Newspaper Page Text
ICimttM**' * the Balti ' rnrf <
Congress—2nd Session.
Washington. Feb. 21, 1853. ’
SENATE.
The Chair laid before the Senate a message ]
from the President, in response to the resolution ,
calling for copies of the applications made by ,
British subjects for permission to fish in tne
waters of the coast of Florida. 1
Al«o a communication from the Secretary ol .
the Naw. transmitting the report ot the com- ,
missioned to examine the coal mines and coal
fields of the western waters.
Mr. Hunter urged the importance ot taking up ,
the army appropriation bill, in order to get it out ;
of the way before the others reached the Sen-
ate
Mr. Walker moved to to take up the home-
Messrs. Walker. Gwin, Borland and Rusk
supported the motion.
Mr. Bell said he was sorry the Senator trotn
Texas should be in favor of giving any bill a
precedence over the Pacific Railroad bill.
Mr. Rusk —There is no Pacific Railroad bill.
There w as one. but it is dead.
Mr. 801 l said he would be glad to have some
explanation ot the matter of its death.
Mr. Rusk said it was killed on Saturday by
the amendment of the Senator from Illinois,
which was adopted by a majority of two
.Mr. Shields replied, defending ris amendment.
It was necessary for securing the construction ;
of the road. It was intended to require the i
money appropriation to be expended in the ter- |
ritori.'s where land was worthless, and leaving :
the land in the States where it was valuable to I
construct the road therein. . ...
Mr. Rusk rejoined, contending that the bill .
was valueless with the amendment—under it no
road c uld ever be constructed. 1
Mr. Douglas replied, showing that the road,
both in States and Territories was one road. |
The amendment did not reduce the appropria- ;
tion of money or lands, but simply provided tor ,
the expenditure of the money in the ternto-
Ties, it did not take away any portion ot the ;
means appropriated by the bill, but regulated
the expenditure of the money. Ihe amendment
would enable many gentlemen to vote for t.ie bill
who otherwise could not. No one who was a
friend of the bill without the amendment could
x object to voting for it with it.
Mr. Pratt said he was in favor of the South
ern route if this amendment were adopted, flint
tou.p tie selected, for it would lea* f
through I'exas. I'here being n<» public lands in I
Texas, and no money being allowed to be used
there, it could not be made through 1 exas.
Mr. Douglas said the bill provided that if there .
were no lands at any point on the road, the land
might be taken elsewhere.
Mr. Weller spoke in opposition to taking up >
the homestead bill because he believed the Pa
cific bill had yet vitality enough to carry a loco- (
motive at full speed to the Pacific.
Mr. Bell took the same view. Messrs. Chase,
Walker. Dodge of lowa. Borland and otheis ad
vocated taking up the homestead; and Messrs.
Bright, Buier and Mason the taking up the Tex
as debt bill.
The question was taken and the motion was
rejected, and the homestead bill was not taken ;
up—yens k'3. nays 33.
The Pacific railroad bill was then taken up.
Mr. Weller moved to reconsider the vote by ,
which Mr. Shields’ amendment was adopted on
Saturday.
Mr. Geyer opposed the reconsideration. I
Me srs. Butler and Mason opposed the bid, ;
and Mes rs. Gwin and Underwood and others
supported the bill without the amendment.
The debate continued till after four o'clock,
when Mr. Shields’ amendment was rejected
yeas 34 : nays 28. .
Mr. Weller moved an amendment confining
the money appropriated to the road in the terri- ,
tories—and it was agreed to—yeas 27 ; nays 26. [
Mr. Brooks moved a substitute for the whole I
bin. and the Senate then adjourned.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
The House was occupied during the entire :
dav in disposing ot the amendments which had
been reported to the civil and diplomatic bill; -
upon several ot which the yeas and nays were j
taken, and decided in the affirmative- Among ,
which was an appropriation of §20,000 for the ,
support of the transient poor in the District ot
Columbia; those for the custom houses at St.
Louis. Cincinnati, Louisville and New Orleans,
and a minister to Central America.
The amendment voting 530,000 for heating,
furnishing and repairing the Presidential man
sion, was negatived—yeas 67, nays 105 ; as was
also the section of the bill appropriating §200,-
000 for th-* purchase of Winders building lor
public offices. In favor of striking out the sec
tion : yeas 99, nays 92.
The bill was tt en read a third time and pass
ed.
A motion to suspend the rules for the purpose
of taking up the bill for the better regulation of
the navy, was negatived; yeas 98, nays 84, not I
two thirds voting. _ . !
The House then went into committee of the ;
whole, and took up tne Indian bill, after which :
it adjourned.
Washington, Feb. 22.
SENATE.
Several Executive communications were re
ceived of no special import.
Mr. Hunter moved to take up the army ap
propriation bill, when a long, uninteresting dis
cussion took place regarding the priority of bust- ,
ness. The motion was finally lost. I
Mr. Hamlin moved to take up the bill for tne j
relief of indigent insane, which was lost by fit- ;
teen to twenty-six.
The joint resolution postponing tne operation |
of the steamboat law of last session until the .
Ist of June, was warmly debated, and passed. .
Mr. Chase introduced a joint resolution au
thorizing the President to purchase Powers
statue of America, which was debated and j
amended.
The Pacific railroad bill was tnen taken up j
again. , , • •
" Mr. Seward moved to amend by authorizing a
contract for fifty vears to carry the mails over
the road within the States, for 3600 per mile.—
Some time was spent in debate thereon, when
Mr Hunter moved to Jay the bill on the table.
This was lost—yeas 24; nays 30—after a long
debate. . .
was a strong disposition manifested to
get rid of the bill, and in the meantime mem
bers had begun to indulge in eulogies on the
bill as a defunct affair.
Finally, on motion of Mr. Badger, with the
view of paying respect, as was said, to the de
eeased fail . the Senate adjourned.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
The resolution requiring the binding o! cer- |
tain maps was passed. j
The House next resumed the bill establish- .
ing reciprocal trade with the British North |
American Colonies on certain conditions.
Mr. Fuller, of Maine, opposed the bill.
Mr. Tuck replied.
The House then went into committee on the
Indian appropriation bill.
Mr. Johnson, of Arkansas, offered an amend
ment appropriating §1,769,000 to pay the Creek
nation for lands the government took from
them. After debate, the committee rose, and
the House adjourned.
Washington, Feb. 24, 1853.
SENATE.
Mr. Davis reported a bill amendatory oi the
act granting registers to yachts; which was
considered and passed.
The army appropriation hill was taken up.
Mr. Chase, by the decision of the committee
on roads and canals, moved to amend it by .
viding for a reconuoissance and survey oi the .
route for a railrod to the Pacific.
This renewed the subject of a railroad to the
Pacific, and it was debated for some time.
Messrs. Mason, Hunter and Butler denounced
that species of legislation which sought to make
the appropriation bills the veh'de of all mat
ters which a majority could not otherwise carry.
Mr. Walker moved to amend the amendment
by providing for the construction of a railroad to
the Pacific, by granting alternate sections ot land
to ac’ual settlers, »nd appropriating the others to
the construction of the road, and granting in ad
dition a sum of money.
The Chair ruled the amendment of Mr. w al
ker *o be out of order.
Mr. Walker appealed from the decision of the
Chair. The appeal was debated at great length,
and the decision of the Chair was sustained
yeas 40 nays 5.
Mr. Walker modified his amendment so as to
confine it to a grant of land to actual settlers for
the alternate sections along the line of said road
six miles on each side, and the others for the
railroad, and the money appropriated to be used
in the necessary survey.
The Chair decided this to be in order.
Mr. Chase appealed, and after a long debate
the decision was sustained—yeas 25, nays 10.
Mr. Charlton presented the credentials of the
Hon. Robert Toombs, Senator elect from Geor
gia for six years from March 4th, next.
Mr. Adams then addressed the Senate in op
position to the Homestead bill, and in favor ol !
graduating the price of the public lands. I
The debale was continued by Messrs, (marl
ton, Dodge and Butler.
Before coming to a vote, tne subject was post
poned, and the Senate proceeded to consider ex
ecutive business.
HOUSE OF REPRESENATJNES.
Mr Townshend, of Ohio, concluded his re
marks b v calling the attention of members to
the irnpoi’ance of the navigation of the fit.
Lawrence by which the lake vessels would be
employed coastw ise and to foreign ports during
the winter season. He moved to insert dried
fruits” among the enumerated articles in the
bill, which was agreed to.
Mr. Stuart, of Michigan, ?n the absence of
Mr. Seymour, who bad been away by i -
ness in his family, said he was opposed to all the
amendments which had beer) pro|»wd, as, un
less the House had definite action to-day, the
bill under the rules must lie over till I ues'lay ;
end therefore he should move the previous ques
lion forth* purpose of testing the °
House. The bill, he said, provided for tne set
tlement of the finhety question, and the tree nav
igation of the St Lawrence and the bt. John,
and although it might not be satisfactory to
Maine, yet there must be a compromise tor the
purpose of obtaining a general benefit.
After he had concluded, Mr. Clingman, of N.
C., moved that the bill be laid on the table, but
withdrew his motion : which was renewed by
Mr. Orr, of S. C., and the motion was negatived
—yeas 63; nays 110.
The previous question was then put and sus
tained—yeas 87; nays 34; but before the main
question could be submitted—the morning hour
having expired—on motion of Mr. Houston,of
Ala., the House went into committee of the
yriwle on the stat* of the Union, and proseeded
with the Indian appropriation bill, which was
finally passed.
When the bill providing for the remuneration
of the depositors ol public moneys came up.
