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A TTO n .V E YATLA W,
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r.sv 25. 1850—ly
(i. A. MILLEK,
ATTO RN E V A T LA W ,
Thomaston, Georgia,
■ E IYarrkk. . C. T. Goode j
WaiTcn A Goode,
v A TTO li A K YS A T LA W
Perry, Houston Cos., Ga.
hov 18, 1858—ts **. -
THOMAS BEALL,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
Thomaston, Georgia.
Mill ISGO ly
K, A. A J. W. Spivey,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
THOMASTON, GEORGIA.
Ang. 27, 1859. n4l ts.
William G. Horsley,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
Thomaston, Georgia.
ItriLL practice in Upson, Tallot, Taylor, Crawford.
M Monroe, Pike and Merriwether Counties.
April 7. 1859—1 y.
R. E. KFA’XOX. H. BULLOCH*
KEXNOS & BULLOCH,
attorneys at law,
Hamilton, Georgia.
J YVTILL practice in all the counties of the Ohatta
” hnochee Circuit, Troup and Merriwether, and in
* e counties in Alabama.
t-V* Prompt attention given to collections.
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( - brick building. ‘ ‘ .
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, ! < r t, 2d Monday in April and October. Inferior
°wt, 24 Monday in January and July. Ordinaij s
°g ll > Ist Monday in each month.
J' e Ptember 29, 1860—ty. __
C. Moore,
■Resident Dentist,
THOMASTON, GA.
(J ?f ICE over DR. THOMPSONS’ store, gaM
i j ‘' lier lam prepared to attend to all
Dental Operation*. My wor***** T-1- f r
£2j—
For the Upson Pilot.
THE IRREPRESSIBLE CONFLICT.
Dear Miller :
Have you read the protest of L. M.
Spratt, in his letter to Mr. Perkins ? The
it repressive conflict, it thereby appears,
is the property of Mr. Spratt—by right of
prior discovery—for he says that Seward
and Lincoln, in theory at least, whatever
may be their aim, are right, and that he
(Mr. Spratt) realized the fact, and so de
clared, the conflict irrepressible, years be
fore either of them ventured to advance
that proposition. Mr. Spratt, too, is the
first to advance the proposition that there
is an antagonism between “slavery and a
pure democracy ; and that the contest is
inevitable and fundamental ; and that
white laborers, or what he (by a strange
perversion of language indifferently) calls
pauper labor will demoralize the “social
nature” of a slave holding State, like
Texas.”
Mr. Spratt is the first, too, to advance
the proposition, that the primum mobile
of secession was to establish a slave repub
lic—one that, must “erect for itself, at
some point within the present limits of
the Southern States, a structure of impe
rial power and grandeur—a glorious con
federacy of States that will stand aloft
and serene for ages amidst the anarchy of
democracies that will reel around it.”—
Though the clause-of the provisional con
stitution prohibiting the slave trade may
impede th e slave Republic in its march to
grandeur, yet its destiny is fixed and must
he established if another revolution has to
achieve its consumation.-
“The contest between democracy and
slavery is not yet over.” In the independ
ence of the South there is not “surelv the
emancipation of slave society;” for it
seems to Mr. Spratt to he fettered by an
antagonistic democracy which will perpet
uate the irrepressible conflict, for between
free or pavj er labor and slave labor the
contest is inevitable, the two systems can
not mix : hut we are left to inf r from an
assumed statement of the argument that
the incongruity is based upon the social
tendencies. South Carolina and Virginia
has 500,000 more whites than slaves—and
being “that as many slaves as masters are
necessary to the constitution of slave so
ciety. Virginia has lost the “integrity of
her slave condition,” and as a consequence
she is penalized, and is unable to decide in
the “crisis” whether she is with the North
or the South, and it is assumed that noth
ing will restore the integrity of her slave
condition, hut the re-opening of the Afri
can slave trade. South Carolina with
more slaves in number than masters, ex
hibits the normal nature of slavery ; her
officers b< ingall slave ovvnersand represent
ing slave owners, exhibiting in their pub
lic acts, the “consciousness of a superior
position,” as well as “the elevation of tone
proper to a master class.” Yet nothing, it
is assumed, will preserve the normal con
dition of society then, or slavery as the
normal condition of society, hut the slave
trade.
