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Cnitstitutmnalist fc jßqrahlir.
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OFFICE ON Me IN TOSH-STREET,
TRIAD DOOR KXOM THH north-west corner of
BROAD-STREET .
TERMS:
Dailyp&per (if paid in advance) ....per annum. .$8 00
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AUGUSTA, GA.
WEDNESDAY MORNING, SEPT. 28.
FOR GOVERNOR,
HON. 11. V. JOHNSON,
Os Baldwin County.
dist. for congress.
1— JAMES L. SEWARD, of Thcmfas.
2A. H. COLQUITT, of Baker.
3 DAVID J. BAILEY, of Butts.
4 W. B. W. DENT, of Coweta.
6E. W. CHASTAIN, of Gilmer.
7 THOMAS P. SAFFOLD, of Madison.
8— JOHN J. JONES, of Burke.
Attention Democrats!
There will be a meeting ol the Democracy at
the City Hall, on Wednesday Evening, at half
past seven o’clock, for the purpose of taking into
consideration the propriety of nominating a full
ticket to represent Richmond county, in the
next Legislature. It is to be hoped there will
be a full attend inco.
See first page Daily this morning.
Chiding a Friend—lnteresting to Foreign
ers, Catholics, and Jews.
A writer in the Chronide and Sentinel , assum
ing, with ridiculous gravity, the character of a
friend to Gen. Pierce, addresses him in rather
more than a column, in censure of his adminis
tration. We do not know the writer, bat the
article has some of the ear marks of Mr.
Toombs, as a few extracts will show. Our
readers doubtless recollect his denunciations
of “Red Republicans, infidel Scotch, and German
Jews,” in bis convention speech at Milledgeville.
At least the fact of this language being used was
brought to public attention at the time Now
we find in this phillipic, signed Examiner, an
amplification of that spirit of animosity and
contempt for those portions of our population
then anathematised by the honorable gentleman.
Here is one extract:
“To insult the pride of native Americans, you
search for foreigners to fill the offices. In utter
contempt of the comity which should exist be
tween nations, you have insulted Spain by send
ing to her punctilious court as Minister, pending
a delicate question, a French emigre, whose
greatest merit is that he is more than charged
with Jacohitism and fillibusterism.”
Here is the intolerant spirit of native Ameri
canism peeping out from behind this insidious
mask. One might know, from this one passage,
that no democrat, no true friend of Gen. Pierce,
penned it. The Democratic Party have never
had any sympathy with that hostility to fo
reigners which has aimed to or great
ly curtail them of the rights of suffrage and
of holding office. It is among the Whigs
alone that native Americanism has received
countenance and sympathy. It was from the
old Federal, now Whig party, the Alien
and Sedition laws took their origin, and this
antipathy to foreigners holding office in our
Republican Government, is in a kindred spirit.
Whigs may feel their dignity insulted by the
President bestowing office upon citizens of fo
reign birth : but Democrats welcome the votary
of Republicanism as a friend and a brother, and
feel it no insult that men of intellect, of virtue,
and of patriotism, should hold office among us,
though Providence may have cast their lot, in
early life, amidst the despotic institutions of the
Old World.
Democrats do not forget that LaFayette was a
foreigner. So was Kosciusko. So were Pulaski
and Steuben. So was the gallant Montgomery,
one of old Ireland’s most chivalric sons.
They fought lor the cause of America—for
freedom and popular rights. They aided to lay
the foundations of a Republic which was des
tined to be, and has become, the home of the
exile, and the asylum of the oppressed of all
countries—a Republic which has been proud to
honor such men as Albert Gallatin with high
positions in her seivice.
But the wrath of this chiding friend of the
President is especially excited because the latter
has entrusted to a Frenchman—the intellectual
and accomplished Soule—the delicate mission to
Spain. He is more than charged, says this wri
ter, with Jackobitism. This implies that he ha 3
been proved a Jacobite. This is not true. Such
proof has never been, and cannot now be, pro
duced. He was driven fiom France by a des
potic Bourbon dynasty because of his Republi
can principles as expressed through the public
► press. Since he has been a citizen of this coun
try he has been a pure and patriotic citizen—an
eminent lawyer, who stood second to no man at
the brilliant Louisiana bar. He was sent by
that gallant State to represent her sovereignty
and interests in the United States Senate. There
he shone distinguished among the ablest men of
the Union.
As to his fillibusterism, if sympathy for the
oppressed Cubans, and a spirit of manly indig
nation at the cold blooded massacre of Critten
den ami his martyr band of enthusiasts for liber
ty, a spirit of indignation at the pusillanimous
character of the Fillmore administration, which
encouraged Concha to the atrocity which he
would not have dared t* perpetrate had Geu.
eral Pierce been President—constitute fillibus
terism, Mr. Soule would be proud to plead
guilty to the charge. Beyond this, no act or
speechYff his can be produced which would jus
tily Spanish pride and insolence in taking official
cognizance of and offence at. He is much
better suited to represent Americun feeling and
opinion at the .Spanish Court, than any willow
backed toady of royalty and aristocracy that
would have been more in conformity to a Fill
more dynasty. The former represents the Ame
rican people as embodied in the Administration.
The other would have represented that sort of
conservatism which sides with power and privi
lege, and is distrustful of the popular will and
the popular sympathies.
Another charge against the President is thus
expressed:
“A member of the rigid Presbyterian School,
which in time of the Scotch Covenanters de
tested policy, you have placed at the disposal of
the Catholic Bishop a man-of-war of the navy,
at the very time, too, when they are attacking
the freedom of our educational system/’
This assault upon the Catholics is as wanton
as it is unjust and uncalled for. We challenge
the proof of the allegation that the Catholics are
attacking the freedom of our educational system.
That denomination of Christians have their own
system of education, tinder their own teachers,
and it is to their great credit that theirs are
among the most thorough and valuable schools
and seminaries of the country ; so much so that
thousands of protestant youth are sent to them
by their parents as a matter of free choice. In
Maryland, the Catholics, who pay a large share
p|’ the taxes, are claiming their pro rata share of
the common school fund, to be appropriated to j
their schools. They ask,.as a matter of right,
that they be allowed this, and not be compelled
to send their children to protestant schools in
order to get the benefit of this educational fund.
