Newspaper Page Text
Constitutionalist k lUpnhlir.
AUGUSTA; geqkglaT"
WEDNESDAY MORNING- JULY 6.
Terms of Subscription.
Daily Paper, per annum, in advance $8 00
Tri-Wockly 5 00
Weekly, per annum in advance 2 00
If paid within the year 2 50
At the end of the year 3 00
K?” The abovo terms will bo rigidly enforced.
FOR GOVERNOR,
BON. BERSCHEL V. JOHNSON,
OF BALDWIN COUNTY.
WEEKLY
Constitutionalist, and Republic,
FOR THE CAMPAIGN.
With a view to place our paper at a price
which will enable its friends to circulate it
through every portion of the State during the
present canvass we offer the Weekly Consti
tutionalist and Republic as follows, for cash
in advance:
One copy (till second week in October) cts 50
Five copies “ “ “ 4. qq
Ten copies “ “ “ 44 400
Twenty copies “ “ 44 -j I
Fifty copies “ “ “ 15 00 1
One Hundred copies “ “ 05 qO ,
The approaching election will be warmly con
tested, and will involve many interesting ques
tions to be discussed in the public press. The pro
gress ol the canvass will be marked by stirring
incidents, aud information from all parts of the
State will be eagerly sought and desired by
all who feel an interest in its political destinies.
Besides the election for Governor, will be those
for members of the Legislature, members of ■
Congress, and Judges of the the Superior Courts
—all ot which will provoke animated contests, (
and involve results, to which no intelligent
citizen can be indifferent.
It will be the aim and effort of the proprietor
of the Constitutionalist and Republic to give the
lullest,earliest,and most reliable information at all
times and from all points of the State during the ‘
canvass. He will advocate the election of the
Democratic Candidates in a spirit of candor,
while it shall be done with the zeal and ear
nestness growing out of a thorough conviction
that the success of the Democratic Party, and a
cordial support of the Administration of Presi
dent Pierce, will promote the true interests of
the State and the country'.
To our Stopped Subscribers.
Pursuant to a notice given some time since of
our intention to strike from our list all who were
in arrears for more than 12 months subscription,
we have completed that task, and now give the
result. We have stricken from our subscription
list 889 names, many of them among the most
worthy and intelligent citizens of the country,
and not a few of them men of ample fortunes. 1
AMMEMHtaoti? doubt sony pri-a considerable number,
arSJtf°b I LKu irresponsible, and some, while ful
ly able, are not honest enough to be willing
pay their debts if they can conveniently avoid
it. We hope and trust there are but few of this
latter class. For the others, few are so very
poor that they canuot with a little effort pay
their small dues to us. Most of the delinquents
have only been careless in the matter, and have
procrastinated payments while fully intending
to settle all arrears.
Relying upon their doing so, we would re
mind them that all remittances by mail are at our
risk. We should be pleased to reinstate them
upon our subscription list whenever it is agree
able to them. We are daily in receipt of remit
tances from stopped subscribers, requesting our
paper continued to them, and hope soon to have
much the larger portion of the 889, again on our
list.
We shall steadily pursue our purpose of ap
proximating our business to the cash system.
02?=* W. H. McDonald, 102 Nassau street,
New York, is our authorised agent for that city,
and any advertisement sent through his agency
will meet with prompt attention.
Bank of St. Mary’s.
The bills of the Bank of St. Mary’s under five
dollars, and the change bills of J. G. Winter, are
still taken at par at this office.
05P” The article signed 11 Union” to be found
in our columns makes an allusion to us which
renders a comment proper from us. Premising
our due acknowledgments for its too compli
mentary terms, we remark that a newspaper
communication derives no influence, extrinsic of
its merits, from the channel through which it
addresses the public. It is not to be supposed
that an editor indorses the various views of his
correspondents by simply givin ■ them a place in
his columns- They go forth simply for what
they are worth, the editor having the same
right with other readers of expressing or with
holding his own views on the subjects discussed.
We considered it due Judge Hili.yer to pub
lish his address, as be requested us to do so. We
considered it also due our correspondent 11 Union
a no lest respectable citizen, to publish his com
munication.
Mr. Cuyler W. Young’s Address,
This address is sent to us as an advertisement, I
and is published as such. We abstain fiom i
comment upon it at present.
Southern Medical and Surgical Journal.
The July number of this interesting Medical
monthly, is on our table with its usual prompt
ness. This No. contains three original articles
on subjects of much interest to the profession,
with it's usual variety of selections. Edited by
L. A. Dugas, M. D., and published by James
McCafferty. Terms $3 per annum in advance.
