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AT T O li NE V S A T L A W ,
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itT Olt N E Y A T L A W ,
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I *IV-n" ***
LETTER FROM BISHOP HOPKINS.
Are all I?Ien Born Free and Equal?
I have promised to notice the various ob
jections which have been raised in the popu
lar mind to the institution of Southern
slavery, and to these I shall now pro
ceed.
First on this list stand the propositions
of the far-famed Declaration of Indepen
dence, “that all men are created eqniii ;
that they are endowed by their Creator
with certain inalienable rights ; that ain
*nc^these are life, liberty, and persuit of
: ha} piness.” r i hese statements are here
; called “self-evident truths.” But with
due respect to the celebrated names which
j are appended to this document, I have ne
ver been able to comprehend that they were
, “truths” at all. In what respect are men
•Vi tied piab” when every th<>uj>h:fW
person must he sensible that they are
bronchi into the world with all imaginable
! di!< ence in body and mind, and in every
el: ;irt ! :c of their social position?—
Nup withstandiurr mankind have all descen
(h'd i)> 1.) on;* ’i. otiion parent, yet we see
them divided into ili.diiut races, so strong
ly marked t'; ibhdel plilosophere insist
on ilu iiapossibility of their having the
sams.* t! ices try. Where is the equality in
body b tween the chi l born with the here
clitarv ta ‘-nt i>i scrofula or consumption, and
tbc iiduPt tided with health and vigor ?
\. neie 13 the equality in rnind between the
one who is endowed with talent and genius,
a* 1 other whose intellect borders on idio
cy ? Where is the equality in social pos
it ion between the son of the Esquimaux or
Hottentot, and the heir oi the American
statesmen or the 1 ritish peer ?
Neither ni I;d a to admit:■ that- all men
are endowed with the mai.enable right to j
life, 1 forty and the pursuit of happiness, ‘
bee use it is manifest that since “sin enter- j
ed into the worbl and death by sin,” they
anil adenated, forfeited and lost, through
the conseoacuccs of their transgression
Li<e is alienated not only by the sentence
of the law, but by innumerable forms of
violence and accident. Liberty is aliena
ted not only by imprisonment, but by the
irresistable restraints of social bondage to
tlie will, the temper the prejudices, ihe cus
toms, or the l interests of others ;so that
there is hardly an individual to be found
who has really the liberty of word and ac
tioti so cor:ltd 1 nfly asserted as the inaliena
tie rights 61 a", men. And as regards the
u.siiit 01 haj-piness,” alas 1 wiiat multi
indes alienate tneir right to it, beyond re
eovet’V. L‘*t otilv in the cells of the p niten- 1
tiat v, but in the ieckbss indulgence oi j
their appetites and passions, in the disgust
arising liom its chosen conjugal relations,
in their associations with the profligate and
he vile, in the pain and sufferings of sick
tu‘ss and poverty as the results of vice, in
the rum ot the gambler, tne celiriutn ol ihe
drunkard, the despair of suicide, and_ in
, very oiiicr ionn oi moral comtauiina
tion.
If it be said, however, that the equality
and inalienable rights of all men, so st rong
ly asserted bv this famous Declaration, are
only to be taken in a politieal sense, I uni
willing to concede that 1 Lis may be the
proper interpretation of its inti tided mean
ing. but 1 cannot see how it removes the j
difficulty. The statement is 1 nut “all men i
are created equal,” and that “the Creator
has endowed them with main nabk- lights.’
Certainly it the authors of his celebrated
document designed to speak only of ] dh
cal rights, and ])olitical equality, ‘ey;
siiould not have thus referred them to the !
act of the creation, because it is perfectlv
obvious that since the begin mg of lmman
1 limeiit, men have been created in all
imaginable inequality, ut.dci s.iivety, un
der despotism, under aristocracy, under
limited monarchy, under every imaginable
iovm of political strife and political oppres
sion. In no respect wha ever, that. I can
posibly discover, has the Almighty sent
oi 11 race into the world with these smagiua
rv qua! rights, and this fanciful eqn litV.