Beyond this, we know of no shadow of pretext
for this assault on the Catholics.
The courtesy offered a Catholic Bishop, of a
passage on board a man-of-war. is magnified into
a grave offence on the part of the President.
But the people will not countenance that secta
rian intolerance or political demagogueism which
would find in this a ground of warfare against
the Administration.
But not foreigners alone are to be proscribed—
not Catholics alone are to be denounced—but the
Jews are to be scoffed at and placed under the
bann by the President’s assailants.
Here i 3 another offence foi which the Presi
dent is chi ed :
“A Puritan in politics, you openly reward a
Jew for using foreign money to advance your
election.”
Now here the gravamen of the offence is not
that the President has rewarded a partizan
friend for using money to advance his election,
but that he rewarded a Jf.w for doing so. This
is the offence that smells to heaven in the nos
trils of this Whig puritan.
The sarcasm thus pointed at the President and
the Jews, has special reference to Mr. Auguste
Belmont, a gentleman of the Hebrew blood and
faith, of fine abilities, enlarged commercial intel
ligence, and liberal foitune, whom the President,
scorning narrow prejudices, sect, and race, has
appointed Charge to Belgium.
We do not propose to offer a eulogy upon the
Jews, or to defend them against aspersions or
proscription. It is unnecessary. The native
Jews are citizens of our great country, on terms
of perfect equality with other native citizens.
The naturalized Jew citizens are on equal terms
with other naturalized foreigners. They have
equal rights, and they are capable of maintain
ing them. The laws of the land, and the jus
tice and good sense of the country, will combine
to protect and vindicate them. They have their
objectionabl etr&its. What nation of people has
not? But what race of men is more temperate,
more industrious, more regardful of the value of
education, more charitable to the poor and the
sick of their own people? How many Jew
drunkards, or Jew paupers are seen in cur
streets, or our poor houses ? Temperance, indus
try, frugality, and thrift, mark their course,
wherever the legal disabilities, which in Europe
have bowed them down almost to the dust, have
been removed. They have, in Europe, in spite
of oppression, furnished many great men to
fill high places in statesmanship, in war, in let
ters, and the arts. While in this country Jew's
are found occupying some of the highest w'alks
in professional and political life. D’lsraeli, a
Jew, one of England’s ablest of living states
men, has expressed wonder that the Jews should
be repudiated and sneered at by Christians,
when he whom they hail as the Saviour of man
kind, whose life was the sublimest example of
purity and virtue, and his precepts the most per
fect code of morality vouchsafed to man, was of
the Jewish race.
We profess no special admiration for the Jews
as a people—no special sympathy for the Catho
lics—but we are clearly in favor of repub
lican equality among all citizens of every
religious faith, and opposed to all narrow preju
dices against men because they happened to
have been born in foreign lands. Their coming
here and being naturalized among us, is itself,
evidence they prefer republican institutions, and
is some guarantee of their fidelity to them
Let them freely enjoy every right secured to
them by our Constitution.
Gen. John A. Dix.
As a matter of strict justice to this gentleman,
who has been denounced unsparingly, by South
ern whig papeis as an abolitionist, we lay be
fore the public a letter from him defining his po
sition, and giving a history of bis past course on
the slavery and territorial questions. It will ffie
seen from this, that his sentiments were not as
obnoxious to the South, as either those of Mr.
Webster or Mr. Fillmore. Mr. Webster took
especial pains to say, in a very
that he never had consented, and never would
consent to the admission of one foot of addition
al slave territory into the Union. This declara
tion was made even after the passage of the
compromise measures. Mr. Fillmore opposed
the admission of Texas—declared in a message
to Congress his opposition to the acquisition of
Cuba under any circumstances. He pledged
himself to an abolition society, in favor of im
mediate action for abolishing slavery in the Dis
trict of Columbia, and for the interdiction of
traffic in slaves, between the Southern States
Yet, under these circumstances, Mr. Webster
was supported in Georgia, for President, by the
Jenkins w'ing of the Whig party, and Mr. Fill
more had only a few months previous been the
favorite candidate in the Baltimore Whig Con
vention, of these very whigs for the same office.
Mr. Dix has never taken ground in opposition
to the acqusition of territory, because it was
slave territory, and has long since, been pledged
not to oppose the acquisition of Cuba on any
such ground. His opinions are less objection
able to the South than those of either Mr. Webster
or Mr. Fillmore : Yet, the Georgia whigs, who
were willing to trust the whole government in
the hands of either of these Northern men, are
denouncing the Presiaent, foi p’acing Mr. Dix
in a subordinate office, and declare that the ap
pointment of such men, places the country and
the rights of the South “ in great and imminent
danger P
Can there be any effrontery or hypocrisy
equal to this ?
Letter of Gen. John A. Dix.
New York, Sept. 21,1853.
Dr. I. P. Garvin—
Dear Sir :—ln my lettar of the 31st ult., I in
timated that I might, in a few days, write you
more fully on the subject to which it related.—
My objects were, Ist, to show, by what I have
said on former occasions, that I was not, in that
letter, expressing any new views on the points
referred to, and 2d, to sustain, by references to the
past, the representations of political friends in
your State. I should have written you at an
earlier day but for my inability to procure some
of the materials I required.
1.— abolitionism.
The first great movements of the abolitionists
in this,State were made in 1835. To counteract
them a meeting was called in September of that
year, at Albany, without distinction of party.
Hon. Win. L. Marcy, then Governor of the
State, presided, and I, then Secretary of State,
addressed the meeting and offered the resolutions
all of which, with a single exception, were
drawn by myself. Among them were the fol
lowing :
11 Resolved, That, under the constitution of the
United States, the relation of master and slave
is a matter belonging exclusively to the people
of each State within its own boundaries; that
the general government has no control over it,
that it is subject only to the respective arrange
ments of the several States, within which it ex
ists ; and that any attempt by the people or
government of any other State, or by the gen
eral government, to interfere with or disturb it
would violate the spirit of the compromise,
which lies at the basis ot the federal compact.