Oglethorpe University.
We understand that Henry M. Law, Esq.
of Savannah, has accepted the appointment ten
dered him, to deliver the Annual Address before
the literary societies of this College, at the ap
proaching commencement, the 20th of July.
The Hon. E. W. Chastain, has been
nominated by the Democratic Convention held
at Calhoun, on the 29th ult., as their candidate
from the sth District, for Congress.
Whig Humbug About Appointments to Office.
Ihe Whigs have always been notorious as
croakers, and among their various aliases we
suggest as singularly appropriate to them, es
pecially at this juncture, that of The Croaking
Party. They are constantly croaking about
evils impending, and predicting all mariner of
catastropbies to the country—even to the down
fall of the Republic itself from Democratic lule,
Democratic policy, and Democratic progress
But still our countrymen continue prosperous,
and ourgreat and magnificent Republic continues
to stride on under Democratic auspices in ever
increasing power and grandeur, to the manifest
terror of despotism, while it is the admiration
and hope of oppressed nations. It stands out as
the complete and model illustration of the ca
pacity of man for self government, and the bea
con light ol hope to a down trodden world.
The croakings of the Whigs are but as the
weight ol a fly on the wheels of our glorious
onward destiny. Look for a moment at the
Whig croakings of the past. The want of a
National Bank was to destroy all mercantile en
terprise and energy in our country, arid over
shadow the land with bankruptcy. The Sub-
Treasury was to be the cormorant monster that
would swallow all the specie ol the country, and
cause a deluge of worthless shin-plasters, crea
ting one currency, (gold and silver,) for the gov
ernment, and another, lag money, for the people.
A revenue Tariff was to prostrate all manufac
turing interests, and bring pauperism and starva
tion upon our people. The absence of internal im
provements by the Federal Government was to
stagnate our internal commerce, and bring blight
and mildew on our industry. The neglect of the
Government to improve rivers and harbors,
was to cause our own vessels to rot at our
wharves, drive foreign commerce away to more
friendly shores, and bring grass and weeds into
the streets, and bats and owls into the houses of
our crumbling and desolate seaports. The flood
of foreign population pouring in upon us, and
the unrestricted suffrage granted foreigners after
a few years of residence, were to sweep away
our liberties, and overthrow the social fabric.
The continuance of the Veto power was to con
vert our representative government into an olig
archy, and place a more than imperial sceptre in ;
the hand of the people’s Chief Magistrate.— j
The annexation of Territory was to make our
mighty Republic too alarmingly great—the sway
of the Confederacy too widely extended for its
safety; and its swift destruction was time and
again croaked over and predicted in Whig Jour
nals. But in response to Whig croakings, the
incredulous Democracy of the country— the peo
ple—cried humbug , and time, experience, and his
tory all write humbug ! humbug! humbug! upon
each of these Whig devices and imaginings. j
The only humbug now left to the Whigs in
Georgia, having the slightest promise of availa
bility, is about President Pierce’s appointments
to office. The Whigs are reduced to this strait.
They are forced to pretend that they see great
and imminent danger to the rights of the southern
states and to the stability of the Republic from a
few office-holders in subordinate positions. They i
allege that there are four or five free sobers and
abolitionists in office under Gen. Pierce —a sub
treasurer, a post-master or two, a district attor
ney, and a Register of a land-office. This is, so
far as we have seen or heard, the extent of the
alleged danger to the Union ! Oh! how appall
ing the danger ! In what portentous proportions
do these Catalines of the Confederacy, with the
robes of office around them, loom upon the hor
ror-stricken imagination! Oh! hearfc of Free
dom! Oh! last Hope of mankind! Oh! Hum
bug !
The following is one of the resolutions of the
late Whig Convention at Milledgeville:
Resolved, That we adhere to the Report and
Resolutions of the Georgia Convention of 1850,
because we consider the principles therein pro
claimed are not less important to the mainte
nance of the rights of the States than of the
Union of the Sta’es ; and that we consider the
rights of the Southern States as in great and im
minent danger, and the principles of the Georgia
Convention greatly jeoparded by any political
party whatever may be its name, which r-cog
nizes Abolitionists and Freesoilers as worthy of
public honors and public emoluments.
Now, reader, who are those men who have
had the effrontery to put forth this declaration—
what have been their antecedents in regard to
Free Sobers and Abolitionists holding office—
and what are the antecedents of Mr. Jenkins
himself, their nominated candidate for Gov
ernor, in this particular?
