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THE FEDERAL UNION,
(Corner of Hancock and Wilkintonslretts.)
OPPOSITE THKCOl’BTHOl'SE,
ToCCBTOK, HI MET & CO., State Printers.
Tuesday Morning, November 14.1865.
FOR GOVERNOR.
HON. CHARLES J. JENKINS,
OF RICHMOND.
The Ignorance of Nogroea—Contracts, let.
As an evidence of the ignorance of these unfor
tunate creatures, wo will give several instances.
They seem all anxious to make contracts for the
next year, but their ideas are so confused they
really do not know what is the best thing they
can do. An intelligent farmer, or planter, who
was in the Convention, gave his experience with
his hands, as follows: He called np the negroes,
and proposed to give them one fifth of his crop.
They did not like it, and went out in search of a
better bargain. Another planter offered a seventh,
and still they went on—when a third offered them
a tenth, and they concluded that was the best
thing ft * them. When they came home, their
original master had to take a corn-cob and break
it up into parts, to satisfy them that one-fifth was
better for them than one-tenth—that they got
more of the crop by his offer, than by the offer of
a tenth from another man !
Another: Planters wish to make large cotton
crops the next year. The negroes say they had
rather plant provisions, for then they will get
something; but if they plant cotton, and get part
oi the crop, the “Yankees will take it away
Tlie Test Oath.
Its Constitutionality demonstrated—Let-
from the Hon. A. H. II. Stuart,
of Virginia.
This gentleman, who has just been
elected to' Congress from Virginia, has
addressed to the Times a letter, from
which we extract the writer’s conclu
sive argument against the constitu
tionality of the law of 3 862, and his
protest against the voluntary submis
sion of the people to a dangerous in
fringement of their rights. He
says:
But. before closing my letter, I oeg
to offer a few suggestions on the con
stitutional question. It too often hap
pens, with parties, as with individu
als, that in their extreme anxiety to
attain a pi-eacut Benefit, they overlook
ulterior mischiefs which may result
The Work of the Convention.
The Convention closed its labors on Wednes
day last, after a session of 12 working days. Con
sidering the size jof the body, and the business
transected, the people may will be satisfied with
their representatives. With one exception we
can cheerfully approve its doings, They ought
not to have repudiated the debt of the State. This
is a stain on the credit and good faith of the State,
which will stick to her like the shirt of Nessus.—
It may be said in extenuation that she was com
pelled to take this step. A free people are never
compelled to do anything, much less voluntarily
to do a thing that impoverishes themselves and
bankrupts the public honor. Wo are well aware,
of tlie influences that were brought to bear to
bring about this assassination of the pub’ic cred
it—but no man in the Convention should have
yielded his convictions of right, justice and duty
to the dictation of a mere shadow of authority.
We give our readers to-day the Constitution
made for the government of the people. With a
f-w exceptions it is the old constitution under
which we had political life before the war began.
We also publish some of the most important Or
dinances adopted by the Convention.
The Convention adjonrned, subject to the call
of the President, at any time during the next six
months. President H. V. Johnson, addressed the
Convention feelingly and eloquently just before
its final adjournment.
Messrs. Duncan and Johnston, Cotton Fac
tors, and Forwarding and Commission Merchants,
Savannah, G8., have a card in onr paper to-day,
to which we invite the attention of Merchants
and Planters iu the interior of the State Prompt
attention will bo given to all business confided to
their band*.
The $100,000 Loan.—It has been announced
far and wide that J. W. Duncan of Atlanta, had
negotiated a loan of One Hundred Thousand Dol
lars, in behalf of the Provisional Government of
Georgia. This is a canard. Mr. Duncan did not
negotiate this loan, and had no authority to nego
tiate it. So much for the many notices which
have appeared in the papers in Georgia, in con
nection with this loan.
— ♦ —
The Test Oath.—As this is a matter of spe
cial interest to the people of the South generally,
we publish elsewhere a very strong and lucid ar
gument on the subject; from the pen of Flon. A
H. H. Stnart, member elect to Congress from Vir
ginia, and formerly a member of Mr. Fillmore’s
• Cabinet.