“ Resolved , That the Union ot the States,
which under Provideuce has conferred the rich
est blessing on the people, was the result of com
promise and conciliation, that we can only hope
to maintain it by abstaining from all interference
with the laws, domestic policy and peculiar in
terests of every other State ; and that all such in
terference, which tends to alienate one portion
of our countrymen from the rest, deserves to be
frowned upon with indignation by all who
cherish the principles of our revolutionary fa
thers, and who desire to preserve the constitu
tion by the exercise of that spirit of amity, which
animated its framers.
‘‘ Resolved , That we deprecate as sincerely as
any portion of our fellow citizens, the conduct of
individuals, who are attempting to coerce our
brethren in other States, into the abolition of
slavery by appeals to the fears of the master
and the passions of the slave; that we cannot
but consider them as disturbers of the public
peace; and that vve will, by all constitutional
and lawlul means, exert our influence to arrest
the progress of measures tending to loosen the
bonds of Union and to create between us and
our Southern brethren feelings of alienation and
distrust, from which the most fatal consequences
are to be apprehended.
li Resolved , That while we impute no criminal
design to the greater part of those, who have
united themselves to abolition societies, we feel
it our duty to conjure them, as brethren of the
same great political family, to abandon the asso
ciations into which they have entered, and to
prove the purity of their motives by discontinu
ing a course of conduct, which they cannot now
but see must lead to disorders and crimes of the
darkest dyp..
“ Resolved, Thats while we would maintain
inviolate the liberty ol speech and the freedom
of the press, we consider discussions, which from
their nature tend to inflame the public mind
and put in jeopardy the lives and property ot our
fellow citizens, at war with every rule of moral
duty and every suggestion ot humanity ; and we
shall be constrained, moreover, to regard those,
who, with full knowledge of their pernicious
tendency, continue to carry them on, as disloyal
to the Union, the integrity of which can only
be maintained by a forbearance on the part ot
all from every species of intrusion into the do
mestic concerns of others.
u Resolved , That the inevitable consequence of
the unconstitutional and incendiary proceedings
in relation to slavery in the South must be to
aggravate the condition of the blacks by exci
ting distrust and alarm among the white popu
lation, who, for their own protection and securi
ty will be compelled to multiply restraints upon
their slaves and thus increase the rigors of slave
ry.
“ Resolved, That the people of the South will
do us great injustice if they allow them
selves to believe that the few among us who
are interfenng with the question of slavery, are
acting in accordance with the sentiment of the
north on this subject; and we do not hesitate to
assure them that the great body of the northern
people entertain opinions similar to those ex
pressed in these resolutions.
“Finally Resolved, That vve make these dec
larations to our Southern brethren in the same
spirit of amity, which bound together their fa
thers and ours during a long and eventful strug
gle for independence, and that we do, in full re
membrance ofthat common association, plight
them our iaith to maintain in practice, so iar as
lies in our power, what we have thus solemnly
declared.”
These resolutions, which I offered as chairman
of a committee, appointed on my motion, were
enforced by a speech from myself sustaining the
several positions assumed in them, as a matter of
obligation and duty, arising under the political
compact between the States. My sentiments
are unchanged; and I have no hesitation in
saying that nothing, inconsistent with them,
will be found in anything I have said since that
time.
2. —FRF.ESOIt.ISM.
In August, 1846, when President Polk asked
of Congress two millions ot dollars (afterwards
increased to three millions.) with a view to ter
minate the war with Mexico, a proviso was
proposed by Mr. Wilmot, of Pennsylvania, and
adopted by the House of Representatives, pro
hibiting the introduction of slavery into any ter
ritory which might be acquired,. It was sent to
the Senate on the last day of the session, but
was not acted on. In 1547 it was renewed, and
in the mean time a large number of the non
slaveholding States had passed resolutions, in
structing their Senators, and requesting their
Representatives in Congress to sustain it. New
Hampshire, Vermont, Rhode Island and Penn
sylvania, in the order in which they are named,
preceded New York in their action on this sub
ject. The ground taken in Congress and in
most of the States was, that, as slavery had been
abolished in Mexico, it ought not to be revived
or allowed to be introduced into any territory
she might cede to us, as long as the latter con
tinued in the territorial condition. The right of
a State, on coming into the Union, to establish
or legalize slavery, as a local institution was gen
erally conceded. I have always considered it
1 above all control or interference by the federal
government; and on the Ist of March 1847, in
my first speech in the Senate, on this subject, I
made the following propositions with a view
to the settlement of the whole question :
“ 1. All external interference with slavery in
the State, is a violation of the Compromises of
the Constitution, and dangerous to the harmony
and perpetuity of the Federal Union.
“2. If territory is acquired by the United
States, it should, in respect to slavery, be left as
it is found. If slavery exists therein, at the
time of the acquisition, it should not be the sub
ject of legislation by Congress. On the other
hand, if slavery does not exist therein, at the
time of the acquisition, its introduction ought to
be prohibited while the territory continues to be
governed as such.
“3. All legislation by Congress in respect so
slavery in the territory belonging to the United
States,ceases to be operative, when the inhabit
ants are permitted to form a State government;
and the admission of a State into the Union,
carries with it, by virtue of the sovereignty such
admission confers, the right to dispose of the
whole question of slavery without external in
terference.”
These propositions, I considered in substantial
accordance with the resolutions of the legisla
ture of the State I represented, and they were
in conformity to my own opinions.
It did not, of course, escape my notice, at the
time I made these propositions, which were re
iterated in 1848, in the words in which they
are above given, (and I think I so stated to
some of my associates in the Senate,) that their
adoption as a final adjustment of the dispute
would bring Cuba into the Union, when the
proper time should arrive, as a territory first, and
a State afterwards, without any question as to
the existence of slavery in that Island.