We premise, however, by stating that of the
few appointees to office under Gen. Pierce,
alleged to be Free Sobers and Abolitionists, not
one of them proposes, or countenances, any in- ;
terference with the rights of the South as recog- ’
nized in the Compromise of 1850—not one of I
them opposes adherence to that Compromise, or 1
refuses his assent to its faithful execution. In
other words, not one of them but stands solemn
ly pledged to and bound by the declaration of
the Baltimore Democratic platform of 1852, as
his creed and his rule of action—to wit:
11 Resolved, That the loregoing proposition
covers, and was intended to embrace the whole
subject of slavery agitation in Congress, and
therefore, the Democratic party of the Union, 1
standing on the national platform, will abide by
and adhere to a faithful execution of the acts
known as the compromise measures, settled by
the last Congress: 11 the act for reclaiming fugi
tives from service or labor.” included—which
act being designed to carry out an expres pro- !
vision of tne Constitution, cannot with fidelity !
thereto, be repealed, or so changed as to destroy j
or impair its efficiency.”
This is the recognized doctrine and sentiment
of President Pierce and the National Democ
. racy, arid as lone as that party is sustained by
the people, the South has no ground to fear the
repeal or non-execution of the fugitive-slave
law. Georgia is in no danger of being called on
bj' Mr. Jenkins and his friends, nor bv any other
party, to “ disrupt the tics which Lind her to the
Union” as provided for in the bloody fourth res
olution of the Georgia platform.
This same Whig party which nominates Mr.
Jenkins, for Governor, was last year divided
between two tickets, for President and Vice-
President of the United States.
We shall not dwell now on the sentiments
expressed on vaiious occasions by Gen. Soon
on the subject of slavery, and its abolition, n-r
upon the probabilities of of Free Soilers and Abo
litionists holding office under him. had he been
elevated to the Presidency. That is a topic wor
thy of a separate chapter.
Nor will we here review the history of the
Whig parti from the accession of Gen. Taylor
to the Executive Chair ; and his appointment ol
Free Soilers and Abolitionists to office, from
seats in his Cabinet, down to the pettiest posts
under Government. That also deserves a sep
arate chapter.
Nor will we here discuss, the abolition senti
* ments, ot Millard Fillmore, Whig Vice-Pres
! ident, and successor to Gen. Taylor, the black
ecord of whose votes in Congress, side by side
with Giddings and Slade, against the South oif
■ every question touching slavery, glares out from
1 the Congressional Journals, to sear the eye balls
of Southern Whigs.
1 This also deserves a separate chapter.
But we come to the recorded opinions of
Daniel Webster, candidate of the Jenkins
Whigs of Georgia, on whose ticket Mr. Jen
kins ran for the Vice-Presidency. There was
too much abolitionism about the Scott and Gra
ham ticket, both southern born men, for Mr
Jenkins and his friends, and therefore they must
needs place Daniel Webster before the people
as a more acceptable exponent of opinion—as a
safer repository of the lights of the Southern
States.
What were his opinions on slavery ? and what
the promise of safety to the South and stability
to the Union under his auspices ? What the I
prospect under him of free soilers and abolition- i
ists being excluded from office ?
We furnish a few extiacts from his speeches :
Extracts from Mr. Webster's Speech , delivered at
Mbington , Mass.. Oct. 10, 1848.
‘’A party has arisen among us calling itsell |
the Free Soil party. The assumption of such a ;
name by this party, reminds me ot a joke made
by Swift, or some other humorist, on a person l
who had made not a very tasteful use as a Latin j
phrase—
Dulce ct natale solum.
Fine words, I wonder where he stole 'em.
"Really, the exclusive appropriation of the
name of Free Soil by this party, was a very bold
proceeding. They have certainly stolen the
sentiment from the Whigs; it was a clear case
of petty larceny. Are these men better lovers
of liberty than we are? No! We are as good
liberty men and anti-slavery men as they pro
fess to be themselves.
‘‘But what is the history of this so-called
Free Soil party 1 Why, just this. Some years
ago a schism broke out in the Democratic party
oi New 1 ork. J his widened by degrees, and
at length Mr. Van Buren put himself at the
head of the smaller portion. When Silas Wright
was nominated a second time for Governor of
New Fork, the two parties had become very
hostile to each other, and assumed the rival
names of Hunkers and Barnburners, which ap
pellation they continue to bear to this day. ft
appears, theretore, that this schism in the Demo
cratic party is of rather long slanding. There
was an actual outbreak years ago among them,
and all this before any question of Free Soil ’
arose in that quarter, and before the Wilmoi j
Proviso or any opposition to slavery as a party
principle. Down to the period of the annexa- j
tion ot Texas, all the Democratic party followed !
the party doctrines, and went for the annexation, |
slavery extension and all. The opposition to I
this measure proceeded in the first instance sole- 1
Iv from the Whigs. I say the Whigs alone, for !
it is notorious that no-body else, either in the 1
East, VVest, North or South, raised a fi: ger
against it. If such an effort was made, it was
so inconsiderable that it attracted no notice till,
by the efforts of the Whigs, the people were
roused to a sense of their danger, and feeling oi
opposition to the extension of slave power
l hen, and not till then, the Barnburners seize’ 1
upon this branch of Whig doctrine and attached
it to their policy, merely to give them a certain
predominancy over their rivals.
