Gods, they only saw their own
; nakedness.
I look upon this country with our insti
| tutions as the Eden of the world, the pfcr
! adise of the universe. It may be that out
!of it we may become greater and more
; prosperous, but 1 am candid and sincere in
! telling you that I fear if we rashly evince
passion and without sufficient cause shall
I take that step, that instead of becoming
greater or more peaceful, prosperous and
happy—instead of becoming Gods, we Wil}
become demons and at no distant day com
mence cutting one another?? throats. This
is my apprehension. L t us, therefore,
whatever we do, meet these difficulties,
great as they are, like wise and sensible
men, and consider them in the light of all
the consequences which may attend our ac
tion. Let tts see first clearly where the
path of duty leads and thui we may not
fear to treau therein.
I come now to the main question put so
me, and on which my counsel has been ask
ed. That is what the present Legislature
should do in view of the dangers that
threaten us. and the wrongs that have been
done us by several of our cons ede rate States
in the Union, by the acts of their Legisla
tures nullify ing the Fugitive Slave Law,
and in direct disregard of their constitu
tional obligations. What I shall say will
not be in the spirit of dictation. It will
be simply my own judgment for what it is
worth. It proceeds from a strong convic
tion that according to it our rights, inter
ests and honor—our present safety and fu
ture security can be maintained without
yet looking to the last resort, ihe “ultima
ratio regum ” That should not be looked
to until all els j fails. That may come.—
On this point 1 am hopeful but hot san-’
guine. But let us use every patriotic ef
fort to prevent it while there is ground IW
hope.-
If any view that I may present, in your
judgment,- be inconsistent with the beet
interest of Oeofgfa, I ask you as patriots
not to regard it. After hearing roe and
others tfhora yotf have advised with, act
in the premises according to yotir own con
viction of duty as patriots. I speak now
particularly to the members of the Legis
lature present. There are as t have said
great dangers ahead. Great dangers may
come from the electiofc J have spoken of.—^