Something must cheapen slaves to pre
vent them from being withdrawn from the
border States, and even front the seaboard
of the more Southern States. Aye the
attractive prices of the South-west for
their places will he filled ly pauper labor
and democracy may thus obtain a foothold
and demoralize the State, or the social na
ture, of “the rounded form of aristocra
cy,” that is a concomitant of slavery as
the “normal condition of society.”
Theincursions of pauper labor into Virgin
ia to fill the vacuum left by the transfer of
the negro to the South and West, subjects j
her to the danger of being abolitionized as ;
Pennsylvania and New Jersey have been.
So “the contest is not ended with a disso
lution of the Union. But the contest
must end if the men put forward as the j
agents of slavery have, the intrepidity to’
act tor it exclusively, and erect foi it a sta- ,
ble government as slavery will sustain no
other structure.
In short the slave republic must eschew
the democratic f'offn, for “the rule of a de
mocracy 7 must unfit any 7 State for associa
tion in a slave confederacy.” The slave
republic must in its every step he exclu
sive, and none of the Stated composing it
must he “degraded tojthe condition of a
democracy .” But to exclude the demo- j
cratic eleffieht, the slave trade is a perma- j
nent requisite of slavery 7 , for by it alone
will be the basis of the question “whether
the slave shall starve the hireling pauper, ‘
or the hireling the slave.” When “the
system of domestic slavery, slaves guided
always by its best intelligence, directed al
ways by the strictest economy, can under
work tiie world” and thus starteout or ex
ile the hireling white man and then the
“rounded form ot social anstociacy will
be freed from the contaminating influence
of a democracy. Is this the philosophy of
secession ? Aie these sentiments to acquire
proclivity, and he endorsed by the southern
Congress ? Is it for this that the landless
and slaveless poor white mans vote was so
licited ? Was it for the establishment ot
this ideal republic that hypocritical appears
were made to the “mountain hoys” to re
sist the irrepressible conflict doctrines of
Seward and Lincoln by voting for delegates
In favor of secession ? Was it in pursu
ance of the policy suggested by such senti
ments, that the poor whiteman of the South
was told that the abolitionists of the North
would reduce him to the equality ot the
ne°-ro ? Was it for the end ot his expatria
tion and exile from the land of his nativi
ty that the poor white man of Georgia was
taught that the republican party would so
revolutionise the constitution that tho Gen
‘THE UNION OF THE STATES: —DISTINCT, LIKE THE BILLOWS; ONE, LIKE THE SEA,”
THOMASTON, GEORGIA. SATUBMY IIOBNLXU. APRIL 6, 1861.
| oral Government might have the power to
abolish slavery and bring the slave in com*
petition with him at starvation prices of
! labor ? Is this the tentative process by
■ which the “best intelligence” sought to use
the votes of a democracy for the destruc
tion of democracy. Are those not in “le
gitimate connexion” with slavery to he
made the complacent, hut incogitant in
struments in the erection of a government
expressive of a social theory that must
supplant them in industrial employments
their only source of living ?
These and other, no less significant ques
tions are suggested by a careful analysis of
Mr. Spratt’s protest ; and which ought to
be frankly answered by those in power.—
It is true that the provisional constitution
of the Confederate States contains a pro
hibition of the slave trade, nor is it doubt
ful that the same will pass into the perma
nent constitution and will receive the ap
proval and ratification of the people if the
framers (as the self-constituted agents of
the people) should see proper to submit it
to them. Jt is true also that the constitu
tion has the semblance of a democratic re
public. It is true that the prominent ac
tors in the secession movement in Georgia
at least have disavowed the political phil
osophy inculcated in Mr. Spratt’s paper.—
And so the whole matter might he ignored
and all fears suggested by it be dismissed,
hut for the fact that Mr. Spratt is so enti
tled to speak with authority of the purport
and hearing of a movement to which he
has so largely contributed. So might it he
deettf'ed superrogatory to protest against a
proposition that stands condemned by the
unequivocal declaration of the southern
congress as far as the slave trade is con--
cerned, for that it, will never be re-opened,
few entertain a doubt. And hut for the
significant repudiation of democracy, the
threat of another revolution, and the dec
laration of hostility to white mechanics and
other white laborers ; would have passed
unnoticed by me. That there is inevita
bly an irrepressible conflict betw en free
and slave labor is easily disproved, that
slavery is only defensible as a patriarchial
•institution is more difficult, that it is de
fensible as such the irrefragable arguments
so oftened advanced sufficiently prove that
there is a contest at all between free and
slave labor is attributable to the depar
ture from the patriarchial form of slavery
is susceptible of indisputable proof.