Mr. Gentry, of Tenn., moved an amend
ment, having reference to the reduced amount
paid clerks by the heads of departments which
led to an irregular discussion from which it ap
peared that a practice prevails of paying young
men a portion of their salaries, and handing the |
remainder to their impoverished parents.
Mr. Gentry's motion was negatived, and th
bills, as amended, for paying the ocean mail
steamers, was ordered to be reported upon fa
vorably to the House.
The committee then rose, and the yeas and
nays weie taken upon the amendment for pay
ing the Shawnee Indians—which was agreed
to; yeas 82, nays 78.
Nothing further of importance occurred, and
the House adjourned.
Extract from Senator Butler's Speech, on the Pa
cific Kailroad Project.
Mr. Butler said: Mr. President, we are en
gaged in the consideration of a bill of unusual
importance, and it seems to be assumed, us I un
derstand, that it is to be carried through this
body and through the other House by the mo
mentum of its own magnitude. I heard the
Senator from Illinois [Mr. Douglas] yesterday
with great interest. 1 listened to his instruc
tive speech with great interest ; but I must
confess that when he announced that this was
an enterprise without a parallel in the history
of the world, and that therefore we were to dis
i regard all the lights of example, experience,
, usage and precedent, 1 telt somewhat astonished
: at the attitude in which the American Senate
' was likely to be placed, bv being forced to adopt
i a foregone conclusion without the advantage ot
■ examination or the security of deliberation ; in
i other words, to run all the hazards of a legislative
) experiment in reference to the greatest tuea-
I sure of the kind the world has ever known—to
l borrow the language of the Senator from Illinois,
| “ a measure without a parallel.
I The reason given by the friends of this bill
[ why we should not have such lights before us
‘ as are usually consulted in such eases is, because
! this is a measure whose magnificence puts at
i defiance everything that has preceded it, either
jin the Congress of .the United States, or in any
other deliberative laxly ol the world—a mea
sure. the success of which must therefore de
pend more upon the chances al blind fortune
than the counsels of wisdom or lights of expe
rience.
Mr. President, I have been referred to more
I than orfee, and 1 appreciate the compliment, as
i one of the gentlemen who fmight have some
J constitutional difficulties in relation to this mea
l-sure. I shall not indulge in a homily upon the
, constitution. No. sir, I shall go directly to the
‘ merits of this bill; for, independent of all my
I constitutional obligations, 1 shall be bound to
I oppose it on other grounds, such as have no
• doubt been well indicated by several other
gentlemen. Then, sir. 1 come directly to the
question, What is the bill? It is the boniest
proposition that has ever been brought before
this legislature for a system of internal im
provements. I give my friend from lexas
[Mr. Rusk] credit for his intrepidity. I say it
is the most undisguised proposition which has
ever been brought before the Congress ol the
: United States looking to a system of internal
; improvements. What, then, are the provisions
lof the bill? Let me analyze them.
The bill proposes to construct a road from the
i Mississippi valley to some point on the Pacific
ocean ; and how ? The President, as I under
| stand it, is to indicate the termini at the Mis
j sissi ppi and the Pacific, and also some ot.the
mountain passes through which the road is to
go; and then he is to employ engineers to fill up
the intermediate space by reconnoissances, or
to make such examinations as may be satisfac
tory to him. What next’ After the President
shall have performed this function of saying
l where this great channel of commerce shall run
■ —of having imposed upon him powers so ex-
■ traordinary, and such as, in my opinion do not
' belong to the executive branch of the govern
; ment, or ever was before conferred upon any
I American President—we are required to divest
ourselves of all legislative jurisdiction and con
| trol over a measure involving the abiding des
; tinies of this confederacy, and perhaps of the
i world.
: It is to be taken from the sphere of our legis
lative judgment, and to be transferred to the ex
clusive will and discretion ot the Executive—a
proposition heretofore entirely unknown in the
history of federal legislation. It is, Mr. Presi
dent, in my opinion, a precedent oi fearful im
port. ,
So much as to the mode of locating the road.
Now as to the means and agencies to be employed
for its accomplishment. They, in my opinion,
as I shall show, are equally unprecedented, dan
gerous and unwise. What are they? Why sir,
§20,000,000 are to be supplied directly from the
treasury, to be paid out under the terms and con
ditions of the bill, which, in practice, would be
mere parchment provisions, to be dispensed with,
if need be. by an appeal to legislative liberality.
Besides this amount, small as it is in comparison
with what it will be in the p ogress ofthe woik,
i we are to give alternate sections of public land,
equal in amount to about twenty millions of
acres, and much more, as many believe. Thus
we shall have contributed, at the very com
mencement of the enterprise, means equivalent
to 350.000.000 to 360 000,000, and this is but
a small index of what may be the future de
mands upon the treasury, under the auspices
and favorable indulgence of an interested ma-
I jority.
I The next question is, what agencies are to be
j employed in the enjoyment, direction, and ap
; propriation of these funds ?
i Why, it is to be a corporation, to be invested
| with a franchise that maybe of immense value,
j and certainly, in its exercise, will be one of
: great power. It is to be a body corporate that
! may wield the influence of enormous wealth,
■ and to acquire a title to a tract of country that
I may be regarded as an isthmus through the great
| West to the Pacific ocean, and thus to unite un
der the influence of capital two of the greatest
[ sections of this vast continent, having the ele
ments to increase and perpetuate its own pow
er. It will wield the fover of modern times—
money, money'—and, like the East India Com
pany, in the exercise of its immense monopoly
of pecuniary power, may take itself the attri
butes of sovereignty. What security have we in
the future against such a result ? This corpora
tion will have every temptation and induce
ment to comply with all the conditions of its
■ charter, to enable it to assume the imposing
condition which its wealth and political influ
ence may give it, to become as imperium tn
imperia.” But it is contended by the friends
of the bill that, by its provisions it is subject to
forfeiture fora non-compliance with the terms
I and conditions of the grant. Depend upon it,
i Mr. President, there will be no forfeiture if the
franchise should prove successful and profitable,
and it is evident that 350,000.000 will be first
I expended before 'any contingency for a charity
' can arise. After that, the corporation will still
be under legislative favor, if they have acted in
good faith. Recent precedents go strongly to
show the facility with which Congress will
bestow bounties to indemnify capitalists for any
losses they have sustained or may sustain. Yes,
Mr. President, I have long seen that the federal
treasury has become an insurance office, 11 to af
ford indemnity for the past and security for the
future.” In the event of the enterprise be
coming wholly worthless, there will be no oc
casion for any forfeiture, for the corporators
would then be wiling to throw the enterprise
upon the government, to be carried on to com
pletion by the contribution of unforeseen sums
from the federal treasury, for which they, or new
swarms of speculators, would be applicants
So that with a bonus of 350,000,000 or 860,-
000,000, or perhaps more, this charter company
may embark in this undertaking with more
confidence of advantage than of hazard to them
selves. They will begin with contributions of
the government, and may well rely upon its
guarantees in their future operations.
Since I have been referred to aa one that may
have constitutional objections to this measure, I
will present, byway of illustration, a proposition
involving the same principles of this bill which
many of the gentleman now advocating it have
condemned as opposed to party creed, upon the
ground that it was subject to the same objections
which I might well urge to it now. Suppose
the proposition once made to construct a federal
road from Buffalo to this city, and hence on to
New Orleans, were now to be revived: what
would gentleman say? Why, that it was oppos
ed to the constitutional doctrines laid down in
the Baltimore platform. Or, to make the propo
sition more germane to this matter, suppose the
scheme was to be to extend the construction of
this road from the valley of the Mississippi to the
Atlantic. Gentlemen would then take party
alarm and cry out that this savors of a general
system of internal improvement, and violates the
cardinal doctrines of the democratic creed. In
principle the cases supposed cannot be distin-
■ guisbed from the measure under consideration,
for this bill proposes to make a railroad to itin
through two or more of the States west of the
Mississippi by the direct appropriation of money
from the federal treasury.
The other cases referred to would propose to
I run a road of a similar kind through two or more
States lying east of the same river, having an
Atlantic instead of a Pacific termination. The
difference, then, between these systems of in
ternal improvement is simply the difference be
tween the words Atlantic and Pacific, unless the
difference can be qualified by the fact that part
of the Pacific road runs over the territory, and
that a desert belonging to ail the United States
—a distinction that cannot avail gentlemen, un
less they are prepared to give up conviction or
party professions to the force of interest and the
temptations of sectional aggrandizement; to this
complexion it must coma at last. I hey cannot
even lay the flattering unction to their souls,
which seems to have sustained Mr. Jeff rs.,:i in
hig disregard ofthe constitution by the purchase
of Louisiana upon the broad doctrine of State ne
cessity. Suck a doctrine might afford a place
of refuge fora virtuous and wise magistrate, act
ing under the duress of necessity, whilst it might
become a dangerous hiding place for selfish ex
pediency or criminal ambition. Gentlemen do
not pretend to plead this necessity—indeed they
cannot - fora communication with California
can be now had within thirty days by the ocean
and Panama route. And when a railroad shall
be completed at some one of the many points in
contemplation across the Isthmus, it is very
doubtful whether this one will have any advan
tage over it. Ina commercial point ol view, it
is a common opinion that there will be none.
These natural facilities of communication seem
to have been pointed out by the finger of God,
whilst this road, to be indicated without recon
noiissance or survey, will be the work oi a guess
ing man.
Now, Mr. President, let gentlemen look at it.
Is not this measure of internal improvements, to
be constiucted by the direction and the means ol j
the federal government—not by the direction of |
the federal government, in its full meaning, but
bv one of its departments—the Executive ‘ It
is but an illustration of many of the lessons of
history that doctrine and principle melt and
crumble under the temptations of interest. —
Creeds and party platforms are but: as barriers of
sand against the tide of power and the force of
local combinations.