} n {{is siulit the whole world is sinful, re
belliotts, and l\ing unde*’ the just condem
nation of Ills violated laws. 0111 01 lguial
liylns. whatever they may have been, are
ail forfeited and none. And since the fall,
mankind have no lights to claim at the
hand of the Creator. Our whole dependence
is on His mercy and compassion. And He
dispenses these according to His sovereign
will and pleasure, on no system of equali
tv ilmt any human can discover, and
yet. as every Christian must believe, on the
eternal principle of perfect benevolence, in
union with impartial justice, and bouud
less knowledge, and wisdom that cannot
err. .’
Where, then, I ask, did the author? of
the Declaration of independence find tbeii
warrant for such a statement ? It was
probably judicious enough to call their
propositions “self-evident truths,” because
it. seems manifest that no man can prove
them. To estimate aright the vast diver
sity among the races of mankind, we nia>
l>egin with our own, the highly privileged
Anglo-Saxon, which now stands at the
h-ad although our ancestors were heathen
barbarians only 2000 years ago. From this
we in .y go down the descending scale
through the Turks, the Chinese, the Tar
tars, the Japanese, the Egyptians, the Hin
doos, the Indian tribes, the Laplanders
the Abvssinians, the Africans, and how is
it possible to imagine that God has niade
them all equal ? As truly might it be said
that all the trees of the forest are equal—
that all the mountains, and and riv
ers .are equal—that all the beasts ot the
held are equal—that all the birds ot the
jTiiEJINICH OF THE STATES; —DISTINCT, LIKE TSE BILL ONE, LIKE THE SEA?
THOMASTON. GEORGIA, SATO:; A IHSg7~MARCI! Nil.
I I— - _ “ ‘
; air are equal. The facts rather establish
I the very contrary. The Deity seems to
j take pleasure in exhibiting a marvellous
wealth of power through the rich variety
iof all His works, so that no individual of
: any species can he found in all respects
j alike. And hence we behold a grand sys
; tem of order and graduation, from the
; thrones, dominions,principalities,and pow
ers in heavenly places, rank below rank, to
man. And then we see the same system
throughout, our earth, displayed in the va
riety of races, some higher, some lower, in
the scale—in the variety of governments—
from the pure desnotism to the pure de
mocracy—in the variety of privilege and
power among the subjects of each govern
ment, some being horn to commanding au
thority arid influence, while others are des
tined to submit and obey. Again, we be
hold the system, continued in the animal
creaiior., from .he lordly Hon down to the
timid mole, from tlie eagle to the humming
, bird, from the monsters of the deep to the
sea star in his shell. The same plan meets
us in the insect tribes. Some swift and
powerful, others slow and weak, some mar
shalled into a regular govern cent—mon
archy in the bee tribe, aristociacy in the
ant-hill, while otheis, like the flies have no
government at all. And in perfect harmo
ny with this divine arrangement the inan
imate creation presents us with ihe same
| vast variety. The canopy of heaven is
| studded with orbs of light., all differing in
magnitude, all differing in radience, and
all yielding to the sovereign splendor of
the sun. The earth is clot hod with the
most profuso diversity of vegetation, from
the lofty palm down to the humble moss
The mineral kingdom shines with gold,
sin i, iron, copper, and precious stones, in
aii conceivable farms and colors. From the
mammoth cave down to tlie minutest crys
tal—from mountains of granite down to
the sand upon the shore, all is varied, mul
tiform, unequal, yet each element has its
specific use and beauty, and the grand ag
gregate unites in the sublime hymn of praise (
to the wisdom, the goodness, and the stu
pendous resources of that ineffable power
whicii produced the whole.
This brief and most inadequate sketch of
the Creation may serve at least, to show
that the manifest inequality in the condi
tion ot mankind, is no exception to the
rule, bur is sustained by all analogy. It
is the will of G<d that it should be so,
and no human sagacity or effort can pre
vent it. And the same principle exists in
our p .litioal relations \Ve may talk what
we please of our equality in political rights
and priviFgee, but in }><*int <>f* foot, thoro
is no such thing. Among the other civil
i/ed nations it is n>t even pretended
None of the great galaxy of the European
Governments can have a better title to it
than England, yet w ho would be so absurd
as to claim political equality in a land of
monarchy, nobles, and <>f time- honored nr
i tocracy? The best approach to politieal
equality is confessedly here, and here only.
