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I February 4, 18<>0— ly.
I*. W. AkxaiMlt r,
UTTO R X E Y A T LA IT,
Thomastor, Georgia.
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G. v. MILLER,
ATTOLi NE V A T LA W ,
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hr TO ENEYS A T LA ll 7 ]
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I w 18, 1858—ts
THOMAS BEALL,
vTTOIiNEY AT LAW,
Thomaston, Georgia.
; { d)\nsoo—-i y
E. A. &l J. XV. Spivey,
AT T OKNEYS A T LAW,
THOMASTON, GEORGIA.
A °?- 27,1869. n4l ts.
— ■
William G. Horsley,
4 TTOIt NE Y A T LA W , S
Thomaston, Georgia.
I !L L practice in Upson, Talbot, Taylor, Crawford, j
“uroo, Pike and Merriwether Comities.
I A Phl 7.1859—ly.
Jv. C. Moore,
Dentist,
THOMASTON, GA.
I ) a< my House (the late residence
I ‘ ’ ‘’ Hicks,) where lam prepared
B - “ a H classes of Dental Opera- !
I ‘ s myßeference.
I I ‘ u| UNSWOIiTH 1 INSTITUTE ! ‘
j T ALBOTTOLST GrA.
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Principals and Proprietors.
I'oi rvspoiiilf.jKM’ between the President
of the United Mates and the Commis
sioners; of South Carolina.
The following correspondence was read
in the South Carolina Convention on Fri
day, in secret session, and from which the
injunction of secresy was removed :
Washington, Dec. 28, ISGO.
Sir : —We have the honor to transmit
to you a .copy of the full powers from the
Convention of the people of South Caroli
na, under which we are “authorized, and
empowered to treat with the Government
of the United States for the delivery of the
forts, magazines, light-houses, and other
real estate, with their appurtenances, with
in the limits of South Carolina, and also
for an apportionment of the public debt and
for ad v sion of all the property held by
the Government of the United States, as
agent of the Confederated States, of which
South Carolina was recently a member,
ami generally to negotiate as to all other
measures and arrangements proper to be
made and adopted in the existing relation
of the parties, and for the continuance of
peace and amity between this Common
wealth and the Government at Washing
ton.”
In the execution of this trust, it is our
duty to furnish you, as we now do, with
an official copy of the Ordinance of Seces
sion, by w hich the State of South Carolina
has resumed tlie powers she delegated to
the Government of the United States, and
has declared her perfect sovereignty and
independence.
It would also have been our duty to have
informed you that we were ready to nego
tiate with you upon all such questions as
are necessarily raised by the adoption of
this Ordinance, and that we were prepared
to enter upon this negotiation with the
earnest desire to avoid all unnecessary and
hostile collision, and so to inaugurate our
new relations as to secure mutual respect,
general advantage, and a future of good
will and harmony, beneficial to all the par
ties concerned.
But the events of the last twenty-four
hours renders such an assurance impossi
ble. We came here the representatives of
an authority, which could at any time
within the past sixty days have taken pos
session of the forts in Charleston harbor,
but upon pledges given in a manner that
we cannot doubt, determined to trust to
your honor rather than to its own power.
Since our'arrival an officer of the Uuitad
States acting, as we are assured, not only
without, but against your orders, has dis
mantled one fort and occupied another,
thus altering to a most important extent
the condition of affairs under which we
came.
Until these circumstances .are explained
in a manner wdiich relieves us of all doubt
as to the spirit in which these negotiations
shall be conducted, we are forced to sus
pend till discussion as to any arrangements
by which our mutual interests might he
amicably adjusted.
And, in conclusion, we would urge upon
you the immediate withdrawal of the troops j
from the harbor of Charleston. Under
present circumstances, they are a standing
menace which renders negotiation impossi
ble, and, as our recent experience shows,
threatens speedily to bring to a bloody is
sue questions which ought to be settled
with temperance and judgment.
We have the honor to he,
Very respectfully,
Your obedient servants,
R. W. Barnwell, j
J. 11. Adams, l Commissioners
James L. Our, )
To the President of the T nited States.
Washington City, Dec. ‘loth, IBGO.