Allow mo to say. sir, that if we are to have a
system ol infernal improvements to be commenc
ed now in disregard of all of our party profes
sions, I greatly prefer that it shall be devised by
the Congress of the United States, looking to the
general welfare and commercial regulation ol
all the States of the confederacy, than to such a
partial system of improvements and commercial
regulation as has in many instances been com
m?tted to several ofthe States. Here, sir. I al
lude to the donation of public land to several ol
the western and north-western States, lor the
construction of railroads and cutting ot canals,
j The mere donation ol such lands as gratuities
would be objectionable as a partial inode of dis
posing of the public domain. But that is not
my main objection to this policy. My ob
jection is, it allows to the States receiving such
donations to make selfish regulations ot com
merce. not only lor their own benefit, but such
as may operate to the prejudice ot other States.
To illustrate: I might be willing to put a staff
into the bands of another, but when 1 know he
is to use it against me it becomes my duty to
look to self protection.
A single State, or one or two States, acting in
combination, under the influence ot local and
sectional interest,might yield to the temptation ot
making adversary diversions oi commerce. For
instance, the lake States, to make communica
i tion through the lakes, to the great sea-ports on
I the north Atlantic, whilst Congress, reprsenting
| all the States, would have every inducement to
i make commercial regulation to suubserve the in
i terest and preserve the equality ot all the parts.
! I do not admit, however, that no such regula-
I tions ot commerce by Congress, that 1 could ex
i pect equality in the appropriations ot money for
' such purposes. All that 1 mean to say is, that
I a general system of internal improvements, em
; anating from the common council ol the confed
| eracy, would be preferable to partial anddisjoint
' ed regulations of a tew ot the States frequently
having inducements to make their channels oi
commerce adveisary to others.
Mr. President, we are standing on the thresh
hold of an eventful future. We are about to em
bark upon a system that will destroy all others,
and will -increase the tendency ot this govern
ment, once a confederacy ot republican States, )o
becoinn n consolidated empire. We are depart
ing from old landmarks, and entering upon a
boundless wilderness of unknown powers, with
out chart or compass. We are committing our
destinies to the discretion of irresponsible legisla
i tion, instead of allowing it to be controlled and
protected by the obligations and guarantees ot a
> written ami once respected constitution.
i I fear, Mr. President, we are approaching a
> period in the history of this government when
I we shall have to escape from abuses and dangers
: by revolution, instead of resorting to reform un-
i derthe dictates ot justice ami the prescription of
acknowledged forms of government. Butin all
j this I know, sir, I have not the sympathy, much
. less the support, of the majority of this body. I
| shall spare it, however, the task ot listening to
i any discussion ot my constitutional opinions on
j this great and often considered subject. I acquit
I myself to the country by referring them to the
! opinions of the greatest statesmen who have
! adorned the republican school of politics in this
i country. Il the opinions of Jefferson, Madison,
' Tazewell, Crawford. Randolph, Hayne, Rowan,
j and other distinguished democratic republicans,
| are to be disregarded, mine may not be expected
j to have any weight upon your deliberations. No,
i Mr. President, I have lived too long, and seen
| too much ofthe predeterminations upon subjects
■ of this kind, to enter upon discussions that are
! regarded as the stale notions ot our ancestors, un-
I der the tide of what is called progressive de-
mocracy.
! Yessir, I have seen enough to convince me
I that the machinery of this government in its ac-
I trial operation is stronger than the constitution.
; The law of progress has superseded the law ot the
] constitution. I was reminded by a friend, no
■ longer than last night, ofthe futility of resisting
j what is called the progressive tendency of the
j age. I was asked the question, will you continue
to think with your ancestors ? I will give the
' same reply to you that I gave to him : That I
am willing to obey the law of progress ; for we
would not fulfill the laws of Providence if we
were to oppose it. But to conform to tnat law,
I as 1 would have it observed, it must be regulated
; by wisdom, freedom, and justice; otherwise it
' becomes rash, inconsiderate, and aggressive, run
ning into the doctrine that "might makes right.”
Under the influence of this law, as I have heard
it so often interpreted upon this floor, conserva
tive restraint and guidance are looked upon as
stupid impediments, restraining the wisdom and
suppressing the genius ot Young America.
In looking at all Nature, I find there are salu
tary vetoes upon the unrestrained energies and
impulses of progress. No nation or great people
ever attained the security' ot greatness by a dis
regard of these wise lessons, and a diregard of
the n, even in our own history, characterized as
< it is by such wonderful developments, would be
; like Apollo giving up to Phieton the reins of the
horses ofthe Sun. It is a law to be conducted
very much as the concerns of society are, under
the impulsive energy of youth and the restrain
ing wisdom of age.
I once heard my venerable preceptor, Dr.
Maxey, when I was a young man, preach a ser
| mon that struck me with great force. The oc
casion was upon the death ol a young man, re
-1 markable for hiaxenergy, gallantry, and • v «*r
quality calculateiTto address itself to the favora
ble consideration of young men. In that address,
: he said it was well for man to die, for it the great
machinery' of this life were committed to old age
j alone, with all its timid wisdom, society would
become stagnant, and the impulsive motive
power of y’outh was necessary to carry on the
great concerns of society. es, sir, one is just as
necessary as the other; and he remarked, that if
you were to commit the whole concerns of the
world to youthful energy, without the restraints
and the controlling wisdom of age, you would
make a great mistake that would almost, be a
: profane opposition to the laws of the universe,
as regulated by the wisdom of Deity.
Shall we trust this law of progress to the judg
ment—J would rather say the decision—ot an
■ unrestrained majority, having no other control
than the wisdom of its discretion and the policy
of progression.’ Those who are for trusting
alone to the impulsive energy of progress may
sow the seeds of the storm and reap the whirl
wind. I have not more caution than most men;
but surely I maybe permitted at least to appeal
to the conservative principles and. spirit oi the
constitution, even when its provisions have been
! disregarded, to save us from the dangers of accel
i eration and the consequences ol transgression,
j And now, so far from my suffering the consti-
> tution ofthe U. States to restrain this great law
of progress, I say that it ought to have been con
sulted, and its expansibility ought to have been
tested, in order to embrace everything that would
' accommodate it to this law of progress. Sir, the
! constitution within itsslf contains the very ele
ment of self existence —that of amendment.
I Have you amended it? Have you not practical
' ly disregarded that provision which allowed the
| constitution to expand with the progress of
events 1 Let this be answered; there stands j
the constitution, a dead letter in many respects
—I will not say in all. You have not expanded
! it by the wise interposition of the legislature, al- I
: lowed by the instrument itself to amend it ac- i
j cording to the exigences of the change of human
affairs. But what have you done? I intend to
speak boldly, and freely, and fearlessly before
i the Senate upon that subject. If I had the elo
| cpienco cf Cicero, 1 could but pay a decent tri
: bute to the memory of the constitution ; but I
! could not restore it no more than he could restore
j the life and virtue of the Roman Senate, over
! which he wept in such strains of eloquence as
; have survived Rome itself, and given immortali-
I ty to the violated institutions of the Common
wealth as it existed in the days of its primitive
purity and simplicity, and before they were tar
nished by Augustan casuistry ot imperial pollu
tion.
The constitution has not been amended and
expanded to accommodate itself to the progress
of events. But what has been resorted to to
I supply that wise provision? Deceptive con
struction—a construction, like India rubber, that
accommodates itself to the interests of those
who choose to avail themselves of the constitu
tion when an advantage is to be gained by any
measure—compromises where there is no provis
ion of the constitution ; I say deceptive compro
mises, to be violated whenever there is a temp
tation to do so r and platforms deceptive, falla-'
cious platforms, to whip parties in and keep them
in harness, and scarcely for any other purpose.
These are the miserable expedients that have
been resorted to to supply the place of amend
ments to the constitution. If I am to be re
proached because I appeal to the spirit of that
sacred instrument, allow me to say that I have
been doing more to preserve this Union, and the
integrity ol the institutions ol this confederacy,
than those who blindly obey the aggressive spir
it of progress. Progress, left entirely to legisla
tive discretion, is a law without limit or certain
direction, and must vary according to the fluctu
ation of times and the temptations of men. It
is as easy to obey it as to float with the current,
but would be as unwise as to follow that current
without knowing over what cataracts it may
fall. It would be like committing the vessel to
the wind without tudder or compass. To make
it safe in a political point of view, it “ must have
a right direction, and be kept within constitu
tional limits.”
So much upon that general subject; and I say
now, without going into the constitutional dis
cussion, that this bill, in principle, if it be cor
rect, allows you to appropriate money to any
extent for a system of internal improvements
anywhere and everywhere. Gentlemen can
not get over that proposition. I repeat it, so
that they may understand it. It is to appropri
ate money from thu federal treasury for a sys
tem of internal improvements. To be sure,
this is an internal improvement through Texas
or lowa, or Arkansas, and California. But it
you can go through one State, you can go through
ten; and if you can appropriate $20,000,000
you can appropriate $500,000,000. If the prin
ciple of this bill be admitted, there is no limit
at all to the system of measures that can be ac
complished by the appropriation of money by
this government. In doctrine, it is but a pre
lude to other measures of the same kind, such
as the establishment of an Agricultural Bureau
and a National University, both of which have
been made the subject of public meetings and
popular declamation.
