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■—... 7 ; . . . —— ■ iiYG. a. neit.t,kr. Terms $2 (10 A Year, in Advance. THE UPSON PILOT, 1 Thomaston, G eorgia. I Cr. A. MILLER, Editor and Proprietor. PUBLISHED EVERY SATURDAY MORNING. “Tarms of Subscription. I j n advance for 1 year, $2 00 ]f payment lw delayed 6 months, - - - 250 I if delayed uutil the end of tle year - - 800 (Tub Ratos. I jjnglc copy, 00 fire copies, - 8 00 j e a copies, - - - 15 00 I flubs exceeding ten, in the same proportion each. Payment always in advance. (Office over A. Uor rill <j’ Co.'s Grocery Store.) Rates of Advertising. e/rcrtiseinents will be charged at the rate of one j,..i. per otjuare of teu lines or less, and fifty cents for ~.ji subsequent insertion. p r ,.f-‘ sional Cards, not exceeding ten lines, will be liberal contracts made with Merchants and others e!iiu2 lo advertise ly the year, fVinouiieeaicut of Candidates £B. invariably in \|irri;>2” s and Deaths inserted free, when aeeomp#- ~| l>v a re iKVisib’e name. Obituaries of over 1(1 rliargM as Advertisements. I \\'e (• .*?>;n•:! the following Kates of Advertising hv 1., • to business men generally. We have placed I a .ii at the lowest figures, and they will in no instance |y.Warte.l from : r (iV.'ONTRACT. | 0 nms. j l> mos. | tl urns. | ] veer. I ntqCJA*’ || | Ifrh mt change, C (Ml |£B 00 $1(1 00 | £l2 (Ml I ,jj • I quarterly 7 (hi | l<l (Ml 12 oo 1( (id •MiUl ;,t will. ’ 8 (Ml j 12 OO 11 00 lb 00 I T (0 .<ll* AUKS. ; li.,ut change. 10 (HI |ls 00 20 00 25 (‘0 , ..,i pvti’.erly 12 (Ml | is 0(1 21 00 28 00 !, ;,| ;it will,* 15 00 20 00 25 OOBU 00 l 1 * >• j (U ut change, 15 00 20 (Mi 25 00 30 00 . ; , T• | | uirterly j IS 00 i 22 00 20 00 84 00 It will, ‘ I 20 00 20 00 82 00 40 00 ,iir ciLiJ.v, , n t o!u t ;e. 25 00 80 oo 40 (Ml 50 00 “! ;pifteriy US 00 82 mi | 45 (>0 55 (Ml c. : . lit will, 85 00 45 go I 50 (i(J ((• in: nu-Kif, J ,ni cv*. 00 oo I 70 (>,) j 80 00 1W 00 (iprterly CSOO | 75 mi | 0(1 (jo 110 00 •'.in-i-l M will, 70 oo ; 85 no 1 U : D no 125 no I Legal Advertl.sit g. I Jil's of L ids and N ■/. <.•>, by a imi'iistratoi*. E>; 1,, : ril (:t Kiliuus. are resum'd by iuw to be held I r rlii first in * •! i\ l.i tin* monli;. between the hours I ■■.i j • v • .ii a, j .- ia the afternoon. at tin* I it II i-e i t :!i * em\ it y *it which the property is sit- I aid. N Mices ofthe.se sales must b given in a j>uh j jc*:; • ftrfv days previous t* the day of sale. I Vitice *’r ,ji • .;)’■* of personal properly mint lie .u ici-t I * i las s previous to the day of sale. I •fio** I > I)*! or- ti l (Creditors ol an Estate inuM I iijmVishe ! t i. i y .lays. \ i that inolicatiiin will be made to the C< H v t ot I |i; .i v for leave to sell Land or Negroes, mn-t be I r; ’ 11 i veeltlv for two months. I ‘Vein |s for betrers of Administration must be pub j” mm nay (la vs—for Dismission from Administration I * i *ix in edits—for Dismission from Guardian Ah. forty days. ■ Hi'■ < ‘ |\i a* •’ > <tv.*e of M :rtjng rt nurt be published m,:;!/ four mnitJis —-for establishing lost j uper. trthi* fail spa.*;? of three months —for compelling li on K ; * *utors or Administrators, where a lend I'Wi ?ive.i by the deceased, the full space of thre PiSlifcims ii'd :ilwavs be c<*i!tinu r *d aeeording t< ’b* * tii *. *_>;i; re juireiiieuts, unless otherwise ordered rd* fullmviiig r \tks r 1 itinao!! L-tters of Administ'-ation. $2 50 Ri-mwsorv from Administration, <> 00 *• Guardianship, S'so inr* t<* >e': [.and or Negroes. •> (Ml sales of ■>’i‘N(inal property. 10 days. 1 mj. 1 o() Bfi* of land or tie groes hy Executors, 8 o() E<trnvs Mvn weeks. 1 50 Sales, til) drvs, 5 (*0 “ 8 1 “ - 5(1 *( y ’ M inev sent bv mail is at the risk of the Editor, T vid'*d if t'.e remittance miscarry, a receipt beex "•’i from the ibist Master. ‘Uoffioicual avile*. P. W. Alexander, ■I TTO Ii X E Y A r LA TC, Thomaston, Georgia. ii. A. MILLER, I ATTOII NE Y A T I. AW , Thomaston, Georgia, t “ arukx. C. T. Goode Warren & Goode, AT TO R X E YS A T LA W Perry, Houston Cos., Ga. nn v 18, 1858—ts THOMAS BEALL, ATTO RN E Y A T LA W , Thomaston, Georgia. febll ISG0 —ly E. A. & J. \Y. Spivey, A. T T 0 Ii KEYS A T L A W , THOMASTON, GLOEGTA. lug. 27, 1859. 41 tr. William G. Horsley, ATT olt X E Y A T LA W , Thomaston, Georgia. ‘LL practice in Upson, Talbot, Taylor, ( rawford, Mmir.ie. Pike and Merriwether Counties. Vi! 7. 185'.)—ly. si s• KK.WOJf. R. H. Bri.LOCU KKSXOX & BCtifcOCII, ATTORNEYS at LA IV, Hamilton, Geor ia. VV ILL practice in all the counties of the Chatta hooehee Circuit, Troup and Merrivvether, and in •“ adjuining counties in Alabama. • bn nipt attention given to collections. . 