The Repudiation Ordinance—We publish
to-day the Ordinance of Mr. Chappell repudiating
the debt of the State incurred during the war.
with an amendment offered by Hon. Joshua Hill.
It makes a clean sweep, however, except in such
cases where it can be clearly made to appear that
the debt was not occasioned, in any manner, by
the State, for Military purposes, and of this the
Legisture is to bo the judge.
County Criminal Courts —The Convention
gave the power and discretion to the Legislature
relative to the creation of County Courts to takp
cognizance of all criminal cases of a petty charac
ter. We hope the Legislature soon to assemble,
will establish these Courts at once. The Superior
Courts are only held twice a year in the several
counties. In the long interval, our county jails
will become crowded to excess with offenders
from them." So loth are they in many instances j f ronj t} ie me atl8 employed. This seems
to plant cotton that they prefer a monthly pay 1 1# me to be one Q f thoge
gress, in its extreme anxiety to ex
in money, to pay in cotton, though the latter
would remunerate them three times as much as
the money would-
Will not our Planters explain to the negroes,
in a plain way, the interest they have in making
contracts by which they get parts of the crops ?
A little trouble will put them right, and convince
them that you are thsir best friends.
Northern Elections.—The Repub
licans have carried the State Elections in
New York, New Jersey, and Illinois, and
the Datch have carried Holland.
— • —■
FOR CONGRESS#
THE FRIENDS OF DR. A. J. SIM-
sons, of Monroe county, respectfully an
nounce to the voters of the Fourth Congressional
District of the State, that they have prevailed
upon him to allow the use of his name as a can
didate for Representative iD Congress from said
District.
Dr. Simmons is too well known in this section
to require any eulogy at our hands. He is a phy
sician and planter, of fine address and superior
qualifications. As a politician he has always been
conservative and high-toned. Though not an
original secessionist, his sympathies have ever
been with the South, and he has manifested that
sympathy by bis freqnent voluntary visits to the
scenes of suffering and death on many a battle
field of the late war, where he has given his val
uable services in a’J of the sick and dying sold
iers. He iB a friend and supporter of President
Johnson’s restoration policy, is “honest Bnd capa
ble,’’ and will faithfully represent and diligently
care for the interests of his constituents. He has
never held office under the Confederate Govern
ment, and does not now seek office, but gracefully
yields to the wishes of his friends in the call made
upon him by his FELLOW CITIZENS
P. S. — Counties composing tlie Fourth Con
gressional District: Upson, Pike, Bibb, Spalding,
Henry, Newton. Butts, Monroe, Crawford. Twiggs,
Wilkinson. Baldwin, Jones, Jasper and Pntnam
Nov. 10, 1865. , IS It.*
——mmm
Ex-Gov. Clark, of Mississippi.—
The Hsuse of Representatives of Mis-
sippi lately appointed a committee to
wait on Gov. Clark., and invite him to
address them. He returns the follow
ing answer:
I am profoundly gratfied for the
honor conferred on me by the House
of Representatives by their resolution
inviting me to a seat within the bar
of the House, and requesting me to
address them. I shall be proud to
avail myself of the privilege of visit
ing the House, but as I am stili a pris
oner of State, and on parole, I feel
that it would be improper for me to
deliver a public address on the condi
tion of the country, although I am
sure that such suggestions as 1 might
make would be in aid and support of
the wise and conservative policy which
has been adopted by our people, and
which I hope will soon result in the
full restoration of our beloved State
to the enjoyment of equal political
rights with the sister States in the
elected
the Constitution which refer to the
right of suffrage and eligibility to of
fice. Having disposed of the fir*'
branch of his subject, he procee* *°
say:
“The qualifications of " Iie
being less carefully properly de-
fined by the State Oonstitutions, and
being, at the 8 >~>e tune, more suscep
tible of ur’ orrnit y> h » ve be , ei ;
properlv considered and regulated by
the C'hvention. A repreientative of
United States must be of the age
of twenty-five years; must have been
seven years a citizen of the United
States; must, at the time of his elec
tion, be an inhabitant of the State he
is to represent, and during the time of
his service, must be in no office uuder
the United States. Under these rea
sonable limitations the doer of this
part of the Federal Government is
open to merit of every description,
whetherthative or adoptive, whether
and without regard to
elude disloyal men from office, has it- i p 0ve °ty or wealth, or to any particu-
self beeu guilty of a serious, and I| | ar profession of religious faith.”
tear, dangerous violation of popular. T ' oa | low Congress, by the imposi
ngly and of tlm constitutional prerog-j tion of tcst oaths . to exclude those to
atives of the Executive and Judicial
Departments.