This, then, was the position of fourteen of the
thirty States in 1848—that if any territory was
acquired from Mexico (slavery having been
abolished) it should continue free from slavery
as long as it was governed as a territory, leaving
to the people, w’hen they should organize a State,
to decide for themselves what their condition in
this respect should be. This position 1 sustain
ed from 1847 to 1849. My convictions of its
justice were, I trust, as sincere as the opinions
of those from whom I differed. I have never
attempted any explanation of my on this
question, otherwise than as my recorded speeches
in the Senate explain it; and I am sure that no
thing will be found in them which can be justly
considered offensive by those who disagreed with
me. To the people of the State of New York,
whose instructions, given through the Legisla
ture, I obeyed and defended, I have always been
ready to account.
Some of the State Legislatures in 1848 went
further, and passed resolutions against the ad
mission of any future slaveholding State into
the Union. I never assented to such a proposi •
tion. On the contrary, I believed it to be irre
concilable with our obligations to others—cer
tainly to Texas, and it was inconsistent with
my own views of State sovereignty.
The long-pending controversy was settled af
ter nay term of service in the Senate had ex
pired—lst, by the admission of California into
the Union, with a constitution, lormed by her
self, prohibiting slavery; and 2d by the organiza
tion of territorial governments for Mexico and
Utah without such a prohibition. These acts
were regarded, and generally acquiesced in, as a
settlement of the whole question. This was
my view of the subject, and I have so treated it
on all occasions.
3. FUGITIVE SLAVES.
I have always acknowledged the right of the
slaveholding States to demand the surrender of
fugitive slaves under that provision of the con
stitution which requires the surrender of persons'
held to service or labor, the right of Congress to
legislate on the subject, and the obligation to
pass an effective law.
In a debate in the Senate of the United
States, on the 26th July, ISIS, I made the fol
lowing remarks:
“The Northern States have been repeatedly
charged in this debate, and on many previous
occasions, with aggression and violations of the
constitutional compact in their action on the
subject of slavery. With regard to the surren
der of fugitive slaves—the case most frequently
cited—it is possible that there may have been
some action, or inaction, in particular States, not
in strict accordance with the good faith they
ought to observe in this.respect I know not
how it is, but we know there is an effective
.power to legislate on thi« subject in Congress,
and I am sure there will be no want of co-ope
ration on our part in carrying out the require
ments of the constitution, by providing alt rea
sonable means for executing them.”
Since the law of 1850 passed, I have uniform
ly declared myself in favor of carrying it into
execution, like every other law of the land.—
My views with regard to this and all other obli
gations of a kindred character, are clearly ex
pressed in the following extract from an address
delivered at Boston, in November, 1852, repeat
ed on several occasions in New England, and
this State, and published in January last:
“ And Ist, Let it be distinctly understood, that
the law must be inflexibly maintained. I use
the term law, in its largest sense, not only as
including what has been specifically decreed,
but as comprehending the general order, on the
preservation of which the inviolability of all
pujjlic authority depends. The law is the will
of the people, constitutionally expressed. Who
ever arrays himself against it, excepting to pro
cure its repeal, in the mode prescribed by the
fundamental compact, commits an act of treach
ery to the people themselves.
“The law is the basis of all popular supremacy,
ft is the very feature by which free government
is distinguished from despotism. To uphold it is
one of the highest duties which is devolved on
us as freemen. It is always possible that those,
who are intrusted with its execution, may err
in the performance of their duty. They may
employ unnecessary, arbitrary or even wanton
severity in enforcing it. For all this they may
be held to a rigid account- But no error in the
execution can impair the obligation to uphold it.
It must be understood, and without reservation,
thatjhe law is to be inflexibly maintained.”
4. THE HIGHER LAW.
In July, 1850, shortly after the promulgation
of Gov. Seward’s higher law doctrine; I referred
to it in an address to the democracy of Herkimer
county in this State,published immediately after,
in the following terms :
“ In the maintenance of principles, which we
believe to be vital to our honor and prosperity,
let us not forget that we have duties to perform
in a two fold relation, to ourselves, and others
to our sister States as members of a common
union, which we are pledged to maintain under
all its constitutional forms, and to our democratic
brethen in this btate, with whom we have been
associated in numberless contests and trials.
Our first duty is fidelity to the Constitution. If
we fail in the observance of any one of require
> merits, how can we call on the people of other
States to be faithful to it? If. as has been said
there is power above the Constitution, his will,,
so far as it has been revealed to us, inculcates
obedience to the government under which we
live, while it is administered in accordance with
the fundamental compact, submission to the
laws, fidelity to duties arising under the Consti
tution, and a spirit of justice to our political as
sociates. lam in favor of conforming to all its
requirements and of carrying them out fully and
in good faith, no matter what they may be.
No one of our obligations under the Constitution
can be less imperative than another. Disobedi
ence to one is infidelity to all.”
* I believe I have in the foregoing remarks and
extracts from speeches heretofore delivered, cov
ered all the ground of imputation against me,
including the proceedings of the Baltimore Con
vention of 1852, which contained nothing of im
portance not asserted in previous Conventions
except an endorsement of the compromise mea
sures as a settlement of the slavery question,and
a deprecation of all future agitation of it “ here
or elsewhere. In these proceedings I expressed
at the first meeting held in this city to ratify
them, my cordial concurrence; and I was, during
the greater part of the late canvass for the Pre
sidency, in the field in this and other States.
It is with great regret that I have, for the first
time in my life, felt constrained to vindicate
myself from the imputation of sentiments I have
never entertained or utttered. I had heard, pre
viously to the receipt of your favor, that I was
assailed by whig speakers in the South as an
abolitionist; and I was willing to leave my vin
dication to time and events as the best correc
ted of all such misrepresentation and error. But
when told by you that they were used as instru
ments of assault upon the President and the De
mocracy of Georgia, I felt that no personal con
sideration should induce me to remain silent.—
In connexion with the subject, I deem it due to
myself to say, that before my letter to you of the
31st uit., was written, I had expressed to the
President a desire to be relieved, as soon as the
public convenience would permit, from the of
fice I now hold—an office which nothing but
the hope ofbeing useful to the Democratic cause
in this State, would have induced me to accept
—and that I am not, and have uever been by
any act of my own, a candidate for any other.