Having made these general observations, I
come now to the specific provisions of this bill,
and! intend to deal with it with gloves off. I
say it is premature, undigested and experiment
al ; and I think neither of these three proposi-
I lions can be very well denied. It is premature,
because we do not know where the read is to |
run. It is undigested, because we havi had no
survey, no reconnoissances, no means of intelli
gence to enlighten our legislative judgment. I
know it is very convenient to transfer alegisla
five judgment to executive conscience- jj u t I
say we have nothing to guide our Jegisltive
judgment. Have we any
survey to enable us to say where the road hall
run ; how high this or that mountain is hich
has to be passed ? I heard an able engines no
longer ago than last week, say that the j- e at
difficulty in this enterprise was the want olwa
ter along the route from which to make stem ;
and he said that unless Ericsson’s discover of
caloric, as a motive power, could be btoiigj; in
to requisition, it would be a doubtful prposi
tion to undertake to carry a steam car froi the
valley of the Mississippi to the Pacific jean,
and for a very good reason. This is one if the
difficulties that may exist. Ido not say hat it
will exist, because I have heard it said ji a t if
you will give an engineer money enoijh he
will go anywhere. If you were to give m en
gineer money enough,! do not know but hat he
would find some way ol getting over fi e At
lantic ocean itself. Give engineers money
enough, and I know they may go oer any
route which may be indicated by the PrsiJent.
But when we, within our sphere of lejelative
judgment, have option to say which of bur or
five routes is the nest, are we to be depjyed of
that opportunity ? Now, suppose threl corps
of engineers should be inquired to survy this
route, and come in, and not leave it to Ayjec
ture, but demonstrate that there would* wa
ter upon one route, and that upon it tie road
could be built for half the money that itfoould
cost by the other routes, should 1 not gave a
right to make a choice? Am Ito tranfer my
legislative judgment upon this subject to |e Ex
ecutive? Am Ito avoid the responsibiliy, and
throw upon him a duty with which, £ my
opinion, the constitution of the UiritifStates
never intended to invest him ?
It is, therefore, premature, because y e have
not this survey and this intelligence j guide
us. It is undigested, I undertake to siy, with
due deference to gentlemen, becausejts pro
visions are conflicting in many partiefars. It
resorts to agencies, which it seems fotnc, not
withstanding my deference lor the kilorable
senator from Massachusetts, [Mr. I
must say to him have heretofore beengnknown
in the management of the federal go'emment.
1 know that he said there was no mje objec
tion to employing a corporation to the
plans and policy of the federal than
there was to carry out tj I icy* te
governments. It gentlelWn'of the Ki-uikiean'
school have a mind to break down /I t‘a> old
defences, and say that the federal government
; has the plentitude of sovereignty tfel the States
j have, then he is entirely right. But it _we act
under delegated powers, they are Inalienable,
I according to any doctrine of trust, aid we have
j not the right to transfer them to a'.ybody, but
’ must discharge them ourselves.
Again : I have said that this S an experi
ment. How do I know that tbs road can be
built? I know and believe that perhaps it can
be; but have I such satisfactoryinformation as
would authorize me to go on am lay out a road
in the way prescribed by this bii, when I have
an option to have a better wiy ? If it is de
monstrated that I can have a letter route, will
; you deprive me of the oppor'mity of selecting
it ! What has taken place lere? There have
been three bills presented—<xe by the honora
> ble Senator from California, [Mr. Gwin,] who
I has delievered a speech uion it, which I do
j not intend again to compiment; another bill
was proposed by the hoiorable senator from
I Illinois, [Mr. Douglas,] aid the one n itpend
: ing has been reported bythe honorable Senator
from Texas, [Mr. Rusk.] The second bill is said
I to be better than the first and the third better
1 than the second; perhapsa fourth may be intro-
I duced to-morrow better than all. But it is said
that we are not to wait to have one better than
■ this—that we must aval ourselves of the temp
tations of opportunity; and if we do r.ot coma
and make the experinwnt by a trial of this bill,
i we can have no measure —that is, in other words,
| we cannot wait ten rronths for a great enterprise
of this kind. I say ten months because I sup
i pose until the next meeting of Congress there
I will be no great difficulty in getting to Califor
; nia over land through the different routes, or by
water ; and I doubt very much whether the route
j by water is not better than the one by land.
! There is no great necessity that this question
should be pressed just at this time. Because it
, is of such immense magnitude, are we to forego
; the opportunity of making the ordinary investi
, gations which regulate prudent men, in the
i management of their own concerns? I know,
j sir, that zeal has some times its delusions as well
; as its salutary effects ; but in the zeal which some
I of these gentlemen have manifested, I am very
much disposed to think that they overhok the
grever counsels, the surer pud wiser dfttdres of
} prudence and wisdom. I have s» great'deal of
confidence in their suggestions oi time and ex
i perience, and I have some toleraile reliance up
j on the lights of science ; but all ttose are to be
disregarded, and this experiment :s to be made.
I say therefore, that this measure is premature,
! undigested, and experimental.
; The next objection which I urge to it is this:
j what right have we to transfer to the President
j the power of deciding between the different
j routes ? I live in the State of South Carolina,
upon the southern Atlantic seabord: and though
this road may not confer and immediate advan
tage to that section of country, I must be per
mitted to say that I have a great interest in the
location of it. The southern Atlantic States
I have a d->ep interest to know white shall be its
termini, and I want to have a S7 ce upon it
when the dilfer.-ut plana shall be gyc^jh - Imre
for ftectsion. t have no idea of partrje with that
power. I have no idea of giving th K President
authority to regulate commerce by making a
road wherever he may think proper. lam not
willing to give to the President the irrevocable
power of fixing the route for a great channel of
commerce and a highway for the transportation
of passengers or a military road, as you may
think proper to regard it, anywhere upon the
Missippi, jrom its source to its mouth, to any
where on the Pacific.
This is the greatest margin of executive pow
er that has ever been allowed upon any paper
project. It may be said that he will exercise it
well, because he will be President of the United
States. Ido not say it individiously; but I
must say that the Senate has not been free from
the operations of the capitalists—not that gen
tlemen have suffered their ears to be polluted by
anything like a direct proposition to sway their
judgments ; but capitalists have influenced pub
lic opinion, and capitalists have made their way
to the legislature ofthe country, and capitalists
have influenced the judgment ofthe legislature.
The President of the United States, virtuous as
I know him to be, cannot see, cannot guard
against the avenues of capital. Sir, the inva
sions of capital are irresistible. Capitalists are
not going to advertise you when they want you
to vote for this or that project in which their inter
ests are involved f- r this reason : They are men
of talent, and they employ men of talent, and
the avenues to the President’s judgment on this
subject will be the legion. I have seen execu
tive officers attempt to guard themselves against
undue influences in the application of the power
of pardon, but they could not do it. And if this
i measure is carried into effect you will subject
the President to influences to which no one hu- j
j man being ought to be subjected. You subject
i him to all the fair and to all sinister influences
I of talent and capital; and, what is more, you re-
I quire the President, blindfolded to take the state-
I ment of engineers and scientific men who may
jbe under the influence of the capital. Could we
guard against it? Ido not know that we could; ,
but there is something very wise in the.ifotincts
of interest; and perhaps after different proposi
tions shall have been brought before this body,
each one of us may elicit something, or make
satisfactory explanations, so as to bring the truth
to bear. Further more, if I were to consult the
dictates cf prudence on this subject, I would have
three separate independent corps of engineers,
who should be bound, if possible, by an oath not
to confer with each other, to have separate sur
veys; and if they should concur, there would be
some assurance that the route they recommend
ed might be practicable, and such as wouljl.com
mend itself for adoption ; and if they differed,
they might give us the reasons for their differ
ence and we could decide for ourselves. There
fore I oppose th s measure on the broad ground
that I have assumed, and I oppose it upon the
ground that it is enlarging executive power far
beyond what I think a vigilant legislature should
allow.
I come now to the next objection. What is
the agency to be employed to accomptoh his
great enterprise? Why, we aretjlgijjMßMk
itnprrinm in impel io, a
them forty, or fifty, or sixty millions of dollars
to commence enterprise; and what then 1 If
the enterprise be prosperous, they enjoy all the
profits, restrainable only by the consideration,
that Congress, by one of the provisions ot this
bill, a potential supervision to the extent—that
“ Congress may, at all times regulate the tolls
to be charged upon passengers and freights, so
as with an economical management of said road,
not to reduce the profits of said company below
eight per cent.” According to this provision,
Congress cannot reduce the tolls beyond a cer
tain minimum, but may allow them to run up
to any amount; and who is there here that sup
poses for a moment that Congress will ever in
terpose to reduce the profits of this corporation?
With a profit of thirty or sixty per cent, and
wielding an influence perhaps of hundreds
of millions, the company can always fortify
itself against congressional interference. So far
from Congress ever interfering, either to forfeit
this charter or to curtail the profits under it if
the company goes into successful operation, I
make the prediction it will noteven refuse to
renew the charter when it expires. The com
pany will have the elements of perpetuity.-
Its own success will increase the duration of its
existence.
I know it is said that we can protect our
selves and produce a forfeiture. As 1 have al
ready stated, I have not the least idea that we
shall resort to forfeiture. The corporation will
go on with our money as long as it lasts. The
first fifty miles will be finished from Memphis,
or somewhere in the neighborhood. The com
pany will get the rich land which lies there.—
The company is entitled to take land six miles
on each side of the road through the States and
twelve miles on each side where it runs through
the Territories, making a strip of twenty.four
miles through the Territories.
Mr. Rusk. They only got the alternate sec
tions for twelve miles on each side.
Mr. Butler. [ know that, but as soon as the
company get the fust section they will soon
take the other.
Mr. Rusk. That is not in the bill, though.