If you will refer to the proceedings
of the Convention which formed the
Constitution of United States, you
will find that there were no twe sub
jects which engaged more of the at
tention and anxious care of that body
than the regulation of the right of suf
frage and eligibility to office. All
concurred in the opinion that both!
whom the Constitution has declared
that the door shall be open, is sub
stantially to recognize the power of
Congress to change the organic law
and will be followed by all the evils
which Mr. Madison so prophetically
foretold.
But it would seem from the article
in the Times from which I have quo
ted, that you attribute some lmpor-
,, , • , . | tance to Sec. V. of Art. I, of the Con-
those subjects tell peculiarly withinL itutiowhich „,. ovideg tliat -Eacl.
he province of organic law, and that H sh4 „ be the judge of elections,
they should be regulated and defined qualifications and returns of its own
againetthe law : indeed they will be inadequate the Union. With all of yOU I march-
to the wants of the county. The expense, too, e< ] unt J e r that flag ill a foreign land
occasioned by k«epittg then, «o long will bo veryl^j jt v i ctorlo ,„ . with al | 0 f y0u
I marched against it and it was vic-
great, and the probability of conviction greatly
lessened. Who will push this measure through?
From the Bridal to the Tomb.—Mr. Fran
cis J. Lyon, and Mary Imogene, his wife, lost
their lives by the explosion on board the Steamei
8t. John, near Now York, on Sunday 29th of Oc
tober. The funeral was sofi-mnized at St Luke’s
Church, New York, where the wedding ceremo
nies, uniting them, took place the previous Thurs
day !
A Note #f Warning.
The following extract from a long nocount of
the rebellion in Jamaica, ia a cote of warning to
the people of the South. Let the Legislature of
Georgia, soon to assemble, provide for a militia
organization in each county, to be supported by
the county where it exists. And let it not be a
militia like the Kentuckian spoke of, “always
standing when there’s nothing to do’’; but a real
live military company, always ready when there's
something to do:
More of the Jamaica Rebellion.—In con
firmation of the foregoing we are able to state
that Consul General Bunch, formerly British
Consul at Charleston, now Consul at Kingston,
has telegraphed to Mr. Archibald, British Consul
in this city, that there is a rebellion of negroes in
the Western District of Jamaica, and requests
him to telegraph to Gen. Hastings Doyle, com
manding general at Halifax, for immediate naval
and military relief. In consequence, Admiral Sir
James Hope, commanding at Halifax, stated last
Saturday in H. B. M. ship Duncan, 74 guns, with
the Seventeenth Regiment on board. H. B. M.
ship Sphynx was to have followed on yesterday.
Commodore McSwede of H. M. ship Galatia hav
ing sailed for Nassau a fortnight previously will
be in advance of the Admiral. All the available
British force upon this continent will be concen
trated at Jamaica, and the insurrection, thus
promptly met, may be quelled, but not without
great loss and suffering to the unprotected whites,
who are beyond the reach of timely assistance.
The Legislature of Mississippi, now in
session, makes an eloquent appeal to the Presi
dent of the United States in behslf of Jefferson
Davis. Petitions for the pardon of Mr. Davis
come not alone from the Southern people, when
ever and wherever convened,but even from across
the ocean. We hope and believe that the Presi
dent will shortly crown his many ‘acts of kindnees
te the Southern people, by restoring him to lib
erty; end thus add a strong link to the bond of j Tlio ring which was taken from the
uaion he i* endeavoring to eement between the! body of Col. Dahlgren, by cutting off the
North and Sooth. | the fioger, has been recovered.
torious; it again waves over ns, is
our llag, and may it ever be victori
ous.
The welcome that has been givcu
to me on my return is received with
deep sensibility, coming from the rep
resentative ot a people whom 1 have
served faithfully, if not wisely; and
is a most acceptable and gratifying re
ward for such services as I may have
rendered.