“ Originally, therefore, the Barnburners had
no more to do with the doctrine of free soil than
with the question of masonary or anti masonry.
They only adopted it to secure an advantage
over the Hunkers. But having appropriated
this just sentiment, though still retaining all the
rest of the thirty-nine articles of the Locofoco
creed, they now call upon the Whigs ol Massa
chusetts to enlist under them! I had almost
said to be subsidized by them, on I v to give them
the ascendency in New York politics ! For one.
I propose to do no such thing. Ido not like the !
service.
“ I repeat, that this Buffalo platform, this col-'’j
lect of the Barnburners, contains no new thing
that is good, it has nothing new w’hich the j
Whigs of the Middle and Northern States might i
not adopt. But it is going too iar for that party
to ask the Whigs of Massachusetts to carry that i
matter into their State election.
“ We shall know', gentlemen, that the Buffalo j
platform contains nothing in relation to this ;
matter which does not meet the approbation
and unqualified approbation of the Whigs of the
Northern States. Now. suppose for argument’s j
sake, that we should join the Free Soil party, j
we should still be the Whig party under a dis- !
ferent name, and that would he all. But these j
gentlemen propose to us to go a step further,
which I allow would be making a great change
—in short, they propose to put Mr. Van Buren !
at the head of the Whig party.”
j
Extract from Mr. Webster's Speech, at Buffalo, i
May 22d, 1851.
“ My opinion remains unchanged, that it was j
not within the original scope or design of the 1
Constitution to admit new .States out of foreign j
territory ; and tha for one, I never would con- j
sent ; and no matter what may be said at the ;
Syracuse Convention, or at any other assemblage !
of insane persons. 1 never would consent, and never !
have consented , that there should be one foot ot slave 1
territory beyond what the old Thirteen Spates j
had at the time of the formation of the Union i
Never! never!! The man can not show his face j
to me and say he can prove that I ever departed
from that doctrine. He would sneak away, and 1
slink away, or hire a mercenary press that he
might cry out, what an apostate from lihe-tv
Daniel Webster has become. He knows himsell
to be a hypocrite and a falsifier.”
Referring to his speech at a public dinner in
New York, in 1837, he says :
“ I went out of my way on that occasion, for
the purpose of showing what I anticipated in
the attempt to annex Texas as a slave territory,
and said it should be opposed by rre to the last
extremity.”
“And in Niblo’s Garden, in March, 1837, I
made a speech. I said, on that occasion :
" Gentlemen— We all see that by whomsoever
possessed, Texas is likely to be a slaveholding
country, and I frankly avow mv entire unwi!
j lingness to do anything that shall extend the
{ slavery of the African on this continent, or add
I other slaveholding States to the Union. When
j I said that. I regarded slavery as a great moral
j arid political evil. I only used language thaf
| has been adopted by distinguished men, them
selves citizens of staveholding States. I shall
j do nothing, therefore, to extend or encourage its
j further extension.”
As arioMier notabb- feature in the history ot
Mr. Webster, it may not, be amiss here to state,
that while the compromise measures were perill
ing before Congress, he introduced a fugitive
slave bill in the Senate, which provided a trial
by jury to the slave in the fr-e S f afe in which
he was captured—a bill 'which, if enacted, would
have been as practical a nullification of the clause
in the Constitution securing the rendition of
fugitive slaves to their owners, ns is the nullify
ing act of the Whirr State of Vermont.
It was to a man holding these sentiments and
declaring these purposes, that the Jenkins Whigs
of Georgia would have confided southern rights
in preference to Genera! Pierce. And who is
the General Pierce who has aroused the patriotic
alarms of \ir. Toombs by a few appointments to
subordinate offices, of men who once held opin
ions corresponding with those entertained by
Mr. Webster to the day of his death, and which
Mr. Fillmore holds now—opinions which in fact
are held by the entire body of the northern
Whigs with whom the Jenkins Whigs were in
loving affilia'ion last summer?
He is the same gentleman of whom Mr.