Genthmai : —I have had the honor to
receive your communication of the 28th in
stant. together with a copy of “your full
powers of the Convention of the people of
South Carolina,” authorizing you to treat
with the Government ot the United States
on various important subjects therein men
tioned, and also a copy of the Ordinance,
heaving date on the 20th instant, declaring
that “the Union now subsisting between
South Carolina and other States, under
the name of the United States of Ameri
ca,” is hereby dissolved.
In answer to this communication, I have
to sav, that my position, as President of
the United States, was clearly defined in
the Me ,'ssage to Congress on the 3d instant.
In that 1 stated that “apart from the exe
cution of the laws, so far as this may be
practicable, the Executive has no authori
ty to decide w hat shall be the relations be
tween the Federal Government and. South
Carolina. He has been invested with no
such discretion. He possesses no power
to change the relations heretofore existing
betweeu them, much less to acknowledge
the independence of that State. Ibis would
be to invest a mere Executive officer with
the power of recognizing the dissolution of
the Confederacy among our thirty three
Sovereign States*. It bears no resemblance
to the recognition of a foreign de facto
Government involving no such responsibil
ity. Any attempt to do this would, on his
part, be a naked act of usurpation. It
is, therefore, my duty to submit to Con
gress the whole question in all its heal
ings.” . _, ~
Such is my opinion still. I could there
fore meet you only as private gentlemen
of tlie highest character, and was entirely
willing to communicate to Congress any
nropositiou you might have to make in that
body upon the subject. Os this you were
W ell aw are. It was my earnest desire that
such a disposition might be made ot the
whole subject by Congress, who alone pos
sess the power, as to prevent the inaugura
‘THE UNION OF THE STATES; —DISTINCT. LIKE THE BILLOWS i ONE, LIKE THE SEA,”
THOM ASTON. GEORGIA. SATUR*I AY MORNING, JANUARY 19. IS6I.
| lion of a civil war between the parties in
regard to the possession of the Federal
i forts in the harbor of Charleston : and I
therefore deeply regret, that, in your opin
ion “the events of the last twenty-four
hours render this impossible.”
In conclusion you urge upon me “the
immediate withdrawal of the troops from
the harbor of Charleston,” stating that
..“under present circumstances they are a
standing menace which renders negotiation
impossible, and as our recent experience
shows, threatens speedily to bring to a
bloody issue questions which ought to he
settled with temperance and judgment.”
The reason for this change in your posi
tion is that since your arrival in Charleston,
“au officer of the United (States, acting as
we (you) are assured not only without, but
against your (uiy) orders, has dismantled
one fort and occupied another,, thus alter
ing to a most important extent the con
dition of affairs under which we (you) came*”
You also allege that you came here “the
Representatives of an authority which could
at any time within the past sixty days have
taken possession of the forts in Charleston
harbor, but which, upon pledges given in
a manner that we (you) cannot doubt, de
termined to trust to your (uiy) honor rather
than to its power.”
This brings me to a consideration of the
nature ot those alleged pledges, and in
what manner they have been observed. In
my Message ot t lie 3d of December last, I
stated, in regard to the property of the j
United States in (South Carolina, that it
“has been purchased for a fair equivalent
by the consent of the Legislature of the j
(State, for the erection of forts, magazines,
arsenal, &c., and over these the authority
to exercise exclusive legislation, has been
expressly granted by the Constitution to
Congress. It is not believed that any at
tempt will be made to expel the United
States from this property by force ; but if
in this I should prove to be mistaken, the ,
officer in command of the forts has re
ceived orders to act strictly on the defens- ;
ive. In such a contingency, the responsi
bility for consequences would rightfully
rest upon the heads of the assailants.”
This being the condition of parties, on
Saturday, Bth December, four of the Rep
resentatives from South Carolina called on
me, and requested air interview. We had
an earnest conversation on the subject of
these forts, and the best means of prevent
ing a collision between the parties, for the
purpose of sparing tlie effusion of blood.