And but for the high authoritative source
of the remarkable production of Mr. Spratt;
tlie arguments to combat his theory of
slavery and its requisites might he fore
gone, yet as lie says that opinions when
approved acquire “proclivity,” it is neces
j sary to express our dissent to arrest that
| “proclivity.”
It is essential to the investigation of the
! subject that we should know whether the
southern Congress put in the constitution
the prohibition as a gratuitous concession
1 to the sentiments of people they assume to
represent ; and the repugnance of the civ
ilized world to the re-opening of the trade
or in abnegation of the political philosophy
of Mr. Spratt and those he undoubtedly
represents. It is all important for those
not in “legitimate connexion” with slavery
hut who nevertheless are willing to defend
it, to know whether the opinions of Mr.
| Suratt and his coadjutors are to acquire
“proclivity.”
There are thousands like myself who tlio’
not in “legitimate connexion” with slavery
are its defenders, and who opposed to se
cession because it had not the approval of
our judgment, are nevertheless willing to
| defend Georgia in the attitude that lierex-
I pressed sovereignty has placed her even by
I offering ourselves as “food for powder” that
’ would recoil from sustaining her in an en
| dorsement of the South Carolina theory of
secession. More of this subject next week.
P.
[lßeported/or the Savannah Republic
an.]
SPEECH OF IIONf. A. 11. STEPHENS,
Vice President of the Confederate
Ftates.
Delivered at the request of the Cdiz’ us of
Savannah , at the Athencenm , Thursday
Evening , Alar eh 2\st, 1861.
At half past seven o’clock on Thursday
evening, the largest audience ever assem
bled at the Athenseutu, were in the house,
waiting most impatiently for the appear
ance of the Orator of the evenitur, Hon. A.
H. St phens, Vice President of the Confed
erate States of America. The Committee,
witfr invited guests, were seated on the
stage, when at the appointed hour the
Hon. C. C. Jones, Mayor, and the speaker,
entered, and were greeted bv the immense
assemblage w ith deafening rounds of ap
plause.
The Mayor then,in a few pertinent re
marks, introduced Mr. Stephens, stating
that at the request of a number of the
members of the Committee, and citizens ot
Savannah, and the State, now here, he had
consented to address them upon the pres
ien state.of public affairs.
Mr. Stephens rose and spoke as fol
lows : . n
Mr. Mayor and Gentlemen of the Com
mittee, and Fellow Citizens : —For this re
ception you will please accept my most
profound and sincere thanks. Ihe com
pliment is doubtless intended as much, or
more, perhaps, in honor of the occasion and
my public position in connection with the
great events now crowding upon us, than
to me personally and individually, it is,
however, none the less appreciated by me on
that account. We are in the midst of one
of the greatest- epochs in our history. Ihe
last ninety days will mark one of the most
1 memorable eras in the history of modern
civilization.
There was a general call from the out
side of the building, for the speaker to go
out ; that there were more outside than
in.
The Mayor rose, and requested silence at
the doors, that Mr. Stephens’health would
not permit him to speak in the open air.—
Mr. Stephens said he Would leave it to
the audience, whether he should proceed in
doors or out. There was a general cry in
doors, as the ladies, a large number of
whom were present, could not hear out
side
Mr. Stephens said that the accommoda
tion of the ladies would determine the ques
tion, and he would proceed where he was.
At th is point the uproar and clamor out
side was greater still for the speaker to go
out on the steps. This was quieted by
Col. Lawton. Col. Freeman, Judge Jack
son, and Mr. J. W. Owens, going out and
staling the facts of the case to the dense
mass of men, women and children, who
were outside, and entertainiug them, in
short-brief speeches.
Mr. Stephens all this while quietly sit
ting down until the furor subsided.
Mr. Stephens rose, and said, when per
fect quiet is restored I shall proceed ; I
cannot speak as long as there is any noise
or confusion. I shall take my time, I feel
as though I could spend the night with you
if necessary. (Loud applause.) I very
much regret, that every one who desires
cannot hear what I hava to say, not that
1 have any display to make, or anything
very entertaining to present, hut to such
views as I have to give, I wish all , not
only in this city, but in this State, and
throughout our Confederate Republic,
could hear, who have a desire to hear
them.