I am, gentlemen, very respectfully
and truly your friend aud obedient
servant.
Charles Clark.
MAIL CONTRACTS WANTED.
R«-Eilitbli#hnirnl of IInil Focalitira in I.ror
£>«.
The Post Offico Department desires
to furnish the State of Georgia with Post
al service, at the earliest practicable day,
until July 1st, 18G6, when the regular
contract proposals for which are now ad
vertised for, will go into effect.
The Department invites proposals for
conveying the mails until June 20, 1866,
to all county seats and other important
points not reached by Railroad communi
cation, at rates not to exceed $8 per mile
per annum for weekly service, 415 for
semi-weekly, and 421 for tri-weekly ; and
where the importance of the case requires,
840 for daily servico; counting the dis
tance one way only in all cases.
Service will be furnished on routes,
where, before the war, it was daily, three
times a week ; where it was tri-weekly
twice a week ; and where it was semi
weekly, weekly service will be allowed.
Proposals should be addressed to “Hon.
Geo. VV. McLellan, 2d Asst. P. M. Wash
ington, D. C. aud should 6tate that they
are for service to end June 2d 1866.
by the Constitution.
Mr. Madison (see Madison Papers
Vol. HI, p. 1,285) in discussing the
subject, said:
“The qualifications of electors and
elected were fundamental articles in
a republican government and ought to
be fixed by the Constitution. If the
Legislature could regulate those of
either, it can by degrees, subvert the
Constitution. A republic may be con
verted into an aristocracy or oli
garchy, as well by limiting the number
capable of being elected, as the num
ber authorized to elect. In all cases
where the representatives of the peo
pie will have a personal interest dis
tinct from that of their constituents,
there was the same reason for being
jealous of them, as there was for re
lying on them with full confidence,
when they had a common interest.—
This was one of the former cases. It
was as improper, as to allow them to
fix their own wages, or their own priv
ileges- It was a power, also, which
might be made subservient to the
views of one faction against another.
Qualifications, founded on artificial dis
tinctions, may be devised by the
stronger, in order to keep out parti-
zans of a weaker faction.”
In the course of the same debate, as
reported in the succeeding page of the
same volume, Mr. Madison observed
“that the British Parliament possessed
the power of regulating the qualifica
tions both of the electors and the
elected, and the abuse they had made
of it was a lesson worthy of our at
tention. They had made the changes
in both cases subservient to their own
views, or the views ol political or re
ligious parties.”
If we turn to the Constitution it
self, we will find that the views of Mr.
Madison were adopted by the Conven-
inembers.”
It must be obvious to every careful
reader that this clause was not intend
ed to confer any legislative power on
Congress, Congress is a body which
consists of two Houses, and all legis
lative power must be exercised by the
two Houses concurrently. The func
tion here provided for, is to be exer
cised by “each House” acting sepa
rately and for itself. The Senate
judges of the election, qualifications
and returns of its members without
interference by the House, and vice
versa. It is clear that the function to
be peformed is strictly judicial. “Each
House” is the “judge,” etc. Chan
cellor Kent [1 Com., p. 234,] in com
menting on this clause, says, “As each
House acts in these cases in a judicial
character, its decision, like the deci
sions of any other court, ought to be
regulated by known principles of law,
and strictly adhered to for the sake of
uniformity and certainty.”
This provision may, therefore, be
regarded as in no wise modifying the
previous clauses which prescribe the
qualifications of members. It merely
provides that each house shall consti
tute the tribunal which is to judge of
the election, qualification and returns
of its members. The Constitution
having prescribed tbe qualifications of
Senators and Representatives, “each
house” is to decide, judicially, for it
self, whether the persons claiming to
be members possess the constitutional
qualifications, and whether they have
been elected and returned according to
law.
I maintain, therefore, that all the
House of Representatives can right
fully do, under this clause, is to in
quire and judicially decide whether its
members possess the required quali
fications, of age, citizenship and resi-
tion, and that fixed qualifications were ; <]ence, anc | whether their elections and
incorporated into tlie Con.titution! return9 have ma de it.
which can neither be added to nor di
minished by Congress, and can be al
tered in no other than by an amend
ment of the Constitution.