1 suggested, for prudential reasons, that it
would be best to nut in waiting what they
sail! to me verbally. They did so accord
ing!)’. and on Monday morning, the 10th
instant, three of them presented to me a
paper, signed by all the Representatives
from South Carolina with a single excep
tion, of which the following is a copy :
‘•1 o His Njcce/lcncy, James Buchanan ,
Bresident United States :
In compliance with our statement to
you yesterday, we now express to you our
strong convictions that neither the consti
tuted authorities nor any body of the
people of the States of South Carolina,
will either attack or molest the l nited
States forts in the harbor of Charleston
previously to the action of the Convention
and we hope and believe not until an offer
Inis been made through an accredited rep
resentative to negotiate for an amicable ar
rangement of till matters between the
State and the Federal Government, pro
vided that shall be sent
into those forts, and their relative military
sttilus shall remain as at present.
John McQueen,
AT. L. Bonham,
W. W. Boyce,
Laurence M. Kbitt,
Washington, Oth, December, I860.”
And here 1 must, in justice to myself,
remark that, at the time the paper was pre
sented to me, 1 objected to the word “pro
vided,” as it might be construed into an
agreement on my part which I never would
make. They said that, nothing was further
from their intention—they did not so un
derstand it, and I should not so consider
it. It is evident they could enter into no
reciprocal agreement with me on the sub
ject. They did not profess to have author
ity to do this, and were acting iu their in
dividual diameter. I considered it as
nothing more in effect than the promise of
highl) honorable gentlemen to exert their
influence for the purpose expressed.
The event has proven that they have
faithfully kept their promise, although I
have never since received a line from any
one of them, or from any member of the
Convention on the subject. It is well
known it wars my determination, and this
I freely expressed, not to reinforce the forts
in the harbor and thus produce a collision,
until they had been actually attacked, or
until I had certain evidence that they were
about to be attacked. This paper I re
ceived most cordially, and considered it as
a happy omen that peace might still be
preserved, and that time might be thus
given for reflection. This ia the whole
foundation for the alleged pledge. But I
acted in the same manner as I would have
done had I entered into a positive and for
mal agreement with parties capable of con
tracting, although such an agreement
would have been on my part, from the na
ture of mr official duties, impossible. The
world knows that I have never sent any
reinforcements to the forts in Charleston
harbor ; and I have certainly never au
thorized any change to be made in theii
military status. Bearing upon this sub
ject, I refer you to an order issued by the
Secretary of War, on the Ilth inst., to
Major Anderson, but not brought to my
notice until the 21st inst. It is as fol
lows :
andurn of Verbal Instructions to
Met jar Anderson , 1M Artillery , Com
manding hart Moultrie , South Caroli
na :
“Y ou are aware of the great anxiety of
the Secretary of War that a collision of
the troops with the people of the State
Jiall be - avoided, and of his studied deter
mination to pursue a course with reference
to the military force and forts in this har
bor which shall guard against such a col
lision. He has, therefore, carefully ab
stained from increasing the force at this I
point, or taking any measures which might !
add to the present excited state of the j
public mind, or which would throw’ any j
doubt, on the confidence he feels that South 1
Carolina will not attempt by violence to j
obtain possession of the public works or
interference with their occupancy.
“But as the counsel and acts of rash and 1
impulsive persons may possibly disappoint!
these expectations of the Government, he
deems it proper that you should be pre
pared, with instructions to meet so unhap- j
py a contingency. He has, therefore, di
rected me verbally to give you such instruc
tions.
“You are carefully to avoid every act
which would needlessly tend to provoke
aggression, and for that reason you are not,
without necessity, to take up any position
which could be construed into the assump
tion of a hostile attitude ; hut you are to ‘
hold possession of the forts in this harbor, !
and it’ attacked you are to defend yourself
to the last extremity.
“The smallness of your force will not
permit you, perhaps, to occupy more than
one of the three lorts, but an attack on, or |
attempt to take possession of either of
them, will be regarded as an act of hostili- |
ty, and you may then put your command i
into either of them which you may deem j
most proper, to increase its power or resis- i
tance. You are also authorized to take I
similar steps whenever you have tangible
evidence of a design to proceed to a hostile
act. D. P. Butler,
“Assistant Adjutant-General.”
“Fort Moultrie, S. C., December Ilth,
1860.”
This is in conformity to my instructions
to Major Buell. John B. Floyd,
“Secretary of War.”