Mr. Butler. I was not going to allude to that
but one thing that I wish to allude to is the
phraseology of this bill. It is the most acco
modating phraseology that I ever saw used. It
allows the company to select land in alternate
I Sections for certain distances on each side, and
if that land should be occupied, or should not be
fit for the purpose, where do you suppose they
are to take it .’ Adjacent lands? No, sir, not
adjacent, nor land within fifteen or twenty miles,
as other companies have been restricted to; not
in this State or that State, this Territory or that
Territory, but at any point, or at any distance,
too, that may be deemed by the company the
nearest, leaving them to decide the question
of distance. In this selection they have a wide
margin of choice. They may even go to one
hundred, two hundred, or, for might 1 know, one
thousand miles to take up their lands; and I
vciy greatly fear their determination of this
matter of distance will depend in no small de
cree upon the quality and value of the land.
Mr. Rusk. They are to select those lands at
the nearest point.
Mr. Butler. But live hundred miles may be
the nearest point where they can get good land ;
and you may be sure they will select the best
land they can find, and instead of selecting
lands that are worth $1 25, they will take lands
worth $lO an acre; and if they cannot get land
along the line of the road, they may go offinto
Oregon or California; mid I will answer for it,
when they come to the nearest point to get it,
they will find the nearest point to be just where
they can find the richest oases.
] am not a merchant, and therefore I make
' the assertion with caution. If I were an un
derwriter to-morrow, and this road were made
now. as by volition, from the valley of the Mis
sissippi to the Pacific, I would much sooner in
sure goods to go round by water than to cross
upon this land route, unless it should be built up
with cities, and these rich lauds, so much spo
ken of, should be found for the promising settle
ments that seem to have excited the imagina
tion of some of the gentlemen who have spoken
upon the subject, and whose imagination have
imparted an interest to those lands far beyond
: their real value. All accounts of the engineers
who have passed over them, concur in one com
mon statement—that a large proportion of the
lands over which this road must pass is a desert,
and unfit for the habitation of man. Some por
tion is said to be an arid, sterile, mountainous
: range, without water, and without grass, resem
bling more the description ot the Dead Sea, than
1 that given to it by the eloquent Senator from
. Illinoss. All the richness they have, I fear, is
what they have received from effusions of rheto
ric—their poverty is the gilt of nature.
1 This road itself is, thus far very much indebt
i ed for the favor it has received, to zeal and elo
quence. They have poured out upon it the first
ir l»qs ever received, and I trust the last,
' jK.jrwe have received better Information as to
roe choice of routes and general practicability of
: the whole scheme. Yes, Mr. President, 1 will
: repeat, that thus fat parliamentary eloquence
and conjectural estimates have superseded
, all other agencies heretofore resorted to, for
.the laying out and construction ot railroads.
■ They have superseded the surveys and maps of
engineers. They have made conjecture better
than facts; for it has been gravely said, it we
1 wait for a survey, the road will never be built,
and thus we are required to commit ourselves by
• way of experiment, as the surest way of involv
! ing us in this great enterprise. Are not such
: questions as these, Mr. President, pertinent? Is
there a sufficiency of water, on any of the routes
I thus far brought to notice, to supply the steam
; for the propelling power of this road ? Some
: j gentlemen have said, that if water would not be
■ ; found on the surface, it would be found by dig
‘ j ging into the earth. Another question : Have we
1 j any survey ofthe height ol the mountains? No,
I | sir, we have not. But the broad ground is taken,
j that with money enough, all these difficulties
■ j can be overcome. Yes, sir, the Federal Treasu-
ry is to supply water, level down mountains, and
I provide all the other agencies that be necessary
' for the construction of this great road. I wish
■ to be understood, Ido not take the ground, that
I some road may not be practicable, for it has been
1 said, if yo i will give an engineer money he will
go anywhere ; and, under the light of science.
» which is now blazing out from so many sources,
i Ido not know that there are any physical impos-
> sibilities in the way of the genius of man. De
: velopments are making that will even supersede
■ water or steam as motive agents. The facilities
> of communication, from one part of the earth to
the other, seem to keep pace with the demands
’ of man.
’ Here allow me to say one thing in reference
to what fell from my honorable friend from Mass.
1 [Mr. Davis] yesterday, and he said it with a
‘ | philosophical turn of thought, that I admired at
’ j the time. He said that it seems, in the great
' ; providence of God, that the facility ot communi
! ; cation from one country to another has kept up
’ ‘ with the progress ot discovery. The ancients
: thought the Pillar of Hurcules the ultima thule
' of the earth; but no sooner was the compass
j discovered than Columbus found America; and
: i scarcely had America been discovered, when the
!. j means of establishing a communication between
' ; it and Europe were found. Scarcely had that
' ■ been effected, when the great power of steam, to
which the honorable Senator alluded, came forth,
’ j and it may be reserved for another power to car-
■ i ry us over dry lands. It may be the discovery
' I of caloric, as a motive power, is one which will
I enable us to fulfil that beautiful providence of
\ God, that man shall not be a stranger to man, if
: j be consults the great principles of science and
1 i truth. It may be that this motive power will
■ ; supply the wants of man. Isay it may be so;
1 but when we urge these things with too much
' : rapidity under the doctrine ol progress, let me
’ ; tell gentlemen that there is danger in the ter
’ j merity of acceleration. You have no right to
’ i anticipate for posterity what perhaps posterity
’ j rnay accomplish with the lights before it, when
" ; it shall be properly called upon to act, and un
’ J dcsWlco vvilh an that may be
" i rWrdeJ as somewhat presumptive, that you can
s i doftetter than it can do for itself. For myself,
' I prefer trusting the ordinary method of getting
■ round to California in thirty days by steamship
‘ navigation for some time yet to come, than to
1 rush headlong into the field of wild experiment.
And in any point of view, if my vote is to
r have any influence over the measure, and I am
! forced to vote for one route or the other, I wish
’ to have some latitude in my choice. Ido not
wish to be compelled to give a decision upon
' one route alone. I want light. I want the in
: formation of scientific and practical men. With
! ; the light at present before me, I am not sure that
' : I would not select several routes in preference
! to this one. But upon that subject I do not com
-1 j mit myself, and for a very obvious reason, that I
■ may not have the boldness other gentlemen have
' j exhibited of their readiness to leap in the dark.
' j My notions are illustrated by the familiar remark
I made concerning children: “they should crawl
’ | before they walk.” This bill reverses that, and
1 j assumes that the child can run before it can
I crawl. It is Young America, out and out. _
1 ; I have seen in a book of heraldry, ambition,
; represented by a serpent crawling up a smooth
| column of dangerous and difficult ascent, the
' I dangers increasing with the pro;gressof the ascent .
i and with these significant words issuing from its
| mouth ; “ Sat cilo si sat tuto.” This is applica
| file to more passions than ambition, and incul- ■
i cates a lesson of wisdom and caution.
j There is another provision of this bill to
j which I wish to draw the attention ofthe Sen-
1 j ate and the country, and that is the eleventh
j section. It assumes that Congress not only has
j jurisdiction over the subject of internal improve- i
1 j rnents, by the specific provisions of any particu- I
I Jar law but an authority to restrict States and .
f Companies from the right of making railroads, |
• except in subordination to its authority. For |
fear I may do injustice, I will here insert the
section itself: j
“Sec. 11. Jlnd be it further enacted, That I
Congress may, at any time hereafter, authorize I
I individuals, companies, or States, to form a con- I
nection between said railroad and any railroad |
or railroads under their control, respectively,” I
&c.
This making a State tributary to, or depend- j
ent upon a corporat ion, of Federal creation, is a ;
blow upon the rights of the sovereign States of j
this Union, to which I shall never give my |
sent, and in my opinion, that alone is cause ;
enough to seal the fate ol this bill. I
I have thus intimated some of my objections ;
to the amendment introduced by the honorable
Senator from Texas. I may be asked what
course I would recommend in relation to the
great policy. lam under no responsibility to
•give any opinion beyond the subject before us,
and the specific one on which I might be re
quired to cast my vote. The first question,
then, occurs on the amendment offered by the
honorable Senator from Pennsylvania, looking
to the information to be acquired from a survey
and a reconnoissance, before any route shall bo
selected. I think it competent for Congress to
seek this information, and as it seems to be as-
Sfißift-od that sooner or later a road must be con- j
structed, I think it, therefore, wise and proper j
that we should have all the information on the ;
subject. Besides in another point ot view, it j
may be necessary as one of the means of, fulfil- i
ling our obligations under the treaty with Mexi
co, that we should have a military road through
the territory lying between Texas and Califor
nia. Whether that will be necessary or not.
will depend very much upon the information to
be gathered by the survey contemplated in the
amendment of the Senator from Pennsylvania.
And what may be the kind of such a road must
depend upon the same information. If in good
faith, a road for military purposes, looking to an
actual state of war for its employment, 1 could
well justify myself in that view of the subject,
to vote for any road to subserve the ends con
templated; and whether a railroad or any other
kind of road, would depend more upon the pur
poses in view than upon anything else. I now
speak of a road running through the Territories
ofthe United States: and if such an one should
be a highway for passengers or a channel for
commerce, there would be no objection to it, be
cause it may be used for more purposes than one.
According to the views of the honorable Senator
from Illinois, no military road, such as the one
proposed in this bill, will ever be necessary in
times of peace; and whether I can regard it as a
military road, for war, must depend upon infor
mation and a conjuncture of affairs which has
not yet been presented to my rnind.