I was remarking, that we are passing
through one of the greatest revolutions in
the annals of the world ; seven States have
within the last three months, thrown off an
old Government, and formed anew. This
revolution has been signally marked, up to
this time, by the fact of its having been ac
crtmplished without the loss of a single
drop of blood. [Applause.] This new
Constitution, or form of government, con
stitutes the subject to which your atten
tion will he partly invited.
In reference to it, I make this first gen
eral remark : It amply secures all our an
cient rights, franchises and priviliges. All
the great principles of magna charta are
retained in it. No citizen isdeprived of life,
liberty, or property, but by the judgment
of his peers, under the. laws of the land.
The great principle of religious liberty,
wnich was the honor and pride of the Con
stitution, is still maintained and secured.
All the essentials of the old Constitution
which have endeared it to the hearts of
the American people, have been preserved
and perpetuated. (Applause.) Some changes
have been made—of these, I shall speak
presently. Some of those I should have
preferred not to have seen made hut these
perhaps meet the cordial approbation of a
majority of this audience, if not an over
whelming majority of the people of the
Confederacy. Os them, iherefore, I will
not speak. But other important changes
do meet my cordial approbation. They
form great improvements u’pon the old
Constitution. So, taking the whole new
Constitution, I have no hesitancy in giving
it as my judgement, that it is decidedly,
better than the old. [Applause.] Allow
me briefly to allude to some of these im
provements. The question of building up
class interests, or fostering one branch of
industry to the prejudice of another, under
the exercise of the revenue power, which
gave us so much trouble under the old
Constitution, is put at rest forever under
the new. \Ye allow the imposition of n.T
duty, with a view of giving advantage to
one class of persons, in any trade or busi
ness, over those of another. All, under our
system stand upon the same broad princi
ples, of perfect equality. Honest labor and
enterprise are left free and unrestricted in
whatever pursuit they may he engaged in.
This subject came well nigh causing a rup
ture of the old Union, under the lead of
the gallant Palmetto State, which lies on
our border, in 1833.
Th is old thorn of the tariff, which occa
sioned the cause of so much irritation in
the old body politics, is removed forever
from the new. (App.) Again, the subject
of internal improvements, uitderthe power
of Congress to regulate commerce, is put
at rest under our system. The power
claimed by construction under the old Con
stitution, was at least a ‘doubtful one—it
rested solely upon construction. We of the
South, generally apart from considerations
of constitutional principles, opposed rts ex
ercises upon grounds of expediency aud
justice. Notwithstanding this opposition,
millions of money, in the common Treasu
ry had been drawn for such purposes. Oar
opposition sprung from no hostility to com
merce, or all necessary aids for facilitating
it. With us it was simply a question, up
on whom the burden should fall. In Geor
gia, for instance, we had done as much for
the cause of internal improvements as any
other portion of the country, according to
population and means. We have stretch
ed out lines of railroads from the seaboard
to the mountains ; dug dowm the hills and
tilled up the valleys at a cost of not less
than $25,000,000. All this was done to
open up an outlet for our pfedrrets of the
interior, and those to the west of us, to
reach th 6 marts of the world. No State
was in greater need of such facilities than
Georgia, hut we had not asked that these
works should be made by appropriations
out of tho common treasury. The cost of
the grading, the superstructure and equip
ments of our roads, was borne by those
who entered upon the enterprise. Nay,
more—not only the cost of the iron, no
small item in the aggregate cost, was borne
iu the same way, httt we were compelled
to pay into the common treasury several
millions of dollars for the privilege of im
porting the iron after the price was paid
for it abroad. What justice was therein
taking this money, which our people paid*
into the common treasury on the importa
tion of our iron, and applying it to the im
provement of rivers and harbors elsewhere?
The true principle is to subject com
merce of every locality, to whatever bur
dens may be necessary to facilitate it. If
the Charleston harbor needs improvement,
let the commerce of Charleston hear the
burden. If the mouth of the Savannah
river has to be cleaned out let the sea-go
ing navigation which is bepefitted by it
hear the burden. So with the mouths of
the Alabama and Mississippi rivers. Just
as the products of the interior, our cotton,
wheat, corn and other articles, have to hear
the necessary rates of freight over our rail
roads to reach the seas. This is again the
broad principle of perfect equality andjus
tice. (Applause.) And it is specially held
forth and established in our new Constitu
tion.