1 business entrusted to their care will receive 11 ‘dipt attention. t j ne °t the firm will he found at the otfice at all th T • /'HL e 0,1 the East side of the public square in brick building. I ‘ tixo s oh the Cot*rts is llaeris. —Superior Cr! ’ Monday in April and October. Inferior bI, . 7 l in January and Jul}*. Ordinal} s ’■ Ut Mondav in each month. “•Member 29, 18l>0—ly. -A.. C. ]Vloore, X>oixtiet, r pr THOMASTON, GA. wer DR. THOMPSONS’ store, ‘ : v 1 ‘f J ani prepared to attend to al 1 b.-uv p° . Yantai Operations. My work taiVr"’ GEOBGIA CONVENTION. SIR. TOOMBS’ REPORT. On Tuesday, January 29th, IBGI, the folio ving paper was presented to the Geor gia Convention by Judge Nisbet, who said that it w'as the production of the Hon. Robert Toombs. After it was read to the Convention by its author, it was directed to he placed on the Journal, and 10,000 extra copies printed in pamphlet form.— We learn from the Secretary that Mr. Toombs was opposed to its publication un til he could have an opportunity of revising the proof sheets. We tind it, however in the Constitutionalist from which we copy the ADDRESS. The people of Georgia having dissolved their political connection with the Govern ment of the United States of America, present to her confederates, and the world, the causes which have led to the separa tion. For tlie last ten years, we have had numerous and serious causes of complaint against many of our non-slavehohliug con federate States in reference to the subject ot African slavery. They have endeavored to weaken cur security—to disturb our do mestic peace and tianq.uility—and persist etdly refused to comply with their express Constitutional obligations to us, in n f’er ence to that property, and by the use of their power in the lYGetnl Government, have striven to deprive us of our equal en joyment ol the common Territories of the fit public. Ihe hostile policy of our con federates has been j ursued with every cir cumsianee of aggravation which could a rotise the passions and excite the hatred of iiur people, and has phtetd the two sections of the Union, fur many-years past, in the condition of virtual civil war. Our people, still attached to the l nioit from habit find national traditions, and aversion to change, hoped that time, reason, and argument would bring, it not redress, tit least exemp tion from further insults, iujuries, and dangers. Recent events have fully ilissi j ated all such lopes and demonstrated the necessity ot separation. < dir northern con- Ld’ rates, after u full and calm hearing of all the facts ; alter fair warning of our fx ed purpose imt to subu.it to the rule of the authors i t ail these wrongs and injuries, have, by a large majority, committed ill * ii’ v< tnun nt of the United States into then hands. Ihe peoj le of Georgia, after an equally, full and fair, and deliberate hearing ol the case, have declared, with equal limn.ess, that they shall not rule over them. A hint history of the ris**. pr< gregs, and policy of anti-slavery, and of the political organization into whose hands the Administration of the Federal Government has been committed, will fully justify the pronounced verdict of the peo ple of Georgia. r l lie party of Mr. Lincoln, called the Republican party, undents pres ent name tmd organization, is of recent, or igin. It is admitted to be an anti-slavery party, while it attracts to itaeß, by its creed, the scattered advocates of exploded political heresies; of condemned theories in political economy ; the advocates of commercial restrictions, of protection, of special privileges, of w;fk.‘e and corruption iu the administration of Government —an- ti-slaveiy is its mission and its purpose. — By auti-slavery it is made a power in the State. The question of slavery was the greatest Uitiiculty in the way of the form ation of the Constitution. While the sub ordination, and the political and social in equality of the African race, were fully conceded by all, it was plainly apparent that slavery would soon disappear from what are the non-slaveholding States of the original thirteen. The opposition to slavery was then, as now, general in those iStates, and the Constitution was made with direct reference to that fact. But a distinct Abolition party was not formed in the Uuitedf6tat.es for more than halt a century after the Government went into operation. The main reason was, that the North, even if united, could not control both branches of the Legislature during any portion of that time. There fore, such an organization must have re sulted, either in utter failure, ot the total overthrow of the Government. The ma terial prosperity of the North was greatly dependent on the Federal Government — that of the South not at all. In the first year of the Republic, the navigating, com mercial, and manufacturing interests of the Nui th, began to