Toombs said last summer. “ he was the safest
man or the south on the slavery question north
of Mason & Dixon’s line.” He is the same gen
tleman whom Mr. Stephens lauded in terms al
most as sweepin He is the same gentleman
of whom Mr. Webster said, that on the slavery
question, he was as safe a man for the south, as
was John C- Calhoun himself.
He isthe same gentleman of whom Mr. Mil
ler said last summer, “be presents in his past
Congressional and public life ‘as fair a record ’
upon the questions connected with the institu
tion of slavery as any man north of Mason 4‘
line ” It was for this gentleman Mr.
Miller voted for President of the United States.
These Whig gentlemen may now, for partizan
purposes, faotiouslv desire to build their party
up iu Georgia in opposition to the administration
of a President thus vouched for by themselves—
rekindle the flames of sectional strife, unsettle
the public mind in Georgia now calmly reposing
I upon an adjustment between the north and the
j south, which neither the President or the Detno
! cracy seek to disturb—become adgitators and
| sectionalists of the most infuriate ciass, rioting in
1 the spirit of discord, conjured up by their own
passions and fer their own ambitious ends. But
when they base their opposition upon fears for the
Union from free soil and abolition appointments
to office by such a President, it is a humbug too
bald and contemptible to impose on any man of
common sense. The honest sentiment of the
country will rebuke the disingenuousness of such
a pretence. The people of Georgia will vindi
cate at the ballot box the scandalous imputation
on the President of their choice.
■ Wnig Motives in Reviving the Slavery Agitation
Examined.
The recent declaration of the Whig party in
j Convention assembled, that they considered the
I rights of the Southern States in great and im
i minent danger , from the imputed recognition of
j Abolitionists and Free Soilers,as worthy of pub
| lie honors and public emoluments, was made un
| der circumstances which challenge investigation
) as to its sincerity, and the honesty of the motives
I prompting it. That same Convention nomi
! nates Mr. Jenkins, as its candidate for Gover
! nor. We are naturally led therefore, to look in
to the antecedents of this gentleman on this
very point, and the attitude which, by his own
1 acts and declarations, he has occupied before the
! public. We are led to inquire what claims he
; has upon the support of Union Democrats, whose
I patriotic apprehensions for the safety of the prin-
I ciples of the Georgia platform are appealed to ?
; We are led to inquire in what character, save
j that of a Whig, deeply attached and solemnly
1 pledged to Whig principles, Mr. Jbnkins is en
titled to or can expect support ? We are are led
to inqure how, with the record ot his acts and
declarations spread out before them. Union
Democrats can consistently with honor and self
respect, vote for him ? We are led to inquire,
how anv Democrat entitled to the name, and
true to his principles, can vote for a man who
on the closest, selt-examinat.ior., can discover in
himself not the slightest trace of being “ Demo
cratized ?”
We had occasion last August to exhibit the
strange juxta-positinn of the Buffalo platform
and the Georgia platform—the one on which
stood Martin Van Buren and his Free Soil
allies, and the other indicating the ground on
which Georgia would defend her rights, even to
, a disruption of every tie which bound her to the
; Union.
j We showed that on the Buffalo platform, stood
Daniel Webster by his explicit declaration.
lOf the other Mr. Jenkins was the architect.
Both w r ere in direct and portentous conflct.
Yet the strange spectacle was exhibited of Mr
j Webster, standing on the one, and Mr. Jenk
! ins. solemnly pledged to the other, running fra
i ternally together upon the same ticket for Presi
dent and Vice President.
The fourth resolution of the Georgia platform,
I announced the following solemn purpose to the
| world :
“ Fourthly —That the State of Georgia, in the
: judgment of this Convention, will and ought to
< res'st, even {as a last resort,) to a disruption of
! every tie which binds her to the Union, any
! action of Congress, upon the subject of Slavery
I in the District of Columbia, or in places subject
j to the jurisdiction of Congress, incompatible with
\ the safety or domestic tranquility, the rights and
j the honor of the slaveholding States; or any
j act suppressing the slave trade between slave-
I holding State ; ; or any refusal to admit as a Stale
, any Territory hereafter applying, because of the ex-
J istence of slavery therein ; or any act prohibiting
j Hie introduction of slaves into the territories of
[ Utah and New Mexico; or any act repealing or
j materially modifying 'he laws now in force for
i the recovery of fugitive slaves ”
At Abington (Mass.), Oct. 10. 1848, Mr.
’Webster, declared that the Free Soilers at
Buffalo, had stolen their sentiments from the North
ern Whigs. It was a clear case of petty larceny—
that there was nothing in the platform that did
not meet the unqualified approbation of the
Northern Whigs—that if the Northern Whigs
were to join the Free Soil party. “TUe” said Mr.