These were the last instructions trans
mitted to Ma jor Anderson before his remo
val to Fort Sumter, with a single excep
tion, in regard to a particular which does
not in any degree effect the present ques
tion. Under these circumstances, it is clear
that Major Anderson acted upon his own
responsibility and without authority, un
-1 ss, indeed, he had “tangible evidence of
a design to proceed to a hostile act” on the
part of the authorities of South Carolina,
which has not been alleged. Still he is a
brave and honorable officer, and justice re
quires that he shoald not be condemned
without a fair hearing.
Be this ns it may, when I learned that
Major Anderson had left Fort Moultrie and
proceeded to Fort Sumter, my first prompt
ings were to command him to return to his
former position, and there to await the con
tingencies presented in his instructions. —
This would only have been done, with any
degree of safety to the command, by the
concurrence of the South Carolina author
ities. But before any steps could possibly
have been taken in this direction, we re
ceived information that the “Palmettoflag
floated out to the breeze at Castle Pinck
ney, and a large military force Went over
last night (the 27th) to Fort Moultrie.”
Thus, the authorities of South Carolina,
without waiting or asking for any explana
tions, and, doubtless, believing as you have
expressed it, that the officer had acted not
only without, but against my orders, on
the very next day after the night when the
removal was made, seized by a military
force, two of the three Federal forts in the
harbor of Charleston, and covered them
under their own flag, instead of that of the
United States. At this gloomy period of
our history, startling events succeed each
other rapidly.
On the very day, the 27th instant, that
possession of these two forts was taken, the
Palmetto flag was raised over the Federal
Custom House and Postoffice in Charles
ton, and on the same day every officer of
the Customs —Collector, Naval Officer,
Surveyor and Appraiser—resigned their of
fices. And this, although it was well known
from the language of my Message, that, as
an Executive officer, I felt myself bound
to collect the revenue at the port of Charles
ton under the existing laws. In the har
bor of Charleston we now find three forts
confronting each other, over all of which
the Federal flag floated only four days ago;
but now, over two of them this flag has
been supplanted, and the Palmetto flag has
been substituted in its stead.
It is under all these circumstances that
lam urged immediately to withdraw the
troops from the harbor of Charleston, and
am informed that without this,negotiation
is impossible. This I cannot do; this I
will not do. Such an idea was never
thought of by me in any possible emergen
cy. No such allusion had been made in
any communication between myself and
any human being. But the inference is,
that lam bound to withdraw the troops
from the only fort remaining in the posses
sion of the U. 8. in the harbor of Charles
ton, because the officer there in command
of all the forts thought proper, without in
structions, to change his position from one
of them to another.
At this point of writing I have received
information by telegraph, from Captain
Humphreys, in command of the Arsenal at!
Charleston, that “it has to-day (Sunday,
the 30th,) been taken by force of arms.”—
It is estimated that the munitions of war
belonging to the United States in this Ar
senal are W’orth half a million of dollars.
Comment is needless. After this infor
mation, I have only to add, that whilst it
is my duty to defend Fort Sumter, as a
portion of the public property of the Uiii
ted States, against hostile attacks from
w hatever quarter they may come, by such
means as 1 may possess for this purpose, I
do not perceive how such a defence can be
construed into a menace against the city of
Charleston.
With great personal regard, I remain
yours very respectfully,
James Buchanan.
To the Honorable Robert Barnwell, Jas. l
H. Adams, James L. Orr.
+
Sleep. —Dr. Cornell, of Philadelphia,!
contributes to the November number of
the Educator an article on sleep, from
which we make the following brief ex
tracts :
No one who wishes to accomplish great
things should deny himself the advantages
of sleep or exercise. Any student will ac
complish more, year by year, if he allow
himself seven or eight hours to sleep, and
three or four for meals and amusements, j
than if lie labors at his books, or with his
pen, ten or twelve hours a day.