I am, dear sir,very respectfuly yours,
John A. Dix.
The Mobile papers of the 23d inst. announce
the death of Dr. J. C. Notf,and Dr. Thomas G.
Randolph physicians of that city. Both died of
yellow fever.
Cheering Prospects.
Our accounts from every District in the State,
in reference to the approaching election, are en
couraging to the Democratic cause. We feel
strong confidence in the election oi the Hon.
Herschel V. Johnson. The Democrats have only
to continue their efforts to the close of the p; 11s
on Monday next, and the day is ours. The vic
tory will be on the side of the Democracy, the
Administration and the peace of the country.
Agitation will be put down, the scheme of sec
tional warfare upon the national administration
will be nipped in the bud, and Gen. Pierce will
receive the assurance that Democratic Georgia
has not lost confidence in his integrity and pa
triotism.
Democrats!— friends of the President!—stand
by him who has never, in the darkest hours of
Congressional strifes, failed to stand by the
South. Democrats, stand by your Standard
Bearer, the pure, and able, and patriotic Johnson,
who has ever been imbued with the principles,
and devoted to the cause, which you all have at
heart.
Property Qualification for Governor. I
We did Mr. Jenkins no injustice in publish- j
ing the charge that he did make the speech in :
the Legislature against the repeal of the Proper- j
ty Qualification to the office of Governor. We
did him no injustice in supposing that he had
made the speech, and forgotten it.
We are now prepared to reiterate the charge,
that he did, in 1847, leave the speaker’s chair,
and make a speech in opposition to the repeal.
We are furnished with the names of gentle
men, who were members of the Legislature of
1847, as authority for the charge.
Mr. Jenkins has not denied it. He will not
deny it, nor wiil any one else deny it for him.
The certificates of some of the most respecta
ble citizens of the state, testifying that they
heard the Tspeech, will be furnished if neces
sary.
I1P“ Post Masters and other Friends, will oblige
us by sending the returns of their respective
counties as soon as made known.
The State Fair.
The preparations for the State Fair at Augusta,
to commence on the 17th of next month, are on
the most ample scale and got up in a very taste
ful manner. The grounds will now well repay
a visit, and all who see them must agree with
us that the committees who have the matter in
charge, deserve great credit for the manner in
which they are performing their duties.
From the last Madison Visitor, we take the
following description of the Fair Ground :
Augusta— the Fair. —We paid a visit last
week to our old friends in Augusta, and availed
ourselves of the opportunity to visit the Fair
Ground, and the accommodations for the Exhibi
. tion in October. Time and space afford an op
portunity for a very limited notice of the ar
rangements. The ground is one mile and a half
in circumference, enclosed by a substantial plank
fence, seven feet high. The main entry to the
ground is by the Secretary’s office, GO by 18 feet,
with 10 windows and three doors; the Machine
shop is 100 by 40 leet, posts 10 inches square,
four feet in the ground; Ceral Hall 100 by 40,
18 windows; Floral Hall, the same; a Hall 150
feet in length, to be used as required ; two other
large Halls; and Ladies Saloon,4o by 20. 140
stalls for horses; 100 hog pens ; 100 sheep pens;
poultry yard ; and three tents, which will hold
several hundred persons each. 200,000 feet lum
ber have been used, and certainly no expense or
pains have been spared in the arrangements
made. Four pumps have been or are to be sunk,
and a beautiful rivulet passes through the ground,
convenient to the stock department. The whole
ground is a beautiful level, and a portion well
shaded. A gentleman who has travelled exten
sively, and had opportunities of information, re
marked to us, that the Augusta Fair Ground
was equal to any in the United States.
Views of a Scott Whig.
A clear and forcible writer in the Central
Georgian , a National Scott Whig in politics, and
who wore the Scott uniform last year, has been
expressing his view’s of the “ Republic m Citi
zens” movement of Messrs. Toombs, Jenkins
and Stephens, in a series of well written essays,
lie addresses his communications to Mr. Ste
phens; from one of which we extract the follow
ing comment on Mr. Jenkins’ change of position
since last year:
His position is inconsistent, if not wrong, as I
infer from some sentiments contained in his let
ter of acceptance, when compared with others,
contained in his letter to the Savannah Repub
lican. In the latter, he holds this language ;
*’ With a stronger desire than ever betore to
adhere to the National Whig party, and to give
to their nominees my teeble support, I have
been unable to biing my mind to the conclusion
that I ought to vote for Gen. Scott.”
Precisely one year and one day, from the time
he penned these words, expressing the strongest
desire he ever had, to adhere to the national
whig party, he wrote his letter of acceptance, in
which he thus expresses himself:
“ It is with me, no new opinion, that we
have all greatly erred in chaining State interests
to the car of national polities.”
There is not the utterance of a single regret,
or the appearance of a single reluctant thought
at the idea ol cutting loose all connection with
a party, which twelvemonths before, he desired
more than ever to adhere to. In that short
time, if any change has taken place in the prin
ciples of the national W’hig party, I am not
aware of it; or any other change, which could
give so warm a devotee as Mr. Jenkins then
expressed himself, just ground to repudiate it
now.
Bat, sir. this is not all. In speaking of the
principles of the convention of “ Republican citi
zens,” a« set toith in their resolutions, he says :
“ I take courage in the consciousness that
they command my heart’s warm devotion.”
One of the principles of that Convention is
to denounce the national whig party as “ failh
-1 less to its oft repeated pledges of economy.” So
we find him, not only ready to do it himself, but
encouraging others to abandon the name, princi
i pie, and affiliation w’ith the national whig par
ty, which twelve months before he so earnestly
desired to adhere to; and not only that, but
joining heartily in the censure and condemna
tion of that party.
Sir, it does seem to me that men might invent
some means of forsaking their party without
giving it an ill-name. But I suppose it is nec
essary to make some excuse for the desertion.
Yet, it can certainly be no good reason why Mr.