Webster, should still be the Whig party under a \
different name, and that would be all ’.
Mr. Webster’s tree-soil sentiments were very j
plainly reiterated by him at Buffalo, May 22nd i
i 1851, on which occasion he emphatically de- j
dared :
“ My opinion remains unchanged. that it was
! not within the original scope or design of the
I Constitution to admit new States out of foreign
territory : aid that (or one, I never would con
j sent; and no matter what may be said at the
Syracuse Convention.or at my othvr assemblage
of insane persons, I never would ennsent. and n< v
rr lime consented, tluil tha c should he ewe fool of
slave territory beyond what the old Thirteen
j States had at the time of the formation of the
union. Never! nktse! The man cannot show
his face to me and say he can prove that I ever
i departed from that doctrine. lie would sneak
j a wav. and slink away, or hire a mercenary press
i that he might cry out. what an apostate from
liberty Daniel Webster has become. He knows
himself to be a hypocrite and a falsifier.”
Thus was exhibited the spectacle of Mr. Jen
kins running on a ticket with, and supporting
for the Presidency, one who in the very teeth
as i f were of the people of Georgia, and only live
months after their solemn purpose wasannounc
j ed. to dissolve the Union if Congress were to
I reject, or the President to veto a bill to admit
a new State into the Union, because she tolera
,
ted slavery, declares that he never would consent
to such an admission.
Mr. J enkins and his supporters in the late
nominating Convention, have the cool assurance
to declare that they ‘‘consider the rights of the
Southern States as in great and imminent danger.
and the principles ol the Georgia Convention
greatly jeoparded by any political party which
recognizes abolitionists and free soilersas worthy
of public honors and public emoluments. Yet
Mr. Jenkins lends his name and influence to
elect a man President of the United States.
who is a by his own emphatic avowal and boast
a Free Soiier.
No longer ago than July 1, 1852, we find Mr.
Jenkins declaring that he had then a stronger
desire than ever before to adhere to the national
Whig party—this very Whig party all the North
ern membersof which were Free Soilers ac
cording to the boast of his favorite candidate for
the Presidency. We refer to the letter of Mr.
Jenkins ot that date, copied into another col
umn. The Southern Banner very properly pub
lishes it, as a warning to Union Democrats, with
whom Mr Jenkins then had little political sym
pathy.
That National Whig party, is the party which
is contending before the people and will continue
to contend for the legislative power of the States
and of the Federal Government, and for the
public honors and the public emoluments.
We too invite our Union Democratic readers j
—we invite all true Democrats without regard
to our past uuhappy divisions, to read, mark and !
inwardly digest the passages in italics.
We copy this letter for the additional purpose
of showing,
Ist, That Mr. Jenkins last summer honestly
thought and candidly said that there was no
linger any necessity or pretext for a Union
• arty.
2d, That he teas satisfied with the platform of the
Whig party , and with Gen. Scott’s adhesion
to it. his objection to him being merely as to
his fitness for the office.
3d, That being as much a Whig as ever
adopting the entire national Whig creed as then
promulgated, he saw no reason why the Union
Democrats should not separate front him , as they
held in common no political principles then in
practical issue before the country. In other
words, that Mr Jenkins then thought that the
more manly and honest course was for himself to
stick to his Whig associates and Whig principles,
and for the Union Democrats to re-unite like
patriotic citizens with their old Democratic as
sociates. from whom they had been separated on
the Compromise measures, and battle as in the
days of Jackson, of Polk, and of Cass, lor those
Domocratic principles to which they have been
so long and so sincerely attached, and of which
those statesmen were the exponents.
4th, That these being the honest sentiments
of Mr. Jenkins himself only a year ago, as to
his own party, and his strong desire to unite
with it, and these being his honest sentiments
as to the coarse consistency, propriety, and pa
triotism dictated to the Union Democrats, he !
has now no claims whatever upon the support
of any Democrat.
These propositions are distinctly announced
in, or clearly deducible from Mr. Jenkins’ let
ter. They need no elaboration.
This letter of Mr Jenkins is characteristic of
him. and is creditable to his frankness. It is a
distinct, manly, unqualified declaration of his j
attachment to Whig principles and to the W r hig I
party—the National Whig party—whose plat- !
lortn, so satisfactory to him, was erected at Bal- I
timore last June.
To suit the local exigencies of Georgia politic?, !
and to fan into new life the dying embers of j
those passions which unhappily blazed up so !
fiercely in our State on the slavery question, a j
new scheme of agitation has been set on foot by [
the Whigs, and Mr. Jenkins —the peaceable.