The definition of the qualification
of members of the House of Repre
sentatives, will be found in the second
clause of Sec. 2, Article I, of the Con
stitution which is in these words.—
“No person shall be a representative
who shall not have attained to the
age of twenty-five years, and been
seven years a citizen of the United
States, and who shall not, when elect
ed, be an inhabitant of that State in
which he shall be chosen.”
After defining the qualifications of
Senators, which differ materially from
those of Representatives, the Consti
tution, in the last clause of the 2nd
paragraph of Section 6, Art. I, im
poses a disqualification, which is in
these words : “No person holding any
office under the United States shall be
a member of either House during his
continuance in office.”
These are the only limitations on
the pow er of the people to elect whom
they please as their representatives.—
In the absence of these limitations
they might have chosen minors, aliens
or non-residents. But the Constitu
tion has wisely restricted the range of
selection to persons of mature age,
and who are permanently identified
by citizenship and residence, with the
country and their immediate constitu
ents.
These limitations being fixed by the
Constitution, I maintain that Congress
can neither add to nor take from them
and that they can only be changed in
the mode prescribed by the Constitu
tion for its own amendment.
In this view I am fully sustained by
the Federalist, which yon will concede
to be the most authentic exposition of
the Constitution. In the fifty-second
number of those papers of Mr. Madi
son diseussos at largo those clauses of
pursuance
of law.
The primary object of every writ
ten Constitution is to define the pow
ers of the govenment, and so to regu
late their exercise by the several de
partments, that neither shall encroach
on the appropriate demain of the oth
ers, nor invade the reserved rights of
the people.
The exercise of the power claimed
by Congress to prescribe new tests of
eligibility involves, not merely the
power to curtail the rights of the peo
ple in making their choice for repre
sentatives. but also a practical limita
tion of the prerogatives of the exe
cutive and judicial departments.
It will be observed that the Presi
dent is clothed by the Constitution
with power of appointment, with no
other limitation or restriction than the
advice and consent of the Senate. He
is restrained in making his selections
by no qualifications of age, citizen
ship, or residence.
The whole field is open to him
The W’idest latitude is allowed in ma
king his selections. The check of the
advice and consent of the Senate was
regarded as a sufficient safeguard a-
gainst indiscreet appointments.
But how would the matter stand in
regard to presidential appointments,
in the Southern States, if the test oath
be regarded as Constitutional ? Which
is to be the rule of action for the
President, the Constitution which
gives him the largest liber ly to make
his selections, or the act of July 2,
1862, w’hicb would restrict him with
in the narrowest possible limits ?
The President has given a practical
answer to this question by the ap
pointment of Governors Sharkey, Per
ry and Parsons, neither of whom
could take the test oath, in preference
to any persons of more obscure posi
tion, or flexible conscience.
The issue has thus been made by
the p^denfc in regard to the attempt-
> restriction of Executive proroga
te, and, as a representative of tbe
people* 1^ desire to tender a similar is
sue in behalf of popular rights. It re
quires no great forecast to see that the
power claimed by Congress in the act
of July 2, 1862, is fraught with dan
ger. In the language ot Mr. Madison,
it tends to ‘subvert the Constitution.’
It may ‘be made subservient to the
views of one faction against another.’
Qualifications founded on artifical dis
tinctions may be devised by the strong
er to keep out partisans of a weaker
faction.’
If we admit the power to prescribe
new qualifications of eligibility, where
are the limits of the power? If we
leave the landmarks of the organic
law’, w’ho can tell where our wander
ings are to end? If we forsake the
solid ground of the Constitution, w’ho
will be sponsor that we do not fall in
to convulsions, anarchy and civil war ?
Concede the constitutional right as
claimed, and what is to prevent the
dominant party from perpetuating the
power, by disfranchising all opposed
to it ? They have only “to devise ar
tificial distinctions (by test oaths,) to
keep out partisans of a weaker fac
tion.”
What is the right of suffrage worth,
if you are prohibited from voting for
the men of your choice? How long
w ould the people of the North submit,
if, in the vicissitudes of party strife,
the Democrats w’ere to obtain the as
cendency in Congress, and use their
power to disfranchise the Republicans?