Jenkins should assist in reviving an or< raniza
tion, which one year ago, he considered dissol
ved by limitation—and become politically de
nationalized lor the sake of the very men, from
w’hom a decent remark towards Mr. Fillmore’s
administration could not be W'rung: —and to
gain whose support now, he agrees to abandon
name, principles, and national connection, and
abuse the whig party into the bargain.
If Mr. Toombs is really opposed to Mr. Jen
kins receiving the nomination at Milledgeville,
on the 22d of June, and was disposed to harbor
feelings of resentment, he would most assuredly
be recompensed for his disappointment, when he
thus beheld Mr. Jenkins drink to* the dregs, this
humiliating cup of his infidelity.
I therefore repeat, Mr. Jenkins is in a false
position ; and if it does not injure his reputation,
it must diminish his popularity. 1 have, but to
consider, in a shoit letter, yourself and Mr.
Toombs’ connection in placing Mr. Jenkins
where he now is—and how it could have been
avoided, with honor to the whig party, and sure
success to him.
Very respectfully,
One of the People.
Montpelier Female Institute.
We would call the attention of parents and
guard ; ans, to the advertisement of this flourish
ing Institute, which will be found in this day’s
paper. In speaking of this Institution, the Sa
vannah News of the 26th inst., remarks :
“The prosperity of this excellent institution*
should be, as we believe it is, to the people o
Georgia, a subject of state pride. Possessing all
the advantages of education afforded by the high
est Female Seminaries in the country, it affords
the no less important advantages of exemption
from those influences which have been found to
operate injuriously upon the pupils of the larger
and more mixed Schools of other sections.—
Watched by the vigilant care of the Right Rev.
Bishop Elliot, and under the Guardianship of
some of our most worthy citizens, with a corps
of tried and approved teachers, in every depart
ment, the Montpelier Institute offers advanta
ges to pupils and security to parent and guar
dians, which are rarely found in similar Institu
tions.”
Accident to the Welaka.— The steamboat
Welaka left here as usual for Florida on Saturday
last, but went to sea instead of going the inland
passage to Darien. A few miles to the South of
Warsaw Sound, about 11 o’clock, on Saturday j
both cranks were broken. The engineer was
sent in a boat to Thunderboldt, and thence came
to this city for assistance. The steamer Cal
houn left yesterday morning quite early, and
found the Welaka drifting, as the chains of both
anchors had parted, and towed her to this city
last evening. No person was injured, and it is
probable that the Welaka will be repaired in sea
son for her next regular trip.— Sav. Rep., 26 th
xnst.
[communicated.]
Troupville, Sept. 24th, 1853.
iur. Gardner: Before I left my residence in
Morgan for one in Lowndes, I laid myself under
the obligation of a promise, to many of my per
sonal friends, to give them some account of this
section of the state : and I propose to fulfil the
obligation, through the medium of your paper,
provided, you deem the communication worthy
so much space in its columns.
In regard to commercial facilities, this portion
of Georgia has been, for many years, far behind
many other sections. But a brighter day is
dawning upon us. The Brunswick Railroad, no
longer problematical, designed to connect the
Atlantic with the gulf, will pass through the
centre of this county. And the Savannah road,
intended to form another connection of the same
waters, will in all probability pass through or
near the upper part of the county. Thus, we
shall be placed in juxtaposition with the best
markets, both of the East, and of the West.
When these roads shall be completed, the com
mercial advantages of this section may justly be
expected to excel those of any other section of
the United States. In relation to the Brunswick
road, the general and well founded expectation
is, that it will be extended as far, at least, as
Lowndes county, in time for the crop succeeding
the present. And the people of Savannah have
too much energy and foresight to suffer their road
to lay very far behind. With these facts before
us, it seems unnecessary to say more on the sub
ject of commercial facilities, for all can see and
comprehend them.
In morals and refinements of civilization, though
we may be less advanced than we might desire,
still we are in advance of many other sections
and rapidly improving. The original frontier
settlers have given way and are still giving w r ay
to a moie permanent, substantial and civilized
population ; and wealth with its consequent re
finement is fast flowing into the country. The
Parson and the Pedagogue too, are getting abroad,
and schools and churches, ol respectable grade
are becoming common every day occurrences.
With regard to health, a subject upon which,
prior to my removal to this section, I felt more
anxiety than on any other -subject connected
with the condition of the country, a residence of
nearly nine months, with the observation which
I have been able to make, and the information
which I have been able to collect has convinced
me that Lowndes is not excelled by any other
portion of Georgia, of equal extent. It is true,
that we are not exempt from sickness, (chiefly
the milder grades of bilious intermitent) but
the cases are less numerous and less malignant
than in counties higher up—say in middle Geor
gia. Many parts of this county will compare
favorably with the most healthy spots of the
mountainous regions. Our hammock lands are
much more subject to chills and fevers, than the
open jn ne l ar 'd- I have been surprised, and
doubtless my up country friends will be surpris
ed at the fact, that many persons with large
families have resided in this county fifteen or
twenty years, and during that time have not had
a case of serious sickness in their families. Such
however is the? fact, and I could name several
instances in my neighourhood. My own family
have never been more healthy than they have
been during the time of my residence here.
They have been much more healthy than they
were inJMorgan, Clarke or Walton, while I re
sided in those counties. We are now nearly past
what is here called the sickly season, I have of
course had the opportunity of some experience
of the country, and my deliberate opinion is that
Lowndes is as healthy as any other part ot Geor
gia.
As a stock-raising country, Southern Georgia,
tor many years has been one of the very best
and is at this time not easily excelled. Yet the
great influx of population, now like a tide setting
in this direction, may well be expected in a few
years materially to change this feature of the
country. Indeed, so rapidly is immigration into
this part of the country going on, that lands
have advanced in value, within less than three
years past more than one hundred percent:—
and must continue to advance rapidly for many
yeatstocome. With a full conviction of these
facts I feel no hesitation in advising my friends,
who may have entertained a design to remove
to this section to lose no time in securing settle
ments of land. If they should not be ready to
move now, still I advise them to buy lands with
out delay. They can lose nothing by doing so.