It is true that some few persons are able
to perform much mental labor, and to study
late at night and yet sleep well. Home re
quire but little sleep. But such individu
als are very rare. General Pichegru in
formed Sir Gilbert Blane that, during a
whole year’s campaign, he did not sleep
more than one hour in twenty-four. Sleep
seemed to be at the command of Napoleon, j
as he could sleep and awake apparently at
nill. •
M. Guizot, minister of France under
Louis Philippe, was a good sleeper. A late
writer observes that his facility for going
to sleep after excitement and mental exer
tion was prodigious, and it was fortunate
for him that he was so constituted, other
wise his health would materially have suf
fered. A minister in France ought not to
he a nervous man ; it is fatal to him if he
is. After the most boisterous and tumultous
sittings, at the Chamber, after being bait
ed by the opposition, in the most savage
manner—there is no milder expression for
their excessive violence—he arrives home,
throws himself upon a couch, andsinks im
mediately into a profound sleep, from which
he is undisturbed till midnight when proofs
of the Moniteur are brought to him,for in
spection.
The most frequent and immediate cause
of insanity and one of the most important
to guard against, is the want of sleep. In
deed, so rarely do we see a recent case of
insanity that is not preceded by w r ant of
sleep, that it is regarded as almost a sure
procursor of mental derangement.
Notwithstanding strong hereditary pre
disposition, ill-health, loss of kindred or
property, insanity rarely result unless the j
exciting causes are such as to produce a
loss of sleep. A mother loses her only
child, the merchant his fortune ; the poli
tician the enthusiast, may have their minds
powerfully excited and disturbed ; yet, if
they sleep well, they Nvill not become in
sane. No advice is so good, therefore, to
those in delicate health, as that of secur
ing, by all means, regular, and refreshing
sleep.
OLD FASHIONEITWHIG OPINION.
Our duty as citizens of Virginia is plain.
South Carolina is not a State for us to
follow. She did not bring us into the
Union, and she shall not lead us out of it.
Led by the wisest heads and noblest spirit
the world has ever produced, Virginia,
united with this Confederacy never to be
seperated, except for causes which would
justify revolution, and she is not to he led
out of the Union by such fiery and impetu
ous Hotspurs as the Rhetts and Keitts of
South Carolina.
Mr. Lincoln lias been elected in accor
dance with the Constitution, and the laws
of the Government ; as loyal citizens, true
to our country, it is our duty to submit to
his administration, as long as he stands by
the Constitution and enforces the laws of
the country. We owe it to posterity, as
well as to the peace and welfare of our
: country, to protect and defend it from those
who would destroy it. To sever this
Union, and bring upon us all the horrors
of civil war, simply because a sectional
Presidential candidate is elected, would be
t lie most unexampled instance of folly ever
I committed by a nation on earth. The dis
memberment of the Union would not rem
edy a single evil, real or imaginary, of
which we complain, but untold evils would
follow in its train.—] Va. Whig , Nov. IG.]
A Cancer, the Result of Using Pins
as Tooth Picks. —The Harrisburgh [Pa.]
Telegraph says : “A lady has been in the
habit of picking her teeth with pins. A
trifling humor was the consequence, which
I terminated in a cancer The brass and
quicksilver lined in making these pins will
account for this circumstance. Pins are
always pernicious to the teeth, and should
never be used for tooth picks.”
A Windfall. —lt is stated that Gen.
Harney, by the decease of his wife recently
in Paris, has come in possession, as the
property ot himself and children, of $5,-
1 000,000. He is a little rising fifty years
old, and by much service and much expo
sure, is somewhat broken in health. He
is the fourth in the list of onr army officers
Scott, Wool and Twiggs coming before him
Editor and I 3 r6pldotor-
Volume 3 Number 9<
POINTER’S PROVERBS.
Do not read aloud in the office of the
printer, for. peradvent lire, he may have read
the article a dozen times; and he and his
workmen are not interested by the buzz
ing.
It is not well to occupy the editor’s chan*
longer than one hour in the morning, when
there is half a dozen waiting for their tflrm
Os course the editor has no use for it.
Read the papers which are before thee,
and then told them properly and replace
them. It is an annoyance to have them
left open and scattered about the door.
“I should like to take your paper, but
can’t afford it; I will step in and read it
occasionally/’ is poor encouragement for
the printer. Profitable employment of the
time, thou “loungest” about his office,
would enable thee to pay for a dozen papers.