seek profit and ag grandisement at the expense of the agri cultural interests. Even the owners of fishing smacks sought and obtained boun ties lor pui suing their own business, which vet continue, and over half a million of dollars are now paid them annually out of the Treasury. The navigating interests begged for protection against foreign ship builders, and against competition in the coasting trade : Congress granted both re quests and by prohibitory acts gave tin ab solute monopoly of the business to each of these interests, which they enjoy without diminution to this day. Not content with these great and unjust advantages, they have sought to throw the legitimate bur thens of their business, tis much as possi ble. upon the public. They have succeed ed in throwing the costs ot lighthouses, buoys, and the maintenance of their sea men, upon the Treasury; and the govern ment now pays over two millions annually for the support ot these objects. 1 hese interests, in connection with the commer cial and manufacturing classes, have als< succeeded, by means ot subvention to mail ‘THE UNION OF THE STATES; --DISTINCT, LIKE THE BILLOWS; ONE, LIKE THE SEA ” THOMASTON, GEORGIA, SATURDAY MtHiMNlt. FEBRUARY 1& 1861. steamers, and the reduction of postage, iu relieving their business from the payment of about seven millions of dollars annually. and throwing it upon the public treasury, under the name of postal deficiency. The manufacturing interest entered into the same struggle early, and has clamored steadily for Government bounties and spe cial favors. This interest was confined mainly to the eastern and middle uou slaveholding States. Wielding those great States, it held great power and influence, and its demands were in full proportion to its power. The manufacturers and miners wisely based their demands upon special facts and reasons, rather than upon gener al principles, and thereby nullified much ■of the opposition of the opposing interests. They plead in their favor the infancy of their business in this country, the scarcity of labor and capital, the hostile legislation of other countries towards them, the great necessity of their frabrics in time of war, and the necessity of high duties to pay the debt incurred in our war for independence* These reasons prevailed, and they received, for many years enormous bounties by the general acquiesence of the whole county. — But when these reasons ceased,, they were no less clamorous for Government protec tion, but their clamors were less heed'd,— The country then put the principle of pro tection upon trial, and condemned it. Af ter having enjoyed protection to the extent ot from fifteen to two hundred per cent, upon their entire business for about thirty years, the act of 184(j was passed. It avoided sudden change, hut the principle was settled, and free trade, low duties, and economy in public expenditures was the verdict, ot the American public. The South and the North-Western States sus tained this policy. There was but small hope of its reversal- —upon the direct issue noneat, all ; all these classes saw this, and felt it, and cast about for new allies. The anti-slavery sentiment of the North offered the best chance for success. An anti-slave ry party must necessarily look to the North (done tor support, but a united North was now strong enough to contn 1 the Govern ment m ail its departments, and a section al party was therefore determined upon.— Time, and issues upon slavery, were nec essary to its completion and final triumph. The feeling ot anti-slavery, which, it was well known, was very general among the pc< pie of the North, had been long dor mant or passive. It needed only a ques tion to arouse it into aggressive activity. — This question was before us. We had ac quired a large Territory by successful war with Mexico. Congress had to govern it. How, in relation to slavery, was the ques tion then demanding solution. This state ol facts gave form and shape to the anti siaverv sentiment throughout the North ; and the conflict began. Northern anti slavery im n, of all parties, asserted the right to exclude slavery from the Territo ry by Congressional legislation, and de manded the prompt and efficient exercise of this power to that end. This insulting unconstitutional demand was met with great moderation and firmness by the South. We had shed our blood and paid our money for its acquisition—we deman ded a division of it, on the line of the Mis souri restriction, or an equal participation in the whole of it. These propositions were refused. The agitation became general, and the public danger great. The caiise of the South was impregnable. The price of the acquisition was the blood and treasure of both sections —of till—and therefore, it