They can make no better investment of their
money, for the advance in the value of land will
pay a better profit than any other investment
within my knowledge. Speculating companies
seem to be well apprized of this tact, tor the
country is full of their agents, who are securing
all the lands they can get hold of.
The agriculture of this country, yet partakes
of the rudeness incident to newly settled coun
tries ; hut appears to be in a state of transition,
approximating to that of older sections. Still
with this imperfect cultivation, farmers here do
realize large profits from their tarms. All the
grains excepting perhaps wheat, flourish luxuri
antly here. This grain has not been cultivated
hitherto to a great extent; owing either to an
impression of its uncertainty, or to a Jack of mills
suited for che manufacture of good flour—or
rather to both these causes combined with a
scarcity ot open lands. Yet lam acquainted
with some few farmers who have cultivated
wheat for twelve or fifteen years, and within
that time have not lost a crop. The wheat crop
however is sometimes materially injured by
rust. The fruits generally, and especially the
fig, the grape, and pomgranate, grow in great per
fection. The apple, the orange and peach, if we
may judge correctly from limited experiments
do well, and no country produces in greater per
fection, the pea, the potato, and the melon. To
bacco, arrow root, and sugar, cane grow finely
here but are not generally cultivated much be
yond the domestic wants, the chief attention of
farmers being directed to the cultivation of a
more profitable article, the great staple of the
South. Os the short staple cotton, we have sev
eral varieties, which yield a large recompense
for the labour of the husbandman ; but all these
are rapidly giving place to a more profitable
kind—the long or sea Island cotton ; to the pro
duction of which our soil and climate have been
found to be well adapttd. To give some idea
of the amount of profits arising from the cultiva
vatioh of the long staple cotton, 1 will state a
few tacts in this connection. One, to three acres
of our lands (according to quality) will produce
a bale, weighing 400 lbs, with the same amount
ol labour that is required ior the short staple. A
goed article of this cotton made in Lowndes,
brought last season fifty-one cents, per pound.
But expectations based upon this price might
not be altogether reliable ; but a general calcula
tion of 30 to 50 cents, would in all probability
be entirely safe. The product per hand under
moderately good management, may be safely set
down at 3 to 5 bales ot 400 lbs, according to the
quality of the land cultivated. With these facts
before him, any farmer can es'imate the advan
tages of the long, over the short staple cottons.
In regard to this article, I will also state that the
price is not likely to be subject to such fluctua
tions, as that of other cottons ; from the fact, that
its production is confined to so small a region.
But this region is most rabidly being filled up
with a heavy population and the lands must as
a natural sequence rapidly appreciate in value.
The above remarks, it is believed are true to
some considerable extent, of ail southern Georgia
but they have been made with a view of their
| application, particularly to Lowndes county,
I and adjacent portions of surrounding counties!
In a subsequent communication I desire to give
a more particular account of the lands as to kinds,
qualities, prices, &c—but how soon, I cannot
now promise. J. c. Paulett.
Still Abolitionized.— Senator Toombs of
Georgia proclaimed, during the fast Presidential
canvass, that the Northern whig party was abo
litionized. It will be seen by the following
from the central organ of the New York whigs,
the Albany Evening Journal, that there has been
no im pro vent in their ranks since the announce
ment mentioned above was made. They are
! still abolitionized, and avow their determination
of remaining so for all coming time :
“That the great mass of whigs are imbued
with emancipation sympathies, is true beyond
denial, and if that ‘be treason, then make the
most of it.’ On all legitimate issues between
the free and slave States, if properly and sea
! sonably taken by the North, or forced by the
| South, whigs will be found on the side of free
| dom. Whigs will again oppose, should the ques
tion return, the extension of slavery over free
territory.”
This is a fair warning, of which the whigs
of the South will do well to take note.
Wonder if Mr. Jenkins still entertains “a
greater desire than ever to adhere to the whig
party ?” It must be a strong stomach that di
gests such a melange as the whig party is com
posed of. —florid ian.
u* ‘ • HLEGRa PiT^
RiCßjtoN^Ts^tT 27 p’!?"’
Th» Great Raoe-Hina Viot„H OU8 M '
The great race of the season, si o ooo!
was won by Nina, in two straight heats T 1
three minutes fifty-four and one quarter'**’
the first heat; second heat, three minnt
forty-eight seconds. * ®hd
New Orleans, Sept. 27
Yellow Fever.
fever. 6 intem,entS were 33,14 by ,„ w
13 At Mobi!e ’ the interments were 20, by fever
Cotton Market.
Cotton is dull, and has declined half tn h,
quarters of a cent. Middling quoted at V Z
good Middling 10) cents. ' #nd
Coffee has declined and prime Ri o i s Wn .,
10J to 105 sents.
Charleston, Sept. 27 p \r
Cotton. Sales to-day, 200 bales, at Si toL
r T L York, Sept. 26
Cotton.—The market is unchanged S-l
lOOO.bales. 3 Sa!es
L Correspondence of the Georgia Citizen.]
~ T 1 , Sept. 21, lsfii
I have never before, found the nositUn ,
my party, (if I may call that my ra £
embodies most of the men I have E; J*s
with, politically.) such as I could not constant
and willingly adopt. I have been an ae£
participant in all the elections in Georsia .
nearly twenty-tive years-I mean President!?
Gubernational and Congressional; and haven?’
er aspired to, or sought office, or public employ
ment of any kind, and have never been in anv
I have been content to vote with my party
support its principles. You may rest assnw
therefore, that I feel much regret at bein« placed
in a position that fbrees me to do what Ido 2
approve, or bid adieu, for, no one knows how
long,to what was once the Whig party. I was t J
first W hig so cal ed, 111 Georgia. The late Gov
J. h. Calhoun, 1 believe, was the second man
whom I heard express himself favorable to ta
king the Whig name. That was in 1833-we
were all State Rights men then-and did notful
ly adopt the Whig name till 1840. I have vo
ted for and acted with, many gallant noble hear
ted fellows, who have since gone over to the De
mocracy:—some are now dead, and some yet liv'
ing. Among the latter, I sometimes see men-"
tioned Geo. R. Gilmer, Wilson Lumpkin, Henrv
G. Lamar W T Colquitt, A. A. Chappell, John
H Howard, Mark A. Cooper, & c> , &c. i m
still a Whig.