Union loving, conservative Mr. Jenkins, lends
himselfto the plottings of the agitators against
the peace and quiet of the State.
He. the National Whig, from whose pacific pen
emanated those resolutions of the Georgia Con
vention, which were sent out to tranquilize the
troubled waters of sectional strife, and to bring
hack like Noah’s dove,the olive branch to all who
acquiesce in the adjustment made by Congress of
the sectional questions at issue, new lends him
self to agitators, as an instrument of building
up ag’in a sectional party—a party arrayed
against both the national parties of the country
—agitators who declare that both national par
ties are faithless to their pft repented pledges,
in the expenditure of the public money. Mr.
Jenkins, the Nullifier and Secessionist, of 1832,
who was repeatedly beaten for the Legislature
in Richmond eountv, because he had talked too
strongly of resistance to the Federal Government
because of its laws for raising public money—
who held then, the inherent right of State seces
sion in all the broad latitude of the hotest Fire-
I eater of the present day, now stands forth the
j champion of a new excitement, because of its
j laws for the expenditure of public money. The
old role of characters in the Nullification and
Secession drama of 1832-3, in which Mr. Jenk
ins and Mr. Toombs, were among the rising
stars, is to he vamped and rehearsed with the
same cast, and only a slight deviation as to the
j plot—the change being from a plot founded on
laws to raise money, to one founded on laws to
expend money.
Rut the question arises, what has the national
j Whig party now charged with being faithless
j to its pledges, done since July last, to lose the
j confidence of Mr. Jenkins. What laws has it
j enacted or helped to enact, what betrayal of
| popular rights has it committed since the day
j Mr Jenkins expressed an anxiety stronger Ilian
! ever before to adhere to it. and give to its nominees
j his feeble support, but which feeble support he
thought proper to withhold ? We leave this
question to he settled between Mr. Jenkins and
I the Scott Whigs, being utterly unable ourselves
j to offer a satisfactory solution to it.
As for the Whig.denunciation of the nalional
Democratic party as faithless, that is no new
| thing to Democrats, and creates no new uneasi
| ness among them Whom did Mr. Jenkins and
his political supporters ever do anything else
than denounce and make war upon that party?
Their present course is now a covert mode
of making war upon the Democratic party,
the victories when obtained, if ever, to enure
ultimately to the benefit of the National Whig
party, or to permanent sectional strifes.
T his result- can only he accomplished by the
j aid of Union Democratic voters.
ft is for Union Democrats to decide with the
lights now before them, whether patriotism,
duty, or self-res?p c t would not all be sacrificed
| by voting for Mr. Jenkins.
Sentence or Death — Lewis Montague, con
victed at Petersburg, Va , of the murder of
j Thompson, has been denied a new trial, and
! sentenced t 0 he executed on Ihe sth of August
| The prisoner made a speech to the court in
j which he admitted that he killed the deceased
hut denied that it was his intention to commit
: murder He charged that Thompson had re
I peatprlly threatened him, and abused his family,
j and made an affecting appeal on behalf of his
wife and children.
) Judicial Resignations and Appointments.
The intelligence reached our city on Monday,
! that Judge Warner had resigned his seat on the
Bench of the Supreme Court, and that the Gov
ernor had appointed Judge Starnes to the vacan
• cy thus occasioned, and the Hon. Andrew J.
I Miller, to the Bench of the Superior Court, thus
• vacated by Judge Starnes.
These appointments will give great satisfac
tion to the legal profession and to the public
■ generally. Judge Starnes has acquired a high
judicial reputation, and it must be conceded that
he is in all sespects, as well adapted for the posi
i tion so ably filled by Judge Warner, as by any
• one the Governor could have selected. The
same may be said of Mr. Miller, in reference to
the position just vacated by Judge Starnes, for
he has long held a leading rank as a jurist, and
; at the bar, second in ability to none other in
| the State.
Mr. Miller, is entitled to much credit, for ac
j cepting the office tendered him, lor he does so at
j much personal inconvenience, and to the serious
interruption of his large prolessional practice.
He accepts it for the short period of the term
still unexpired, as a matter of temporary accom
modation to the profession and to the public in
terest. lie has no desire to hold the office, and
will positively not be a candidate for it at the
ensuing election.
Judge Starnes will leave this week, for
i Americus.to take his seat at the regular term of
j the Supreme Court, to be hoklen there next
I Mon Jay.