Vet, even here, amidst the glories of uni
versal suffrage, where is it to be found ?—1
Political equably, if it means anything, ;
must mean that every man enjoys t!k>.same !
right to political office and honor ; because i
the policy of any, government consists in
its system of administration, and hence it ;
results, of necessity, that those who can
not possibly he admitted to share in this
administration, have no political equality
with those who can. We do, indeed, say
that the people aie sovereign, but every
one knows, lull well, that the comparative
few who arc qualified to take the lead, by
talent, by education, by natural tact, and
by a conjunction of favoringcircumstances. 1
are practically sovereigns over the people.
The man who carries a hod gives his vote
f.,r the candidate. The candidate himself j
can do no more, so far as concerns the mere
form of an election Are they, therefore,
politically equal ? Who formed the party
to which the candidate belongs ? Who
ruled the convention by which his name
was put upon the list ? \\ ho arranged ,
the orators for the occasion? Had the
poor hodman any share iti the operation,
any influence, any voice whatever ?
more than the hod which he carries. Can
any human power ever manufacture a can
didate out of him ? The notion would be
preposterous. II here, then, is his politi
cal equality ? Even lu re, in our happy
land of universal suffrage, how does it ap
pear that “all men are born equal ?” The
proposition is a sheer absurdity. All men
are born unequal, in body, mind, and so
rial privileges. Their intellectual faculties
are unequal. Their education is unequal.
Their opportunities are unequal. And
their freedom is as unreal as theirequaiitv.
The fioor are compelled to serve the rich,
. the rich are compelled to serve the
■ r. bv ]>aying for tln ir services. The pb
litical {tarty is compelled to serve the lea
ders, and the leaders tire compelled to i
scheme and toil in order to serve thepaitv.
The multitude are dependent on the few
who are endowed with talents to govern.—
And the few are dependent on the multi
tude for the power, without which all gov
-1 eminent is impossible. From the top to
the bottom of the social fabric, the whole
is thus seen to be inequality and mutual
dependence. And hence, although they
are free from that special kind of Slavery
which the Southern States maintain over
the posterity of Ham, yet they are all,
1 from the highest to the lowest, in bondage
quite as real, from which they canuot es
cape —the slavery of circumstances, called,
in the ordinary language of the world, ne-
I cessity.
I have been, I fear, so unreasonably te
dious in thus endeavoring to show why l
utterly discard these famous propositions
of the Declaration of Independence. It
k bees 1 use I am aware of the strong hold
which they have gained over the ordinary
mind of the nation. They are assumed
by thousands upon thousand, as if they
were the very doctrines of divine truth—
And they are made the basis of tlie hostile j
j feeling against the slavery of the South,!
notwithstanding their total want of ra- i
tionalitv. Yet Ido not wonder that such
maxims should be popular. They are an- I
l mirahlv calculated to gratify the pride and !
ambition so natural to the human breast, !
and are. therefore, powerful incentives in
the weak of political revolution. It was
for this purpose, 1 presume, that they were
introduced in that famous document,
which publicly cast off the allegiance of
the Colonics to the British Crown. And
the same doctrines were proclaimed, a few
years hxter, in a similar service, by the
French Directory, in the midst of a far
more terrible revolution. Liberty, equal
ity and fraternity—the rights of man.
were then the watch words of the excited
populace, while their insane leaders pub
lished the decree of Atheism, and a noto
rious courtesan was enthroned as the god
dess of reason, and the Guillotine daily
, massacred the victims of democratic fury,
till the streets of Paris run with blood.
1 do liat state these facts because I de
sire to ] lace the revolutions in the Colo
nies and in France on the same foundation
with respect to the spirit of the mode in
which they were conducted. God forbid
that 1 siiould forget tlie marked features of
contrast between them ! On the one side,
there was religious reverence, strong piety
and pure disinterested patriotism. 011 the
other theie was the madness of atheism,
tlii> lime •* 11-,0 ....0;... . .... .... 1 .1. ‘
of terror to aU that was good anil true. —
In no one mark of character, indeed, could
I deem that there was any comparison lie
tween them, save in this 1 that the same
false assumption of human equality and
human rights was adopted in both. Let.
how widely different was their result on
the question of negro slavery ! r J he
American revolution produced no effect
whatever on that institution. While the
French revolution n-used the slaves of their
colony in St. Domingo to a general insur
rection, and a scene of barbarous and cruel
butchery succeeded, to which the history
of the world contains no parallel.