belonged to all upon the principles of equality and justice. ‘1 he Constitution delegates no power to Congress to exclude either party from its free enjoyment. Therefore, our right was (joocl under the Constitution. Our rights were further fortified by the practice of the government from earlier and better days. Slavery was forbidden in the coun try North-west of the < >hio river, by what is called the ordinance of 1787. That or dinance was adopted under the old confed eration, and by the assent of Virginia, who owned and ceded the country, and therefore this case must stand on its own special circumstances. The Government of the United States claimed territory by virtue of the treaty of 1783 with Great Britian—acquired territory by cessions from Georgia and North Carolina —hy treaty from France, and by treaty from Spain. These acquisitions largely extended the original limits of the Republic. In all ot these acquisitions the policy of the Gov ernment was uniform. It opened them to the settlement of all the citizens of all <>f the States of the Union They emigrated thither with their property of every kind (including slaves) —all were equally pro tected hy public authrority in their persons and property, until the inhabitantsbecame sufficiently numerous, and otherwise capa ble of bearing ihe burthens and performing the duties of self-government ; when thev were admitted into the Union upon equal terms with the other States, with whatever republican Constitution they might adopt for themselves. Under this equally just and beneficent policy, law and order, stability and prog ress, power and prosperity, marked every step of the progress of these new commu nities, until they entered as great and pros perous commonwealths into this sisterhood of American States. In IS2O, the North endeavored to over turn this wise and successful policy, and demanded that the State of Missouri should not he admitted into the Union unless she first prohibited slavery within her limits, by her Constitution. After a bitter and protracted struggle, the Notth was defeated in her special object; hut b~r policy and position led to the adoption of a sVefion in the law for the admission of Missouri, prohibiting slavery in all that P°rjjbn tot the territory acquired from France, lying N%rth of3Gd 30ni North lat -1 ble, and outside ot Missouri. The ven etnble Madison, at. the time of its adoption, declared it unconstitutional. Mr. Jeffer son condemned the restriction, and foresaw its consequences, and predicted that it would result in the dissolution of the b nion. This prediction is now history.— Ihe North demanded the application of the principle of the prohibition of slavery to all of the country acquired from Mexi co, and all other parts of the public do main, then, and in all future time. It was the announcement of her purpose to ap propriate to herself all the public domain then owned, and thereafter to be acquired, by the United States. The claim itself was less arrogant and insulting than the reasons with which she supported it; that reason was her fixed purpose to limit, re strain, and finally to abolish slavery in the States where it exists. The South, with great unanimity, declared her purpose to resist the principle of prohibition to the last extremity. This particular question, iu connection with a series of questions, affecting the same subject, was finally dis posed ot by the defeat of prohibitory leg islation. The Presidential election of 1852 resulted in the total overthrow of the ad vocates of restriction and their party friends. Immediately after this result, the anti-slavery portion of the defeated party resolved to unite all the elements in the North opposed to slavery, and to stake their future political fortunes upon their hostility to slavery everywhere. This is the party to whom the people of the North have committed your government. They raised their standard in and were barely defeated. They entered the Presi tin 1 contest again in 18G0, and succeeded. The prohibition of slavery in the Territo ry, hostility to it everywhere, the equality of the white and black races, disregard of all Constitutional guarantees in its favor were boldly proclaimed by its leaders and applauded by its followers. With these principles on their banner, and these utter ances on their lips, the majority of the people of the North demand that we shall receive them as our rulers. The prohibi tion of slavery in the Territories is the cardinal principle of this organization. For forty years this question lias been considered and debated in the halls of Con gress, before the people, by the press, and before the tribunals of justice. The ma jority of the people of the North, in IS6O, decided Pin their own favor. We