But the fact cannot be disguised, and ought
not to be, that this road is intended to open a
commercial communication between California
and the Mississippi river. It is a road for the
benefit of some of the States of this Confederacy,
and by money to be contributed, and by a char
ter to be conferred, under the Federal Govern
ment. It may be that if we have full informa
tion, such as might be procured under the amend
ment of the Senator from Pennsylvania, no such
road as the one proposed here would ever be
built, or one ofa very different character, and
liable to fewer objections. This survey might
be regarded as no more than an exploration,
which is fully warranted by precedents.
Mr. President, I have thus in a cursory man
ner thrown out my views, both upon the meas
ure itself and many of the topics that have been
brought under the discussion in connection with
it. I have appealed to the spirit of the Consti
tution of our forefathers. I have referred to the
authority ol great names. I have intimated the
dangers of disregarding the provisions of the
written Constitution. I have intimated the
necessity of some amendment of it, with a view
to acornmodate it to the progress of events and
tne deyleopments of the age. The worst of
despotisms would be an irresponsible Demo
c.acy, left without restraint to consult the temp
tations of interest, or to be influenced by the
excitement of passion. Some one has quaintly
said that constitutions and laws are deliberate
ly made by the few when sober, to restrain the
madness of the many when intoxicated.” Re
publics may become as tyrannical, under an un
restrained majority, as any other form of gov
inent can be. Os all despotisms, there is noth
ing so dangerous as the dominion of an inter
ested inajm ity. ft is said of the Roman people,
that they left themselves more disposed to in
dulge their freedom, because they knew they
would be restrained by the veto of their tri
b tines.
Now, sir, what do I behold? This Govern
j mi ni, once simple in its administration, and
comparatively confined in its operation, throw
ing away all the restraints and disregarding ail
the limitations which gave it a proper direction
and coi fined it within its proper sphere—is about
becoming, in my opinion, a Governmet of legis
ati ve discretion ; to become an agency to col
lect the people’s money to be distributed for any
purpose that may be effi-cted by the mere ap
propriation of money; and I fear, in additon, 1
may say that the President’s veto can afford no
security,and. that his election is to be looked to
as a mere prize combat for office. With these
convictions on my mind, I want some greater
security for the regulation of commerce, under
a system of internal improvements, than the
fiat of a majority—l fear a tempted majority.
If it were a new question, I would say as
much. The great and paramount inducement
for the formation ol the Federal Constitution
was to regulate commerce, by reconciling the
hostile and conflicting legislation of the States
upon the same subject. The great object was to
have uniform rulesand regulations applicable to
all States. And even this power thus to be
conferred was jealously regarded in the Conven
tion by the representatives of the rural and
agricultural inter, st of the country, and until
very nearly the close of the Convention there
was a clause in the Constitution requiring a
vote of two-thirds to pass any measure regula
ting commerce, and that, too,by declaratory laws
merely, and not looking,as the history of the
country and the debates of the Convention show
to an appropriation of money for that purpose.
The proposition to regulate commerce by dig
ging canals or building road, was made and ex
pressly rejected in the Convention. If the vote
of two-thirds, looking to the kind of regulation
| I have referred to was required at that time,
| with fewer adversary interests involved, how
I much more necessary is it now, when prepon
| derating interests have actually taken posses
i session of the Government? They may be
I subserved, but it will be at a dreadful cost, if
I the Constitution has to be broken.
: 1 tell gentlemen, with deep sincerity, that I
I am, in reality, a better friend to the Constitu-
I tion of this country, by opposing enlargements
I of power, than those who resort to them for
■ temporary purposes. There is no danger so great
as that which blinds us to the consequences of
the future, and no right has any security unless
it has the guarantee of protection.
The last resort which an intelligent people
should make is to revolution for the vindication
of their rights, and the greatest danger of such
a resort will be a disregard of the organic law
of existence. When it shall be ascertained that
this Confederacy,in the name of the Union,
shall have survived the Constitution of its exis
; tence, it deserves to perish.
Qtaral Jntdliijnifc.
[ From the N. O. Picayune, 22d inst.\
Important from Tampico.
’ We have received files of El Comercio to the
9th inst. Thatofthe9th says:
I “ From several sources we have learned that
: during the last week Don Mariano Arista arrived
i incognito at San Luis Potosi, and after staying
I two days in that city. left tor Matamoros, where
j he probably is at present. We do not doubt the
: flight of his Excellency, for we are convinced
i that his rule has been one of the worst we have
! seen, and the time having come for him to an
: swer to the charges against him, he cannot have
I even the excuse of good intentions for his con-
I duct. * * * We conclude this notice
' affirming that Don Mariano Arista has descen
: ded from the Presidency with abundant wealth
i and the nation remains bankrupt.”
[lf this report should prove to be truejwe may
! soon expect some new political movements on
I the Rio Grande.— Eds. Pic.]
The Tampico papers contain no other items of
I interest.
From The Rio Grande.
By the arrival of the steamship Yacht, Capt.
Lawless, we have received dates from Browns
| ville of the 9th inst.
' I Col. Valentin Cruz has succeeded Gen. Avalos
' \ in command at Matamoras and of the military
1 throughout Tamaulipas. The change was ef
‘ fected mainly through the instrumentality of
: Col. Quaintana,of Matamoros, who is said to have
I conducted himself bravely during the late strug
' gle in that city between the revolutionises and
j Arista’s troops, and humanely after its t. i.nina-
I tion.
; After the success of Col. Quintana a;.d i.is
I command, Gen. Avalos, taking alarm fron.' some
I causqor other, lied across the river at night, and
, took temporary quarters under the hospitality of
theofneeis of our army in Fort Brown. But the
I Matamormses, says the Flag, were prompt in
convincing the General that it was not the man,
but the principle they were contending for.
A deputation from Matamoros waited upon
him at his new quarters, and assured him there
was no danger in person or property should he
; return to Matamoros. Under this assurance he
: returned, remaining but a day on the American
! side. He took up his line of march from Saltillo,
, having been furnished with an escort of above
■ a hundred men.
Carvajal was last at or near Reynosa with
i troops. There is enminty between him and
Cruz, and he intended attacking the latter as he
come down to the command of Matamoros,
i Carvajal and his men, and the National Guards
generally, are incensed at the massacre ofßodri
guez at Tampico, and of one of Carvajal’s men
; by an officer of Cruz, at Las Cuevas. The Flag
finds Carvajal’s sorrow for Rodriguez rather odd,
! since the latter was opposed to him. Cruz is
sued a proclamation, giving twenty days from
the 22d ult., for Carvajal and his followers to
' lay down their arms and unite in the plan of
Guadalajara.
[From the Charleston Courier, 25th inst.)
Later from Havana and Key West.—Arrival ofthe
Isabel.
The U. S. mail steamship Isabel. Capt. H. Tit-
I tie, arrived yesterday morning, from Havana via
■ Key West and Savannah. She left Havana on
I the 22d inst.
Among the passengers is G. Hamilton Jones,
Esq., Private Secretary to the Hon. W. R. King,
; who is bearer of dispatches from our Consul at
j Havana to Washington. We are gratified to
| learn from Mr. Jones that the health ofthe Vice
I President elect is much improved. He is at
| present staying on the plantation of Mr. Jenks,
' four miles from Matanzas, that gentleman hav
. ing politely tendered him the use of his house.
Mr. Jones describes the place as being exceed-
I ingly beautiful, and says that Mr. King seems
| thoroughly to enjoy himself there. Mr. Jones
| left Mr. King on the 21st instant, and appears
j perfectly sanguine as to his speedy recovery.
■ The sugar house in Mr. King’s case, has proved
■ very efficacious, affording him almost instanta
' neous relief. Mr. King is accompanied by two
■ neices and two nephews.
The telegraphic account published in the Cou
i rier on Thursday, of the misunderstanding be
i tween Mr. King and the Captain-General is
1 substantially correct. It is, however, definitely
; settled, although no interview took place between
the parties.
We learn from another passenger by the Isa
bel that some excitement existed in Havana in
consequence of the authorities having broken
open the mails from Havana, which were placed
on board the U. S. mail steam ship Empire City,
Capt. Windle, for New-Orleans on the 19th
inst., by the agents, Messrs. Drake & Co. The
Empire City was advertised to sail 0.. that morn
ing at seven o’clock, but prior to that hour was
boarded by the Chief of Police, two Commis
sioners and three Police officers, who proceeded
to open the Havana letters, detaining thereby
■ the steamer until half past eight o’clock—one
I hour and a half. The following morning the U.
: S. mail steam ship Crescent City, Capt. Baxter,
l just as she was about proceeding to New-York,
I was similarly treated, and detained one hour and
a quarter.
it is said that the authorities have adopted
this course in order, if possible, to discover what
Creoles in the Island are engaged in correspon
dence with the Fillibusters ofthe United States.
On the 21st inst., however, the U. S. Consul at
Havana, Judge Sharkey, addressed a communi
cation to the Captain-General, protesting, it is
said, in energetic terms against the right ofthe
Cuban authorities to search any U. S. mail steam
ship. Our informant further states that he be
lieves no response had been received by our Con
sul, prior to the departure of the Isabel. The
Isabel, however, was permitted to leave Port
without undergoing any examination ; the com
munication therefore, of our Consul, seems to
have had a desirable effect.
E. K. Collins, Esq., the enterprising projector ’
of the Collins’ Line of Liverpool Steam Ships, 1
also arrived from Havana in the Isabel.
[Correspondence of the Savannah Courier.]