This brings me to the last remarks which
I have to present on this famous Declara
tion. And I respectfully ask my readers
to consider them maturely.
1 111 ”, ‘ f O. ........ C . *1..,*. il.
signers of this document, (they assumed
that “all men were bom equal,”) did not
take the negro race intoaccount at ail. It is
nnques Enable that the author, Air. Jef
ferson, was a slave holder at the time, and
continued so to his life’s end. It is certain
that the great majority of the other sign
ors of the Declaration were slave holders
likewise. No one can be ignorant of the
fact- that slavery lmd been introduced into
all the colonies long before, and continued
to exist, long after, in every State save one
Finally then, it cannot he presummed that
| i hese able, sagacious men intended to stul
tifv themselves ly declaring that tlie negro
race had rights, when nevertheless they
wvre not ready to give them. And yet it
1 is evident, that we must either impute this
I crying injustice to our levolutionaty patri
til s, iff stijTfHi.SC i tl'lL I lIC CHS6 ol t liC sltiVCB
; was not coil torn plated.
Nor is this a solitary example, for we
have a complete parralM to it in the pre
amble to the Constitution, where the im
1 portant phrase, “w’e, the people of the
United States,” must he understood with
the very same limitation. Who w’ere the
people? Undoubfdly the free citizens
who voted for the Constitution. Were the
1 slaves counted as a part of the people ?
By no means. The negro race had no
voice, no vote, no influence whatever in the
matter. Thus, therefore, it seems pe if eel y
plain that both these instruments must
he understood acccording to the same
rule of interpretation. The slaves were
not included amongst tlie “people who
adopted the Constitution of the United
States
Now it is (he establised maxim of the
law, that every written (locum lit must be j
understood according to the true intent of ■
the parties when it was executed. The
language employed may he such that it !
admits of a different sense ; but there can
he only one just interpretation, and that is
fixed unalterably by the apparent meaning
: of it's authors at the time. On this ground
alone, therefore, I respectfully Contend
that the Deed nation of Independence has
no claim whatever to be considered in the
controversy of our day. I have stated at
some length, mv reasons for rejecting its
famous propositions, as being totally falla
cious and untenable. But even if they
were ever so “self-evident,” or capable of
the most rigid demonstration, the rule of
law utterly forbids 11s to appeal to them in
a sense which they were not designed to
bear.
In the second place, however, it should
be remembered that the Declaration ot In
dependence, whether true or false, whether
it be interpreted legally or illegally, forms
no part of our present system. Asa great
historical document it stands, and must
ever stand, prominent before the nations of
the world. But it was put forth more
than seven years anterior to the Constitu
tion. Its language was not adopted in
that Constitution, and it has no place
whatever in the obligatory law of the
United States. When our orators, our
preachers and our politicians, therefore,
| take its propositions about human rights
| and human equality, and set them up as
the supreme law. overruling the Constitu
tion und the acts of Concrees, which are
1 the real law of the land, I cannot wonder
i enough at the absurdity of the proceeding.
And I doubt whether the annals of civil
ized mankind can furnish a stronger in
stance of unmitigated perversity.
Thirdly, and lastly, I am utterly oppos
ed to those popular propositions, not only
because 1 hold them to he altogether falla
cious and untrue, for tlie reasons already
given, but further because their tendency
is indirect contrariety of the individual
man. For what is the unavoidable effect
of this doctrine of human equality ? Is it
not to nourish the spirit of pride, envy, and
contention ? To set tlie servant against
tne master, the poor against the rich, the
weak against the strong, the ignorant a
giunst the educated? -To loosen all the
bonds and relations of society, and reduce
tlie whole duty of subordination to the sel
fish cupidity of precuniarv interest, with
out an atom of respect for age, fur office,
for law, for government, for Providence, o v
for the word of God ?”