Another feature to which I will allude,
is that the new Constitution provides that
Cabinet Ministers and heads ot Depart
ments shall have the right to participate in
the debates and discussions upon the vari
ous subjects of administration. I should
have preferred that this provision should
have gone farther, and allowed the Presi
dent to select his constitutional advisers
from the Semite and House of Representa
tives. That, won M havp o/irdiM’inoil +
to the practice in the British Parliament,
which, in my opinion, is cue of the wisest
provisions of that body. It is the only sea-
Jure that saves that Government. It is
that which gives it stability iu its facility
to change its administration. Ours, as it
is, is a great approximation to the right
principle.
Under the old Constitution, a Secretary
of the Treasury, for instance, had no op
portunity, save by his annual reports, of
presenting any scheme or plan of finance
or other matter. He had no opportunity
of explaining, expounding, enforcing or de
fending his views of policy; his only re3ort
was through the medium of an organ. In
the British Parliament the Premier brings
in his budget and stands before the nation
responsible for its every item. If it is in
defensible, he falls before the attacks upon
it, as he ought to. This will now ho the
case to a limited extent under our system.
Our heads of departments can speak for
themselves, and the administration in be
half of its entire policy, without resorting
to the indirect and highly objectionable me
dium of a newspaper. It is to he greatly
hoped that under our system we shall nev
er have what is known as a Government
organ. (Rapturous applause.)
(A noise again arose from the clamor of
the crowd outside who wished to hear Mr.
Stephens, and for some moments interrup
ted him. The Mayor rose and called on
the police to preserve order. Quiet being
restored, Mr. S. proceeded.)
Another change in the Constitution re
lates to the length of the tenure of the
Presidential office. In the new Constitu
tion it is six years instead of foiy, and the
President rendered ineligible for a re elec
tion. This is certainly a decidedly conser
vative change. It will remove from the
incumbent all temptation to use his office
or exert the powers confided to him for any
objects of personal ambition. The only
incentive to that higher ambition which
should move and actuate one holding such
high trusts in his hands will he the good of
the people, the advancement, prosperity,
happiness, safety, honor and true glory of
the Confederacy. (Applause.)
But not to he tedious in enumerating
the numerous changes for the better, allow
tne to allude to one other, though last, not
least : the new Constitution has put at rest
forever, all the agitating questions relating
to our peculiar institutions—African slave
ry as it exists amongst us—the proper sta
tus of the negro in our form of civilization.
This was the immediate cause of the late
ruptme and present revolution. Jefferson,
in his forecast, had anticipated this, as the
£ rock upon which theoldUnion would split.’
He was right. What was conjecture with
him, is now a realized fact. But whether
he fully comprehended the great truth Up
on which that rock stood and stands , may
be doubted. The prevailing ideas enter
tained by him and most of the leading
statesmen at the time of the formation of
the old Constitution, were that the enslave
ment of the African was a violation of the
laws of nature ; that it was wrong in prin
ciple, socially, morally and politically. It
was an evidence they knew not well how to
deal with it, hut the general opinion of the
men of, that day, was that somehow or oth
er in the order of Providence the institu
tion would he evanescent and pass away.—
This idea, though not incorporated m the i
Constitution, was the prevailing idea at !
the same time. The Constitution, it is j
true, secured every essential guaranty to !
the institution while it should last, and
hence noargnmentcanjustly be used against ,
the Constitutional guaranties thus secured ,
because of the common sentiment of the 1
day. Those ideas, however, were funda- j
mentally wiong. They rested upon the as
sumption of the equality of races. This
was an error. It was a sandy foundation,
and the idea of a Government built upon
it ) when the “storm earns and the wind
-Editor and Proprietor.
Volume 3 Number 20.
blew, it fell.”
Our new government is founded upon
exactly the opposite idea ; its foundations
are laid, its corner stone rests upon the
grent truth that the negro is not equal to
the white man—that slavery, subordina
tion to the superior race,- is his natural and
moral condition. [Applause.]