McDonald, Wilkinson Co., Ga. |
February 23, 1852. j 1
S. T. Chapman, Esq.—On last Thursday (
evening Mr. William J. Holmes, of Hamilton I
county, Florida, was murdered by a man by (
the name of James Hall. Gentlemen, from that 1
section are here in pursuit of the murderer and 1
wish the matter to be published, and Hall ap- i
prehended. lam told that there is a large re
ward offered for his arrest, but 1 do not know
how much—l reckon not less than SSOO. Mr. >
Holmes was a gentleman of high respectability
and Hall a vagabond. Hall is a man about
forty-live years old, light complexion, light hair f
rather red—blue eyes and deep set—remarka- *
bly bump-shouldered, and bis head thrown back
—will weigh about 115 lbs, and was riding 1
a chesnut sorrel horse when he left. He is f
said to be quick spoken and as cunning as a s
lox.
, Philadelphia, Feb. 21. j
Mr. Meagher tn Philadelphia.— Mr. Meagher I
lectured to night, on the subject of “Grattau” [
to a very large audience. He was enthusiasti- <
cally greeted.
[Correspondence of the N. Y. Tribune.]
The Trip ol the Ericsson.
Washington, Tuesday, Feb. 22, 1853.
The Caloric ship Ericsson arrived at Alex
andria, yesterday afternoon, from the mouth ot
the Potomac, where she had laid at anchor for
27 hours during the late snow and thick weath
er.
Capt. Lowber weighed anchor at 9} o’clock
last Wednesday morning, at Sandy Hook, and
in pursuance of instructions, stood to the east
ward in the face of a strong gale and heavy sea.
He kept his course for 80 miles, when the wind
shifted to the north-west. He then stood in
shore again, in the face of the gale.
During these two gales the ship stood the test
nobly, and, though she pitched her bowsprit un
der water with her lee-guard immersed, her
engines performed with the utmost regulari
ty, the wheels making 6J turns a minute with
entire uniformity. Not the slightest motion was
perceptible in the frame work and bracing ofthe
engines. After the ship and the engines were
thus fully tested, Capt. Lowber shaped bis course
for the Chesapeake, and in going up the bay
against a gale from the N. N. E. encountered a
a heavy snow storm. On approacning the
Potomac the weather became so thick that the
pilot declined to go further, and the ship came
to anchor at ]0 o’clock Saturday morning.
The engines had then been in operation for
seventy-three hours without being stopped for a
moment, or requiring the slightest adjustment,
only one fireman being on duty during the whole
trip. The consumption of fuel was under five
tons .in the twenty-four hours.
Capt. Sands, ofthe U. S Navy, who was on
board to witness the performance, is delighted
with the result, and says that be would willing
i ly go to Australia in her. Thus the great prin
ciple of the new motor is now a demonstrated
' reality.
[Telegraphed for the Baltimore .American.]
, Washington Items.
Washington, Feb. 21.
> Gen. Pierce reached here at 8J o’clock this
■ evening accompanied by Sydney Webster and
I Pierson Butler. Mayor Maury was at the cars to
' | receive him. but he passed out unobserved before
- | the cars had fairly stopped, and was off to Wil
-1 I lard’s in a coach.
- | Jefferson Davis has not yet reached the city.
= ; nor is there any intelligence of his departure
5 from Mississippi.
' [ Mr. Marcy appeared in the Senate to-day and
• j attracted much attention. Notwithstanding the
■ ' presence in this city ol several distinguished gen-
• 1 tlemen named in connection witfy the Cabinet,
' much uncertainty exists not only 'as to the per
j sons really fixed upon, but also as to the position
i that may be assigned to them.
'I Mr. McClelland has arrived. The Hon. D.
K. Carter has received a letter from Sam. Meda
ry since his return, dated, Columbus, Ohio, Feb.
: 17th, stating that he has no intimation orexpec
i tatior. of getting a Cabinet appointment. It is
reported that Mr. Buchanan will be appointed
Minister to England.
! The Caloric ship Ericsson reached Alexandria
! > this alternoon at 5 o’clock. She came up in fine
style and anchored off the city.
i [Telegraphed for the Baltimore Sun.]
Washington, Feb. 22.
. ; Washinston .Affairs. — Gen. Pierce has kept
, ' his room the entire day, declining to see compa
i ny, and noteven admitting the Mayor. Thisaf-
1 ; ternoon Gov. Marcy was closeted with him for a
[: j considerable time.
The various volunteer companies of the city
: paraded the streets with stirring music, in com
; memoration of the day, and in passing Willard’s
. . hotel saluted Gen. Pieice, but he did not show
j himself.
An unfortunate sequel to the late affair be
tween Postmaster General Hubbard and the
; Hon. George Briggs, occurred at the capitol to
day. The parties met in a dark passage near
l the House Library. Mr. Hubbard grasped Mr.
> 1 Briggs by the hand, saying “how are you Briggs.”
Mr. Briggs shook hands with him, but in a rao
t : ment discovering who it was, followed Mr. Hub-
1 ; bard, and meeting him in the ati-room leading
, I from the House to the rotunda, said, “ I have
. ! just shaken hands with yon—l wish to retract
; 1 that act of politeness—you have insulted me
J and I have publicly called you no gentleman.”
. Mr. Hubbard answered “just as you please,
. you are beneath my notice.” Mr. Briggs,there-
2 upon, with his left hand, immediately slapped
. Mr. Hubbardin the face, saying, ‘'will you
s make no resistance.” None being affered, Briggs
. : continued—“l have said in public that you are
i I no honorable man, and I have now slapped your
! face ; don’t yon resent it
I „ Mr - Hubbard then replied, “ Strike away,
i | Briggs—strike away—l shall not strike back,
I for you are beneath my contempt 1”
f I Mr. Briggs then struck him on the left side of
I his head with his right hand, and repeated the
blow once or twice.
The bystanders then interfered before serious
injury was effected. It is said that Mr Hubbard
intends to institute legal proceedings against Mr.
Briggs.
’ [Telegraphed for the Baltimore Sim.]
Philadelphia, Feb. 25.
Shipwrerks and Loss of Life The brig Champi
on; from Portland, Me., with a cargo of coal,
' went ashore last Saturday night, on Chincotea
", uge Shoals, and all on board were drowned.
1 The schooner Mary E. Balch, from Washing
ton, N. C., for Boston, with naval stores, also
went ashore, and will prove a total loss. Two
’ of her crew were drowned.
; The schooner John Franklin, which went
, ashore on Fenwick Island, will be gotten off
‘ with slight injury.
Philadelphia, Feb. 25.
, Explosion and Heavy Demage.— A large blast
pipe at the Crane Iron Works, Catasangua, Le
i high county, Pa., burst last evening, damaging
i the works to the amount 0f540,000. Two fur
i naces, turning out forty tons per day, are stopped
: by the accident, which will require three months
to repair. No one was injured.
I Horrible Fate of a Boat’s Crew—Let
ters received at Lloyd’s report a most shocking
; catastrophe having happened on the Great West
i Hoyle Bank, off the mouth of the Dee, to six
. mariners who had gone to examine a vessel
which had been wrecked upon the shoal in the
i course of Sunday last. Reaching the edge of
the sand, which extended many miles, the ill
fated men had secured their boat bj' fastening
the painter round the boathook, which they
threw into the sand. Like those ofthe Goodwin,
the sands are hard and dry when the tide is out,
in which state of apparent security they found
, them on landing. Having gone to the spot
where the wreck lay. they were about returning,
when they were not a little alarmed at observ
ing the boat adrift, and the tide rapidly cover
ing the sand. One account states that some
boatmen a considerable distance off observed the
unhappy fellows rushing about, holding up han
kerchiefs and other things in the hope of at
tracting attention. None came, however, and
in little more than an hour the sea swept over
the entire range of the bank, and the poor fel
lows thus miserably perished.
Incest and Murder.—The Selma, Ala., Re
porter of the 16th inst., has an account of a re
volting outrage perpetrated in that neighborhood,
by a man named Joseph Noals, the particulars of
which are ot a most repulsive character. The
citizens of Burnsville being informed of the mon
strosity of Noal’s conduct, (improper intercomse
with two of his own daughters, and a forcible
attempt upon the third.) uetermined to bring
him to punishment. Mr. Geo. T. Sharp was
ordered by tha magistrate, Mr. Burns, to exe
cute a warrant of arrest upon Noals, and, with
some others, proceeded to do so. Repairing to
the residence of Noals, Sharp summoned him to
go before the magistrate, which Noals refused to
do, and as Sharp advanced to arrest him, he was
shot by Noals, and died in a few moments. The
murderer succeeeded in making his escape. The
relations of the deceased have offered a reward
of SSOO for the apprehension of Noals. He is
described as being about six feet one inch high,
dark complected, with high cheek bones, and
thin visage. His dress was homespun cotton
cloth and a white wool hat.
Another Webster and Parkman Trage
dy.—The Editor of the Lynchburg Express
has seen a letter from a friend at Kanawha Sali
nes, Va.,of which he gives the following ex
tract :
Kanawha Salines, Sunday, Feb. 13.
Dear ****** ; Our Valley was thrown into
a considerable excitement yesterday and to-day
by the discovery of a very singular murder
perpetrated a few miles above us. It seems tha
a man by the name of Stoghin, owed one Ro
mines, several hundred dollars, appointed an
evening, (last Friday) for settlement. Stoghin
left his work in the evening, and went to R’s
house, telling his companion, that he was going
to settle with R. Since then he had not been
seen or heard of until his friends becoming
alarmed at his sudden exit, commenced a search,
finally entered R’s house and looked every
where a body could be concealed, and found no
thing. until one of them thinking probably ofthe
notorious Webster case, commenced scraping in
the ashes, and to his surprise, found several hu
man teeth and the cheek bone, also, part of the
flesh, supposed to be that of the man, which had
run into a crevice in the fire place partly roasted.