We have seen enough, both North and
South, of the exercise of questionable
powers to make us look with distrust
on every departure from the funda
mental law? as established by the fath
ers of the Republic.
There is yet another view’ of this
subject to which I respectfully ask
your attention.
The President is invested by the
Constitution with full pow’er to par
don every offender against the laws
of the United States. The only limit
on this power is in the case of im
peachments. In every other case the
power is absolute and unrestricted.
Let us now inquire what is the le
gal effect of such a pardon.
Bacon, vol. 5, p. 296, says •’ “It
seems agreed that pardon of treason
or felony, even after an attainder, so
far clears the party from the infamy
and all other consequences thereof,
that he may have an action against any
who shall afterward call him traitor
or felon ; for the pardon makes him,
as it were, a new man.”
All the more modern authorities sus
tain this view of the law. I might
multiply citations almost indefinitely,
but still will content myself with a
few passages from some of the most
approved authors.
Russell on crimes, vol. 2nd, p. 975,
says: ‘It is now settled that a pardon,
whether by the King or act of Par
liament, removes not only tbe punish
ment, but all legal disabilities conse
quent on the crime.’
Bishop on Ctim. Law r , vol. 1. sec.
713, lays down the law thus: “The
effect of a full pardon is to absolve
the party from all legal consequeuces
of his crime and of his conviction—di
rect or collateral—including the^pun-
ishment, pecuniary penalty, or what
ever else the law has provided.”
In the volume entitled Opinions of
the Attorney Generals, (vol. 1, p. 573)
Mr. Attorney General Clifford says:
“The elementary writers who have
treated on this provision of the Con-
stititution, have regarded it (the pow
er of pardon) as a general and unqual
ified power, reaching from tire highest
to the lawest offenses, and as including
in its scope of authority to remit fines,
penalties aud forfeitures, which may
in the last resort ba exercised by the
President. That it was said by J udge
Story that no law can abridge the
constitutional power of the Executive
department or interrupt the right to
interfere by pardon. These views are
sustained by • Chancellor Kent and
Rawleon the Constitution.”
These authorities abundantly estab
lish the proposition that the general
amnesty, or special pardon of the
President, removes all traces of the
offense, and makes the offender, as it
were, a new man.
Now, if I have violated any law of
the United States, and incurred any
penalty, I claim to be exonerated from
all consequences of my offense, by
virtue of the general amnesty of Pres
ident Lincoln, which embraced my
case, and of which I availed myself,
by taking tbe proper oaths, on the
26th day of May last. It will hardly
be contended that it is competent to
attach a penalty to an offense [except
in cases of impeachment,] which the
President cannot remit by pardon.—
To do this, would be to maintain-tb&t
Congress may, by law, abridge the
constitutional power of the President.
The object of the test oath is to
search the conscience of the individu
al, to ascertain the fact whether he has
been guilty of treason. The fact of
treason is the substantive matter; the
oath is merely a means of getting at
the fact. Now, if the fact itself be
pardoned, why shall we attribute so
much importance to the means of ar
riving at the fact ? It seems to me
that the advocates of the test oath
seek to make the incident more impor
tant than the principal. They admit
that the President mav
son, but deny that he can absol?
its consequences. This annum *• r ° m
contradicted by all the ai ,?u Pt ’°" 11
English and American, and J ° ntle8 ’
with every suggestion 0 f
sense. cotI >mon
I think, therefore, upon a
the case in the several aspects 11 le * of
I have presented it, that it i*
to decline taking tlie test oath ‘ Utv
“ot i a
anv spirit of haughty defiance or
rogant assumption, but simply i J aN
I believe it to be in violation of^
Constitution of the United s t,e
which I havesworn to support,
cause, even if it were constitution i T ‘
have been absolved from its set ) ’
by the pardon of the President. '* f:ts
Permit me, in conclusion, to
that this is no sectional question ^
concerns the people of the Non;,
well as the South. It involves a J’ 58
issue, which will affect the eauiu • e
of the departments of the ,,Um
ment, and may, at some fut ure j. .
affect the stability ol the wholestruc’
ture. We should consider it
calmness and judicial impartiality.^
decide it with an eye single to the’best
interest and honor of the whole coul
try.