Nor can I consent, for the sake of doing mv
self the honor ot voting for Charles J. Jenkins
to abandon the Whig name, the principles, and
the national connection with the great Whig
party of the Union; and be led about in the wan
derings of Senator Toorr.bs and Mr. A. H. Ste
phens. These men are talented, I know; but l
cannot see why L saould be their blind follower
for that. It doe& not appear to make them any
the more honest, or serviceable, or the less ambi
tious.
I could have had more confidence in these
men, if they had not so willfully betrayed their
| party in 1852. \ might even have been indue
i ed to loMow them so far, at this time, as to vote
j for Mr. Jenkins, but for the total disregaad the},
1 find the latter’s particular lriend3, seemed to
! manifest towards the Scott men, —and the un
! just proscriptions, in many instances, with
i which the latter have been treated. I do not
j believe we can ever be reconciled, and we might
as well part now, before they gain greater ad
vantage over us by our support. Messrs.
Toombs and Stephens are determ 1 Red to carry
out their sectional party ism, and I am as deter
mined (and every Scott man ought to be also) not
to go with them.
But says onp, if you don’t support Jenkins,
the Southern Rights Democaats will get into
power with Johnson. Well, suppose they do,
what then ? Why Georgia will be endorsing
Mr. Pierce’s administration. If that is all let it
! be so. Georgia, through the conduct of these
j men, was made to vote for Mr. Pierce ; and Mr.
; Pierce is as good, and sound, and honest now, as
he was then. Mr. Pierce has not deceived me.
j When Messrs. Toombs and Stephens recom
-1 mended him to the Union Party, I did not take
| their advice,bind 1 shall not now.
j But, says a zealous Jenkins man, your old
party friends will be in power, if he (Jenkins)
is elected. That may be. But I have seen enough
to satisfy me that that will not “ inure” to tbe
1 benefit of the Scott men, any more than if
| Johnson is elected. 1 just believe that if Jenkins
: is elected, the Scott nr.en will receive no favor; they
i will be kept down wherever there is power to do it.
! It cant he worse it Johnson is elected. On the
; contrary, we shall be on an equal footing with
i the “Republican Citizens” and “Tertium
> Quids.”
No, Dr. Andrew's, I have never seen in Geor
• gia, a contest so perfectly for mere power, beiore.
| There is in truth, no regard for high principle.
| The “Republican citizens” certainly have the
[ advantage of pretension, —and it is on!}' preten
| sion. Men ought to have more sense thanto
I believe, that a great national principle is to bepn-
I served and made effectual, by a mere local, sectional
organization. It must be firmly engrafted upon
our national politics, by a universal national fel
lowship w'ith national parties, before it can be
made to work any permanent good.
Hence, it there is any principle connected with
! this Gubernatorial canvass, it is the maintain*
j ance of the Compromise. To this both parties
I are pledged. If Mr. Jenkins is elected, it is
| maintained here per se ; but what claims has he,
or his party, on any organized party, North or
; South, to second his position ? On the Whigs.
certainly none. And the Democracy will not
i recognize the claim, coming from him; while
j he is nothing more than the representationoU
: mere local body of citizens. If Mr. Johnson is
; elected, the principle will also be maintained in
! Georgia, if there is any thing in pledges; and his
connection with the Democracy of the North,
will be a claim upon them not to be disregard-
I ed.
I take it, therefore, that “the dignity of the
position of Georgia in 1851,” will be maintain
ed in either instance:—And in the event ot
Johnson’s election, with the advantage of aM
tional organization to support it, —which M r -
Jenkins loses by the sectional character of tbe
party he heads. lam no Democrat, nor frier u
of the Democratic party,—yet I cannot but ac
knowledge its advantages, by national connec
tion, in the maintainance of a great principal
over those of the ‘ Republican Citizens.” * enl
satisfied the lattei will find their severance from
all national affiliation, in the end, to be a matm
of no small consequence. There must bean an
sw-ering signal from some friendly part,or taeir
barque w ill founder. They cannot ride outtrw
storms which occur in our political elf®^ 1 ’
without some place to setter them ; and if ‘he)
will have no friendly alliance, they must be 3 '
about till they go down. .
| lam under no obligations as a Scott Whig,
support either, but if I vote, it must be as 1 e
lieve will best secure and make permanen
rights we of the South contend for.
Yours friend,
’ Creek,
murder was committed in this vicinity,
night of the 10th instant, on the person of
miah Fuller, a respectable young man, who
brought to an untimely end by a stab 0
person, which caused instant death, by one
W. Martin,who is safely lodged in Clarksv)
to await his trial. —Mountain Signal , 24 tn ‘
Arrivals at the Railroad House,Stone Moua
tain, Ga., Sept. 23.
clark & hitchcock, Proprietors.
John Duncan, Milledgeville.
John Finn. Augusta.
Hon. A. H Stephens, Craw'fordsviile.
Mrs. Wright, Yan Wert, Ga.
Jas. M. Gordon, Savannah.
B. Gresham and Lady, Lexington.
Mr. Cleveland, Lawrenceville.
M. B. Grady, Benton, La.
Wm. Hill, Lawrenceville.
B. R. Doyle, Milledgeville.
J. Dunham, Cl’nton, Ga.
Henry L. Bust and Lady, Mt. Zion.
Mrs. Grimes and Serv’t, Greensboro.
Mrs. Lewis and Serv’t, Sparta.
Dr. Doyle,, Atlanta.
-John Reynolds, Atlanta.
H. A. Murry, Brazelia,
Sam’l F. Alexander, Lawrenceville.
W. Breman, Atlanta.
Miss Cosgrove, Augusta.
T. W. Landrum, Lexington.
A.S. Barnwell, S. C.