This, our new government, is the first in
the history of the world based upon this
great physical, . philosophical and moral
truth. This truth has been slow iu tlie
process of its development, like all other
truths in the various departments of sci
ence. It has been so even amongst us.—
Many who hear me, perhaps, can recollect
well that this truth was not generally ad
mitted even within their day. The errors
of the past generation still clung to many
as late as twenty years ago. Those at the
North, who still cling to these errors, with
a zeal above knowledge, we justly denomi
nate fanatics. All fanaticisms springs
from an aberration of the mind ; from a
defect in reasoning. It is a species of in
sanity. One of the most striking charac
teristics of insanity, in many instances, is
forming correct conclusions from fancied or
erroneous premises; so with the anil
slavery fanatics; their conchislcfli&aferight
if their premises are. They assume that
the negro is equal, and hence conclude that
he is entitled to equal privileges and rights
with the white man. If their premise were
correct, their conclusion would be logical
and just—but their premise being wrong,
their whole argument fails. I recollect
once of having heard a gentleman from one
of tlie Northern States, of great power and
ability, announce in the House of Repre
sentatives, with imposing effect,’ that wo
of the South would be compelled, ulti
rnnti.lv to vffcld 11 linn lliis snlw t 1 if v
ry, that it was as impossible to war suc
cessfully against a principle in politics as
it was in physics and mechanics. That
the principle would ultimately prevail.—
That we in maintaining slavery as it ex
ists with us, were warring against a prin
ciple, a principle founded in nature, the
principle of the equality of man. The re
ply I made to him was, that upon his own
grounds we should succeed, and that he
and his associates in their crusade against
our institutions would ultimately fail. The
truth announced, that it was as impossible
to war successfully against a principle in
politics ns well as in physics and mechan
ics, I admitted, blit told him that it was
he and those acting with him, who were
warring against a principle. They w r ero
attempting to make things equal which
the Creator had made unequal.
In the conflict thus far, success has boon
on our side, complete throughout the
length and breadth of the Confederate
States. It is upon this, as I have stated,
our social fabric is firmly planted,; and I
cannot permit myself to doubt the ultimate
success of a full recognition of this princi
ple throughout the civilized and enlight
ened world.
As I have stated, the truth of this prin- 4
ciple may he slow in development, as all
truths are, and eve r have been, in the va
rious branches of science, ft was so with’
the principles announced by Gallileo—it
was so with Adam Smith and his princi
ples of political economy. It was so with
Harvey, and his theory of the circulation
of the blood. It is slated that not a sin
gle one ot the medical profession, living at
the time of tho’ announcement of the
truths made by him, admitted them. Now,
they are universally acknowledged. May
we not, therefore, look with confidence to
the ultimate universal acknowledgement
of the truths upon which our system rests.
It is the first, government ever instituted
upon principles in strict conformity to na
ture, and the ordination of Providence, iu
furnishing tlie materials of human society.
Many governments have been founded
upon the principle of certain classes ; hut
the classes thus enslaved, were of the same
race, and in violation of tho laws of Na
ture. Our system commits no such viola
tion of Nature's laws. The negro by na
ture, or by the curse against Canaan, is
fitted for that condition which he occupies
in our system. The architect, in the con
struction of buildings, lays the foundation
with proper material, —the granite,—then
Comes the brick or marble. The substraC
tion ot our society is made of the material
fitted by nature for it, and by experience
we know that it is the. best, not only for
the superior, but for the inferior ttc ce that
it should be so. It is, indeed, in conform
ity with the ordinance of the Creator. It
is not for us to inquire into the wisdom of
his ordinances or to question them. For
his own purposes he has made one race to
differ from another, as he has made “one
star to differ from another star in glory.”
The great objects of humanity are best
attained when conformed to his laws and
decrees, in the formation of governments as
well as in all things else. Our Confedera
cy is founded upon principles in strict con
formity with these laws. This stone which
was rejected by the first builders “is be
come the chief stone of the corner” in our
new edifice. (Applause.)
I have been asked, what of the future ?
It has been apprehended by some, that we
would have arrayed against us the civilized
world. I care not who or how many they
may be. when we stand upon the eternal
principles of truth we are obliged and must
triumph. [lmmense applause.]
Thousands of people, who begin to un
derstand these truths are not yet complete
ly out of the shell; they do not see them
in their length and breadth. We hear
much of the civilization and Christianiza
tion of the barbarous tribes of Africa, la