I do not deny, indeed, that this doctrine
of equality is a doctrine of immense power
to urge men forward in a constant struggle
for advancement. Its natural operation is
to force the vast majority in o a c aseless
contest with their circumstances, each dis
contented with his lot, so long as he sees
any one else above him, and toiling with
unceasing effort to rise upon the social scale
of wealth and importance, as fast and as
far as he can. There is no principle or
stronger impulse to stimulate ambition in
every department. And hence arises its
manifold influences on the business, theen-
I lu v agr icuf t me’ t h earn ri seine nt s, ti 1 e fas 1 1 -
ions, and the political strifes, of our North
ern people, making them all resil ss, all
aspiring and all determined, if ] ossible, to
pass their rivals in the race of selfish emu
lation.
But how does it operate on the order,
the stability, and ultimate prosperity, of
the nation ? How does it work on the
steadfast administration of justice, the
honor and purity of our public officers, the
quiet subordination of the various classes
in the community, the fidelity and submis
sion of domestics, the obedience ot children
and the relations ot family and home ?
Above all, how does it harmonize with the
great dootrine of the Bible, that the Al
o ‘
mighty Ruler appoints to every man his
lot on earth, and commands him to be sat
l'ufliJil tI) • llt 4!’ I liifl tvnrtm n ♦l'M l *
we must submit ourselves to those who
have the rule over us—that we should obey
the laws, and honor the magistrates—that
the powers that he are ordained of God,
and he that resisteth the power shall re
ceive condemnation —that we may not cov
et the property others —that having food
and raiment, we should be therewith con
tent —that we must avoid strife, conten
tion, and railing accusations, and follow
peace, charity, and good will, remembering
that the service of Christ is the only per
fect freedom, and that our true happiness
depends not on the measure ot our earthly
wealth, on social equality, on honor, or on
our relative position in the community,
but on the fulfilment of our personal duty
according to our lot in reliance on Ills
blessing ?
1 have no more to add, with respect to
this most popular dogma of human equali
ty, and shall therefore dismiss it, as falla
cious in itself, and only mischievous in its
tendency. As it is a strong hold of the ul
tra-abolitionist, I have devoted a large
space to its examination, and trust that
the conclusion is sufficiently plain. Hap
pily it forms no part of our Constitution or
our laws. It. never was intended to apply
to the question of negro slavery. And it
never can be so applied without a total per
version ot its historical meaning, and an
absolute contrariety to all the facts of hu
manity, and the clear instruction of the
Word of God,
V V O U* V
In conclusion, I would only say that 1
am perfectly aware how distasteful my sen
timents must he, on this serious question,
to the great majority of my respected fel
low-citizens in the region where Divine
Providence has cast my lot. It would as
suredly be far more agreeable it 1 could
conscientiously conform to the opinion ot
my friends, to whose ability, sincerity, and
zeal, I am ready to give all just commen
dation. But it would be mere moral cow
ardice in me to suppress what 1 believe to
be the truth, for the sake of popularity. —
It cannot be long before 1 shall stand at
tlie tribunal of that Almighty and unerring
Judge, who lias given us the inspired Scrip
tures to lie our supreme directory in every
1 moral and religious duty. My grey hairs
admonish me that l may soon be called to
i give an account of my stewardship. And
l have no tear of the sentence vhich he
I will pronounce upon an honest, though
humble, effort to sustain the authority of
His Word, in just alliance with the Con
! stitution, the peace, and the public wel
fare, of my country.
1 With the fervent prayer that the Spirit
jof Wisdom, unity, and fraternal kindness
1 may guide our National Congress, the Le
gislatures of the several States, and the
sovereign will of our whole people, to a
I happy accommodation of every existing
difficulty.
I remain, with great regard,
your faithful servant in Christ,
JOHN H. HOPKINS,
Bishop of the Diocese of \ ermont.
Id) rht or nnd Pi er rif 1 or
Volume 3 Number 13.
SOUTHERN CONGRESS—THE PER
MANENT CONSTITUTION.
Montgomery, A’a., March ll.—The
permanent Constitution was adopted on
i Saturday night in secret sessiou. Secresy
having been lemoved, I send you the fol
lowing synopsis ol the main new features.
No person of foreign birth, not a citizen
of the Confederate States, shall be allowed
to vote f.r any otlieer, civil or political,
State or Federal.