refuse to submit to that judgment, and in vindi cation of our refusal, we offer the Consti tution of our country, and point to the to tal absence ot any express power to ex elude us —we offer the practice of our Government for the first thirty years of its existence in complete refutation of the po sition that any such power is either neces sary* or proper to tlie execution of any* other power in relation to the Territories. We offer the judgment of a large minority of the people of the North, amounting to more than one-third, who united with the unanimous will of the South against this usurpation ; and finally we offer the judg ment of the Supreme Court of the United States, the highest judicial tribunal of our country*, in our favor. This evidence ought to he conclusive, that we have never sur rendered this right; the conduct of our adversaries is as if we had surrendered it —it is time to resume it. The faithless conduct of our adversaries is not confined to such acts as might aggrandise them selves in their section of the Union ; they are content if they can only injure us. The Constitution declares that persons charged with crimes in one and fleeing to an other, shall he delivered up on the demand of the Executive authority* of ihe State from which they may flee, to be tried in the jurisdiction where the crime was com mitted. It would appear difficult to employ lan guage freer from ambiguity ; yet for the above twenty years, the non-slaveholding States generally, have wholly refused to deliver up to us persons charged with crimes affecting slave property ; our con federates, with Punic faith, shield and give sanctuary to all criminals, who seek to de prive us of this property, or who use it to destroy us. This clause of the Constitu tion requires them to surrender fugitives from labor. This provision, arid the one last referred to, were our main inducements for confederating with the northern States. Without them, is it historically true, that we would have respected the Constitution? In the fourth year of the Republic, Con gress passed a law to give full vigor and efficiency* to this important provision. This act depended to a considerable degree upon the local magistrates of the several States for its efficiency*. The non-slaveholding States generally repealed all laws intended to aid the execution of that act and im posed penalties upon those citizens whose loyalty* to the Constitution, and their oaths, might induce them to discharge their duty. Congress then passed the act of ISSO, providing for the complete exe cution of this duty by Federal officers.— This law, which their own bad faith ren dered absolutely indispensihle for the pro tection of Constitutional rights, was in stantly met with ferocious reviling, and all conceivable modes of hostility. The- Supreme Court unanimously, and their own local courts, with equal unanimity, (with the single arid solitaiy exception of the Supreme Court of Wisconsin,) sus tained its Constitutionality in all of its provisions. Yet it stands to-day a dead letter, for all practical purposes, in every non-slaveholding State in the Union. We have their covenant; we have their oaths to keep and observe it; but the unfortu nate claimant, even accompanied bv a Fed eral officer, with the mandate of the high est judicial authority in his hands, is eve rywhere met with fraud, with forces, and with legislative enactments, to elude, to resist, to defeat him. Claimants are mur dered with impunity* ; officers of the law are beaten by* frantic mobs, instigated by* infiamatory appeals from persors holding the highest public employments in their States, support'd hy legislation in conflict with the cleau provisions of the Con stitution, and even the ordinary principles of humanity. In several of our confeder ate States, a citizen cannot travel the Highway, with his servant, who may volun tarily accompany him, without being de clared by law a felon, and being subjected to infamous punishments. It is difficult to perceive how we could suffer more by the hostility than by* the fraternity of such brethren. The public laws of civilized nations re quire every* State to restrain its citizens or subjects from committing acts injurious to the peace and safety of any other—States attempting to excite insurrection or to les sen the security, or disturb the tranquilly of their neighbors, and our Constitution wisely gives Congress the power to punish all offences against the laws of nations.— These are sound and just principles, which have received the approbation of just men in all countries and in all centuries; but they are wholly disregarded by* the people of the northern States, and the Federal Government is impotent to maintain them. For twenty* years past, the Abolitionists and their allies in the northern States have been engaged in constant efforts to subvert our institutions, and to excite in surrection and servile war amongst us.