Celebration of the Fourth,
j Our national anniversary was celebrated in this
city on Monday with becoming spirit. The boom-
I ing of cannon announced by a Federal salute the
! dawn of the seventy-seventh anniversary of our
' National Independence. At sunrise the enliving
music ol military bands summoned our volun
teer corps to their respective drill rooms. The
procession was formed according to programme
in front of the United States Hotel, and moved
thence to the City Hail Park, where w’ere as
sembled a number of our citizens. Many ladies,
as usual graced the patriotic occasion with their
j presence. A suitable prayer to the throne of
j divine grace was offered up by the Rev. Mr.
Tunrer, after the Declaration of American Inde
pendence was read by Wm. Walton, Esq.—
That great document so eloquent in language
and sublime in its associations, is well calculated
to kindle with fresh fervor the devotion of free
men to popular rights, and preserve a healthy
| antagonism between republican institutions and
j monarchical government It was read in a style
so effective as to give additional impressiveness
to its significant truths. An oration was then
delivered by James G. Gourd, Esq., marked by
masculine thought, noble sentiments and s:ngu
lar beauty of style. Its delivery was forcible and
graceful, ar.d every way worthy of its merits as
j a composition. After a benediction was pro
nounced, the procession returned to the United
States Hotel, and was there dismissed.
The early morning was appropriately selected
j for the ceremonies. The air was cooled by a
| most refreshing and much needed rain, which
j fell the evening before, but for which the heat
j would have been very oppressive,
j A national salute at meridium. and a federal
i salute at sundown concluded the public cere
monies of the day.
In 1810 the total wine crop of this country
was only 124,000 gal lons. In 1800 it was 221,-
249 gallons, being an increase of almost a hun
dred per cent, in ten years. The amount im
ported last year was 0,100,000 gallons—an
amount which our country will be able to sup
! ply for its own consumption in sixty years,
even at the present rate of i ncrease.
Execution of John S. Worm ley, for. the
| Murder of his Son-in-Itaw —John S Worm
i ley was hung at Chesterfield Court House, Va.,
on Frulay last, for the murder of Anthony T.
i Robiou, his son-in-law. The execution was
i witnessed by about 2.500 persons, whom the
! prisoner addressed for about a quarter of an hour.
He confessed the murder of Robiou, remarked
that under similar circumstances he would re
! peat the crime, and then gave an account of the
i facts which led to the unfortunate event.
j At a meeting ofthe stockholders ot the Chat
tanooga, Harrison, Georgetown, and Charleston
I Railroad Company, held in Chattanooga, on the
j 28th inst. V. K. Stevenson, Esq:, was elected
I President, and Ker Boyce, James Williams,
I Robert M. Hooke, Win. Williams, Robert Cra
' vens add James A. Whiteside were elected Di
| rectors of the Company.
| Girls Beware.— Jean Paul thus cautions
j young girls. The young men fall upon their
knees before you ; but remember, it is but as the
infantry, that they may conquer and kill; or as
the hunter, who only on bended knees takes aim
at his victim.
Shipbuilding is in a promising condition at
Frankfort, Maine. There are on the stocks
two large ships, one of 1300 tons, and the other
of 1000 tons burthen'; also two brigs of 200 tons
; each.
The Charleston Standard in noticing the divi
j dend recently declared by the Central Railroad
| Company of Savannah, remarks:
I “Itis a source of satisfaction to know that a
1 large part of this, as in fact of much other stock
! in Georgia, is owned by citizens of South Caro
| lina. ,?
! Lightning. — Mr E. Mariam, of New-York,
j a distinguished scientific writer and practical
i philosopher, savs that persons struck by light
| nir.g. should not be given up as dead, for at least
| three hours. During the first two hours, they
j should be drenched freely with cold water, and
if this fails to produce restoration, then add salt,
and continue the drenching for another hour.
The Montreal Riot. —Mayor Wilson, of
Montreal, it is said, has lett the city—public
opinion running strong against him, as the one
who gave the troops th<? order to fire. Alder
man Atwater, a native of Vermont, has been
elected Mayor pro tern, by the Common Coun
cil. _ _
Big Libel Suit.— Geo. Smith & Co., pro
i prietors of the Atlanta Bank, in Georgia, have
j commenced two suits against \\ . L. Curmei,
i editor and proprietor of the Daily Wisconsin,
; Milwaukee, for alleged libel upon said hanking
I concern. The damages are laid at $7:3,000.
The Nashville and Chattanooga Railroad
Company have been subjected to SSOOO damages
for breaking the leg oi a passenger named Mas
sino. The counsel lor the plaintiff plead that
the accident was the result of the negligence ot
I the engineer, and the Jury’s verdict seems to
1 have been rendered accordingly.