Under the first census, South Carolina
shall be entitled to live Representatives in
Congress, Georgia to ten, Alabama to nine,
Florida to two, Mississippi to seven, Lou
isiana to six, and Texas to six, and each
State to two Senators. The State Legis
lature may impeach Judicial or Federal of
ficers resident or acting in said State by a
two-thirds vote ol both branches of the Le
-
Congress may grant seats on the floor of
either House to the principle oiiicer of each
Executive Department, with privilege of
discussing the measures of his Department.
The representation of three-fifths of the
slave population in election, is continued.
Congress is not allowed through the im
position of duties to foster any branch of
industry.
The foreign slave trade is prohibited.
Congress is prohibited from making ap
propriations, unless bv a vote of two thirds
of both Houses, except for an appropria
tion asked by the Head of some of the De
: part aunts, or by the President.
No extra compensation shall he allowed
to any contractor, officer, or agent, after a
; contract has been made and Service render
! ed.
The tenure of the office of President
and Vice-President shall Jbe for six.wars.„
it
Departments and of the Diplomatic Ser
vice, shall be removable at the pleasure of
the President. Other civil officers shall
be removable whenever their services shall
become unnecessary, or for other good
| causes, but the causes and the reasons for
the removal must be reported to the Sen
a'e. Practically, nocaptiousremovalsshall
be tolerated.
Oilier States are to be admitted into the
I Confederacy by a vote of two-thirds of
b >th Houses.
The Confederacy may acquire territory ;
and slavery shall be acknowledged and pro
tected by Congress, and by the Territorial
Governments.
When five States ratify this Constitiv
tion, it shall he establisi el for tb<j said
States: and, until ratified, the provisional
„... * TANARUS.,r eCj
not extending, however, beyond one year.
Nothing of special interest was transac
ted in Congress to-day.
THE CAT AFTER THE RATS.
The Richmond Despatch says : ‘ The
town is all agog over a most amusing cari
[ cature of Lincoln and the seceding States,
in w hich the former is represented as a fe-
I rocious looking cat, with one paw on the
that unfortunate rat, Virginia, while iho
■ rest of Imr sisters are scampering for dear
life. South Carolina leads the race. Mis
sissippi and Georgia are next, Alabama
and Florida are going neck and neck, then
conies Louisiana ; whilst Texas has barely
escaped the right paw of Grimalkin, which
nearly touches the tail of the fugitive prey.
In one corner is a huge rat lying on the
i flat of his back, with head off, tlie United
States flag waving over him, and beneath,
the inscription, “The Union must and
shall he preserved.” Virginia is held fair
ly in the cat’s sinister paw, whilst out ot
his mouth comes the words: “Nothing is
going wrong. Nothing really hurts anv
body. Nobody is suffering anything,” and
the unhappy victim consoles himself with
the exclamation, “We can go out on the
4ilt of July as well as the 4th of March.”
This capital production is, we understand,
the production of an accomplished young
lady of our city, who giv s line promise of
i success as an artist.”
■ m ■
Cuke for Cancer —A gentleman late
ly returned from England lias requested us
to publish tlie following remedy, which, he
is informed, had effected many cures of the
above mentioned j a uful dis< ase :
Boil five Turkey figs in new milk, which
which thoy will the ken ; when they are
tender, split and apply them as warm as
they can he borne to the part affected,
whether broken or not ; the part must be
washed every time the poultice is changed,
with some of the milk ; me a fresh poul
tice night and morning, and at least once
during tlie day, and drink a quarter of a
pint of the milk th tigs .are boiled in twice
in the 24 hours. If the stomach will bear
it, this must be persevered in for three or
or four months at least. A man aged 105
years was cured about six years before bis
death with only six pounds of figs. The
cancer, which began at the corner of his
mouth, had eaten through his jaw, cheek,
and half way down his throat ; yet he was
so perfectly cured, as never to show any
tendency to return. Should it ever do so,
the figs should be again applied. The first
application gives a great deal of pain, bnt
afterwards each dressing gives relief. A
woman cured by this means had been af
flicted ten years ; h**r breast bled excessive
ly ; ten pounds cured her.
Somewhat Difficult. —A We „rn pa
per says :
“Wanted at this office an editor who
can please everybody. Also a foreman
who can so arrange the paper as to allow
j every man’s advertisement to head the sol
i umn,”