— * They have sent emissaries amongst us for the accomplishment of their purposes. Some of these efforts have received the public sanction of a majority of the lead ing men of the Republican party* in the national councils—the same men who are now proposed as our rulers. The efforts have, in one instance, led to the actual in vasion of one of the slaveholding States, and those of the murderers and incendia ries who escaped public justice by* flight have found fraternal protection among our Northern confederates. These are the men who say the Union shall be preserved. Such are the opinions, and such are the practices of the Republican party*, who have been called, by their own votes, to administer the Federal Government under the Constitution of the United States. — We know their treachery—we know the shallow pretences under which they* daily disregard its plainest obligations. If we submit to them, it will be our fault, and not theirs. The people of Georgia have ever been willing to stand hy this bargain —this contract. Thev have never sought to evade any of its obligations—they* have never sought to establish any* new govern ment. They have struggled to maintain the ancient rights of themselves and the human race, through and under the Con stitution. But they* know the value of parchment rights in treacherous hands ; and, there fore, they refuse to commit their own to the rulers whom the North offer us. Why? Because, hy their declared principle and policy they have outlawed three thousand millions of our property in the common Territories of the Union—put it under the ban of the Republic in the iStates where it exists-—and out of the protection of Fed eral law everywhere—because they give sactuary to thieves and incendiaries w*ho assail it, to the whole extent of their pow er, in spite of their most solemn obliga tions and covenants —because their avowed purpose is to subvert our society and sub ject us not only to the loss of our property*, but the destruction of ourselves, our wives, tind our children, and the desolation of our homes, our alters, and our firesides. To avoid these evils, we resume the powers which our fathers delegated to the Gov ernment (ff the United States arid hence forth will seek new safeguards for our lib erty, equality, security, and tranquillity*. Remarks of Hon. Alexander H. Steph ens in Convention , on Friday , January 1 8th, the Resolutions of J lr. Nisbet of Bibb , and Mr. Johnson of Jefferson, beinj u n der cons id-era tion. Mr. President : The motion of the lion. Delegate from the county* of Jeffer son, (Hon. 11. V. Johnson) is, first, to strike out the pending resolution offered by* the Hon. Delegate from Bibb county, (Hon. E. A. Nisbet) and to insert in lieu thereof the propositions he has submitted by wav of substitute ; arid then, in the second place, to refer or commit both these prop ositions to a committee of twenty-one. — The peuding question is on the motion to refer to such committee. The object, 1 take it, is not to obstruct or delay the ac tion of the Convention. It is rather to present in the most direct manner a test question between those who are for imme diate secession and those who prefer the adoption of some other remedy, looking to a redress of existing wrongs in the Union and under the Constitution, before taking this last resort. The first of the resolu tions of the Hon. Delegate from Bibb, that one which is now under consideration, de clares it to be the right and the duty of the State to secede from the Union. It is true this resolution, as stated by the honotablu 33clitor and t > roprietor Volume 3 Number 13. mover, does not in express terms declare it to be the duty of the State to secede nor would it of itself commit any one who might vote for it to immediate secession.- But that is evidently the object of thel'es-* olution. It is to commit the State to im mediate secession ; and I am frank to sav, that if we are to secede for existing cau ses. without any further effort to secure our rights under the Constitution, in tlie Un ion—if a majority of this Convention lost all hope, and look upon secession as the only remedy left—in my opinion, the sooner we secede the better. Delay can ef* feet no good. How this Convention standi upon that question, Ido not know Some claim a large majority for immediate anj unconditional secession, while others think there is a majority still looking with hope to redress and conciliation. I for one, ant very desirous of having this point settled and put to rest in good feeling and harmo* nv amongst ourselves by