Respectfully, your ob’t. serv’t.,
Alex. H. H. Stuart.
Mr. Jenkins' Acceptance.
Milledokvillb, Nov. 2<1, i$r,5.
Messrs. Y. P. King, Jos. E. Broun, j,
II. Kenan, R. A. T. Ridley. Ij’ilto%
Lumpkin, Asbury Hull, E. A. Kiih r
Washington Poe, Wm. C. Redding 0 „j
many others:
Gentlemen :—I have been honorec
with your request that I allow my nann
presented to the people of Georgia as a
candidate for the office of Governor at the
approaching election. You tell me that
you believe the people desire to bestow
upon me their suffrages for that office—
that my candidacy will conduce to har
monious action among them, and lead to
good results. It does not become me to
question either the sincerity of your dec
larations or the correctness of your judg
ments. The former is above suspicion,
and the latter guarantied by high inteli-
gence.
Georgia has placed me in a branch of
public service more congenial to mv tastes
than that which you ask me to 6etk. Mv
present position more than fills the meas
ure of my ambition ; but the kindness
which bestowed it, demands its abandon
ment for less conjenial service, if required.
You are, therefore, at liberty to present
my name as proposed.
My antecedent connection with politi
cal affairs, is well known to my fellow-
citizens. I do not tbink I need now make
to them a confession of faith. Indeed,
the fortunes of a war, from which we are
just emerging, have expunged some of tbe
issues, and greatly modified others, upon
which the American people have hereto
fore been divided. An honest and intelli
gent review of our past half century con
victs us of two egregious errors; too great >
proneness to agitation, and too much di
vision among ourselves. Further allusion
to the past would be only painful.
Let us heed all its rebukes and warn
ings, and honestly applying them to our
present endeavor, with tbe aid of Divine
Providence, to make for ourselves, a bet
ter future.
Let u9 take a new departure from tbe
great epoch of eighteen hundred and six
ty-five ; forgetting that we have bees, or
have known. Democrats or Whigs—have
boasted ourselves Unionists, or Secession
ists, as these terms indicate party divisions
and animosities; and striking hands, in
renewed fellowship, let us all faithfully
perform cur latest pledges of fealty to the
American Union, and exert all our ener
gies in rebuilding the waste places, and
repairing the fallen fortunes, of our com
mon Mother—good old Georgia.
Should my fellow-citizens, more in kind-
Bess to me than injustice to themselves,
place me in her Executive chair, they eha;;
see me, feebly, it maybe, but faithfully
laboring to that end- If they detect in
me, aught of vindictiveness for past di
visions., or of proscription for honest opin
ion’s sake, let them all proscribe me.
Prostrate as we now are, and gloomy w
our prospects may seem, let us not despair
of blighter days- Gratefully acknowl
edging the -friendly purposes, and good
offices Jof President Johnson, we shou-u
avoid alike causeless, and wilful impedi
ment to his earnest work of reconstruc
tion. Should we meet, in other depw £ ‘
ments of the Federal Government, a b** 3
spirit of conciliation, we may well hef>
for early restoration t« the suspend
privilege of self-government. ,
Very respectfully, your obedient wrv
CHARLES J. JENKftS.
a.h.
The Governorship—Letter from Ha A
The following letter from Horn
Stephens, in which he positively
being a candidate for Governor, spe*
itself.
Cravvpordville, Ga., 4th X° v -'
Messrs. Stockton Sy Co—Gents:
your paper of to-day a reference
article in the Macon Telegraph
a preference for me as between tQ re .
for Governor. I drop yon this ^
quest yon to state that I dont w* ^ ce
name used in connection with f®a
in any way. I have so writte”
editor of that papei and to oibt
have expressed themselves in jt
being a candidate for Governor. 1 ^ \
generally and immediately known ^
positively decline to allow the us^ ^
name in that connection, and tr fg .
no one under tbe circumstances
gards my feelings will disregard ^7
in this particular.
Yours, truly. <*
Albxandbr H. Stb
—-——"T” n i
A lad/, fpeaking of the ** th *!V , £b« •WP?.,
to dedicate a new court *®"*«*Si wM* lh7
they bad gone, “to view th* freona
■met abort!/