Stop the paper if thou dust not like its
politics or its morals, and then stop whi
ning about the manner in which it is con
ducted. Its not piinted for thy special a
musement or edification alone.
Never inquire thou of the printer for
news, for behold it is his duty at the ap
pointed time to give it unto thee without
asking.
When thou dost write for his paper, never
say unto him, “What thinkest thou of my
piece ?” for it may be that the truth way
offend thee.
It is not lit that thou shouldst ask him
who is the author of the article ; for his
duty requires him to keep such to himself.
When thou dost enter a printing, office
have a care upon thyself that thou dost not
touch the type ; for thou mayest cause the
printer trouble.
Look thou not at tlie Copy which is in
the hands of the comp sitor; ti r that is not
meet in the sight ot the printer.
Mnunm \Tpn..A—•• rll '— • /
nervousness of the present day appears in
several ways. It brings a man sometimes
to that startled state, that the sudden op
ening of a door, the clash of thafalling fire
irons, or any little accident, puts him in a
flutter. How nervous the late Sir Robert
Peel must have been when, a few weeks
before his death he went to the Zoological
Gardens, and when a monkey suddenly
sprang upon his arm, the great and worthy
man fainted. Another phase of nervous
ness is, when a man is brought to that state
that the least noise or cross-occurrence
seems to jar through the entire nervous
system —to upset him, as we say ; when
he cannot command his mental powers, ex
cept in perfect stillness or in the chamber
and at the writing table to which be is ac
customed ; when, in short, he gets fldgetty
easily worried, full of whims and fancies,
which must be indulged and considered, or
be is quite out of sorts. Another phase of
the same morbid condition is, when a hu
man being is oppressed with vague, unde
fied fears that things are going wrong, that
his income will not meet the demands up
on it, that his child’s lungs are affected,
that his mental powers are leaving him—a
feeling which shades rapidly off into pos
itive insanity.
Indeed, when matters femein long in
any of the fashions which have been de
scribed, I suppose the natural termination
must be disease of the heart, or a shock of
paralysis, or insanity in the form either of
mania or idiocy. Numbers of commonplace
people who could feel very acutely but who
could not tell what they felt, have been
worried into fatal heart disease by prolong
ed anxiety and misery. Every one know r s
how paralysis laid its hand upon Sir “Wal
ter Scott, always great lastly heroic. Pro
tracted anxiety how to make the ends meetj
with a large family aiid ati Uncertain in
! come, drove Southey’s first wife into the
lunatic asylum, and there is hardly a more
touching story than that of her fears and
j forebodings through nervous year after
year. Not less sad the end of her over
wrought husband, in blank vacuity, nor
the like end of Thomas Moore. And per
haps the sudden instance of the result of
an overdriven nervous system, in recent
days, was the end of that rugged, honest,
wonderful genius, Hugh Miller.— Hecred*
lions of a Country Parson .
Punch on America. — The large pic
ture in Punch is entitled ‘'Latest from
America/’ and represents the Prince of
Wales on his return home after his Amer
ican tour. The royal youth has suffered
a change during his absence. He has be
come Americanized, and now sits before
the grate with his legs resting on the man
tel-piece, a cigar in his mouth, and a pock
et-pistol in his hand, while a box of fra
grant Havanas is on a table near by. A
sherry cobler, with its characteristic straws,
is on the inantel-piece. The Voting Prince
wears a shocking bad hat, tipped over on
one side : sports a goatee, and really looks
quite like “one of the boys.” In the back
ground stands Prince Albert, gazing on his
son with an expression of amazement, not
unmingled with fear. His Royal High
ness, Junior, patronizingly remarks to His
Royal Highness, Senior, “Now, sir-ree, if
you’ll liquor up and settle down, I’ll tell
: you all about my travels.”
It is rumored from Paris that Poor Eu
genie may be in a situation similar to thal
of the unfortunate Josephine of the First
Empire. The Countless Castiglione, for
whom the Third Napoleon is knowo to en
tertain suspicious regards, arrived at the
Tuilleries a few days before the departure
of the Empress for England, and some gos
siper asserts that the Palace could not hold
both women. How like each other all Na
-1 poleons seem to be.