a test vote. My action hereafter shall be influenced by that vote. If a majority express themselves f*r secession for existing causes, and without further effort, I shall forbear from pressing upon tlie consideration of this body any plan or measures, or even individual views or opinions calculated to embarrass, ob struct, delay or hinder speedy action upon the resolve of the majority. It could only tend to divide and distract our counsels which ought above every other considera tion, to he harmonious in the iinal result, if possible. It is well known that my judg ment is against secession for existing cau ses. I have not lost hope of securing our rights in the Union and under the Consti tution ; that judgment on this point is as unshaken as it was when this Convention was called. Ido not now intend to go in to any argument on the subject. No good could he effected by it. That va-? filly considered in the late canvass, and I doubt not every delegate’s mind is made up upon the question. I have thought and still think that wo should not take this extreme step before some positive aggression upon our rights by the General Government, which may never occur, or failure after ef fort made, to get a faithful performance of their constitutional obligations on the part oft hose confederate States which now stand so derelict in their plighted faith. I have been and am still opposed to secession as a remedy against anticipated aggressions on the part of the Federal Executive or Con gress. I have held and do now hold that the point of resistance should be the point of aggression. I would not anticipate—l would not he the first to strike. Pardon me Mr. President for.trespassing upon your time but for a moment. I have ever believed and do now believe that it is to the interest of all the States to he and remain united under the Constitution of the United States with a faithful perform ance by each of all its Constitutional obli gations—if the Union could he maintain ed on this basis, and on these principles, I think it would be the best for the security, the liberty, happiness and common pros perity of all. Ido further feel confident if Georgia would now stand firm, and unite with the border States, as they are called, in an effort to obtain a redress of those grievances on the part of some of their Northern confederates whereof they have such just cause to complain, that complete success would attend the effort, our just and reasonable demands would be granted. In this op,inion I may he mistaken, hut I feel almost as confident of it as I do of my existence Hence upon the test vote, which I trust will be made upon the motion now pending, to refer both the propositions be fore us to a committee of twenty-one, a majority shall vote to ommit the n, .1 shall do all I can to perfect the plan of uni ted Southern co-operation, submitted by the Hon. delegate from Jefferson and put it in such shape as will in the opinion of the Convention best secure its object—that object as I understand it, does not look to secession by the lfith of February, or the 4th of March, if redress should not he ob tained by that time. Iji my opinion it can nut be obtained by the lfith February, or even the 4th of March. But by the lGth of February, we can see whether the Bor der States and other non-seceding South ern States will respond to our call for the proposed Congress or Convention at At lanta. If they do as I trust they may, it would then have that body so composed of Representatives by delegates and commis sioners as contemplated, from tlie whole of the slave holding States, could and would I doubt not, adopt either our plan or some other, which would fully secure our rights with ample guarantees, and thus preserve and maintain tho ultimate peace and Un ion ot theconntry. Whatever plan of peace ful adjustment might bo adopted by such a Congress, 1 feel confident would he acce ded to by the people of every Northern State. This could not be done in a month or two months, or perhaps short of twelve months. Time would necessarily have to he allowed for a consideration of the ques tion submitted to the people of the North ern States, and for their deliberate action on them in view of ali their interests pre sent and future. How long a time should be allowed, would be a proper question for that Congress to determine. Mean-while this Convention could continue its exist ence by adjourning over to hear and decide upon the ultimate result of this patriotic effort. This is but a sketch, an outline of thet policy I shall favor and endeavor to get ad opted. Mr. President, if upon the test vote,- it shal] be found that a majority are Dot in favor of secession for existing causes, ami without further effort in the way of jiroeU*