It was a very large fire place, five feet long. It
is known that R. had nearly a cord of pine knots
at his house, which it seems are all burnt up.
He was immediately arrested and committed to
jail on Sunday. He exercised more ingenuity
than Webster did in disposing of the body. The
few bones that are found, will be difficult to iden
tify as those of a man, from their calcined state
His trial will be very interesting if further
velopments are not made.
Rain.—During the present month there have
been but three slight showers in this vicinity
one on the sth, when 0.083 inches fell • one on
the 19th, when there was 0 392 inches’; and one
on the night of the 22d, 0.412 inches, or in all
not quite 9-fOth of an inch up to this date We
learn on the other hand that our f r j en( i s in the
interior oi the State have had copious showers.
We have been informed that three ofthe most
substantial farmers ot Knox county, who are
large stockholders in the East Tennessee and
Georgia railroad, have paid up their entire sub- i
scription. This is a good move, and we hope ,
others will follow the example. If all the stock
taken in this county was promptly paid up, it 1
would greatly facilitate the work on the road, '
and enable the company to reach this place at 1
an early day.— Knoxei/fc Register. j
A Valuable Hen.—The Rochester Daily
Advertiser says that Mr. Recker, who less 1
than a year ago purchased a pair of Cochin t
China Fowls from the proceeds of which since
that time, he has realized $433. The Chick
ens sold for $lO par pair, and the Eggs for $4 <
psrdoaen, t
AUGUSTA, GEORGIA.
WEDNESDAY MORNING, MARCH 2.
Terms of Subscription.
Daily Paper, por annum, in advance... .$8 00
Tri-Weokly 5 00
Weekly, par annum in advance 2 00
If paid within the year 2 60
At the end of the yoar 3 00
above terms will be rigidly enforced.
Subscribers writing to request their pa
pers changed to another Post-office, will please
ba particular to atate the office to which the
paper is now sent.
Bank of St. Mary s.
The bills ofthe Bank of St. Mary’s under five
dollars, and the change bills of J. G. Winter, are
still taken at par at this office.
Postmasters are requested to notify us
promptly in all .cases when our papers are not
taken from the office
Pacific Railroad Project.
The speech of Senator Butler in opposition
to the Pacific Railroad projects before the U. S.
, Senate, will reward a careful perusal. We com
[ mence its publication to-day, and will conclude
1 it in to-morrow’s issue.
Though the scheme is effectually tabled for
the present session, now so near its close, yet it
, will be brought up hereafter with strong, and
! probably, constantly increasing influences in its
I favor, from session to session. It therefore be
. hooves every thinking-citizen to examine the
• subject carefully, and prepare an opinion upon it.
’ We are glad to see Judge Butoku has bruugh
the force of his intellect and influence against a
scheme which, if not defeated, must introduce a
formidable and fearful corporate influence in our
government, infinitely more to be dreaded than
a National Bank. It will be a means of exhaust
i ing the public treasury, or at all events, be an
I importunate pensioner upon it. It will over
shadow the legislation of the country by lobby
. ; intrigues and log-rolling combinations. It will,
I with its cormorant appetite, swallow al! the pub
lic lands in the line of its route, and from be
ing a sturdy beggar for legislative favors, become
an arrogant dictator whose will can neither be
defied or circumvented. It will be apt to endan
ger the republican system of our government,
render the federal compact a dead letter, strict
construction an obsolete term, and State rights a ,
theme for the metaphysician and the antiquary.
Let the democrats of the South steadily resist
new interpolations in the democratic creed—let
them unitedly insist upon the rigid rules of con
struing the chart of federal power, and the
country may yet be saved from this gigantic
scheme of centralization and monetary despotism.
Pacific Railroad Bill.
The 'Washington correspondent of the Charles
ton Mercury thus notices the efforts made by
Senators Butler, Shields and Mason, to defeat
the Pacific Railroad Bill offered by Mr. Rusk.
The amendment ot Mr. Shields, adopted by a
vote of 22 to 20, but afterwards reconsidered
and rejected, was to the effect that the money
appropriated to build the road should be appro
priated exclusively to those portions of it run
ning through territories. Its fate for the pres-
I ent session is sealed, but it is a question to be
I fought against, “ over again and oft,” by the ad
' ' vocates of State Rights principles :
' ■ “ The Pacific Railroad Bill has also developed
• I antagonism in the Party, in relation to the strict
or latitudinarian construction of the Constitu
tion. Its death was due to the stab which the
States Rights men gave it through the hands of
' Senator Shields, who not only struck, but exul
ted in the blow—and nut some searching inter
rogatories to Senator Rusk on the subject, when
he enacted the part of Anthony over his defunct
bantling. Your Senator Butler’s speech on this
subject has made a profound impression. It is
acknowledged to be one of the ablest speeches of
this session, and has has enchaneed his already
’ high reputation as a profound constitutional ex
pounder. The doctrines oi States Rights and
strict construction are not abstractions; they are
j the sole bulwarks that now are left for the pro
, tection ot the numerical minority against the
encroachments or usurpations of the majority,
j aud Senator Butler has done good service by
■ striking his blow in time. Gwin and Rusk
; have fought fiercely for the bill, containing a
provision in direct conflict with the true Repub
lican doctrine, and concerning which, Mr. Ma
son, himself in favor of the most stringent action
of this Government for securing Tehuantepec,
made these strong remarks for bis place on Fri
day :
“ Mr. President, if this bill become a law', the
: fear which the Senator from Texas expressed a
few days ago—that it might have the effect o.V
reading him out of the Democratic party—will
never be realized. If this bill become a law.
there will be no longer parties in this country,
except the party in power and the party in op
position. The whole character cf the Govern
ment will be changed. Yes, sir, the whole
. character of the Government will be changed,
never to be reclaimed ; and it will have been
done by gold, and, worse than all, by gold out
of the public treasury. Sir, there will be no
Democratic party then. Least of all will there
be that party to which the honorable Senator 1
know belonged, and to which I belong—the
Republican party—the party under whose ban
ner you appeal from the people to the Consti
tion. The Constitution will be gone. There
will be no appeal to that, and the Govern
ment will be one of unlimited power.’’
The test vote on Shield’s amendment, whick
killed the bill, will throw' much light on this
point. Here it is :
Yeas—Messrs. Atchison, Bright, Brodhead l ,
Cass, Charlton, Dawson, DeSaussure, Douglas,
Felcb, Fitzpatrick, Geyer, Hamlin, Hunter, Ma
son, Norris, Pearce, Petit, Shields, Soule, Tou
cey, Walker, and Weller—22.
Nays—Messrs. Bell, Borland, Brooke, Chase.
Davis, Dodge of Wisconsin, Dodge of lowa, Foot,
Gwin, Houston, Jones of lowa, Jones of Tennes -
see, Miller, Rusk, Seward, Smith, Spruanea,
Sumner, Underwood, and Wade—2o.
President Fillmore and General Pierce, ac
companied by the Secretaries of State, Navy and
Interior, and others, visited the Caloric ship
Ericsson, at Alexandria, on Thursday. Among
the Heads of the Naval Bureaus present were
Commodore Morris, Shubrick, Smith and Sloat;
Captains Wilkes, Ringgold, Maury, Sands andl
Powell, and several other officers of the Navy
Messrs. Burroughs, Goodenow, and Penniman,
ofthe Naval Committee es the House, Hon-
Messrs. T. Butler King and R. C. Winthrop
Messrs. J. O. Sargent, Blair, Stoughton, Ritchie,
Thackeray, Washington Irving and others, were
present by invitation ofthe Secretary of the Na
vy. The company embarked at the Navy Yard.
on the steamer Vixen, at Hi o’clock, and pro -
ceeded to the ship, where they w’ere received by
the Commander, Capt. Howber. They were
introduced to Capt. Ericsson, who explained the
invention, partly by models and partly by the
machinery, in its practical operation. The prin
ciple upon which the vessel is built was
ered as fully established, and the Secretary ofthe
Navy will immediately advise the building of
two first class Caloric ships for the United
States Navy, with screw propellers.
Arrest of Lard.
A man by the name of Ben. Lard, who recent
ly shot another by the name of Jonathan Briggs,
Barnwell District, was arrested in this city on
Friday evening last by our police, and conveyed
to Barnwell Court House. he was delivered
over to the sheriff. Mr. Briggs is, we understand
in a very critical condition, and his life is des
paired of. Lard was mistaken in his man when
he shot Briggs—his intention was to shoot John
Mixson, who was but a short distance behind
Briggs.
Fire at Eatonton Factory.
The following is from a letter to this office,
dated Eatonton, Feb. 26th:
“ The Store House and Cotton Shed attached
to the Eatonton Factory, with about fifty bales
of Cotton, were burnt last night. Loss about
three thousand dollars.”
Among the clearances at New Orleans on
Tuesday, was that of the American ship Golden
Eagle, of Kennebunk, Me., Capt. Thompson,
for St. Petersburg, with a cargo of <5,090 bales of
cotton, weighing 2,309,778 pounds, and valued
at the large sum of $245,000. This ship is
1,273 tons register, and the cargo is the largest
by more than 2,000 bales ever shipped to Russia
from that port. The Picayune is informed that
it is all shipped by one mercantile house, and is
undoubtedly the largest and most valuable car
goof cotton ever shipped by one house from
the United States. The ship was cleared by
Messrs. J. P. Whitney & Co., and her freight
list amounts to the large sum of $3.5,000.
The Golden Eagle and her cargo will give our
Russian friends an idea of the progress of Young
America in the ship and cotton line.
Athens.—The population of Athens, Ga., ac
cording to a census just taken is 3,492, showing
an increast in th« last two years of 380. "