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worth more to the United States than if they had been re
served as a solitude for future purchasers..
The lamentable events of the last four years, and the sac
rifices made" by the gallant men of our Army and Navy,
have swelled the records of the Pension Bureau to an un-
jmecedented extent. On the .30th day of June last, the to
tal number of pensioners was S5,986, lequiriug for theirau-
nual pay, exclusive of expenses, the sum of §8,023,445.—
The number of applications that have been allowed since
that day will require a large increase of this amount for the
next fiscal year. The means for the payment of the sti
pends due, under existing laws, to our disabled soldiers and
sailors, and to the families of such as have perished in the
service of the country, will no doubt be cheerfully and
promptly granted. A grateful people will not hesitate to
sanction any measures having for their object the relief of
soldiers mutilated and families made fatherless in the efforts
to preserve our national existence.
The report of the Postmaster General presents an en
couraging exhibit of the operations of the Post Office De
partment during the year. The revenues of the past year
from the loyal States ajone exceeded the maximum annual
receipts from all the States previous to the rebellion, in the
sum of §0,038,091; and the annual average increase ©frev-
crue during the last four years, compared with the reve
nues of the four years immediately preceding the rebel
lion, was $3,533,845. The revenues of the last fiscal year
amounted to §14,556,158, and the expenditures to $13,694,-
728, leaving a surplus of receipts over expenditures ofSSGl,-
430. Progress has been made in restoring the postal ser
vice in the Southern States. The views. presented by the
Postmaster General against the policy of granting subsidies
to ocean mail steamship lines upon established routes, and
in favor of continuing the present system, which limits the
compensation for ocean service to the postage earnings, are
recommended to the careful consideration «f Congress.
It appears, from the report of the fctecretary of the Navy,
that while, at the commencement of the present year, there
were in commission 530 vessels of all classes and descrip
tions, armed with 3,000 guns and manned by 51,000 men,
the number of vessels at present in commission is 117,
with 830 gu«s, and 12,128 men. By this prompt reduc
tion of the naval forces the expenses of the Government
have been largely diminished, and a number of vessels, pur
chased lor naval purposes from the merchant marine, have
been returned to the peaceful pursuits of commerce.
Since the suppression of active hostilities o«r foreign squad
rons have been re-established, and consists of vessels much
more efficient than those employed on similar service pre
vious to the rebellion. The suggestion for the enlargement
of the navy-yards, and especially for the establishment of
one in fresh water for iron-clad vessels, is deserving of con
sideration, as is also the recommendation for a different lo
cation and more ample grounds for the Naval Academy.
In the report of the Secretary of War, a general sum
mary is given of the military campaigns of 1864 and 1865,
ending in the suppression of armed resistance to the nation
al authority in the insurgent States. The operations of
the general administrative Bureaus of the War Depart
ment during the past year are detailed, and an estimate
made of the appropriations that will be required for mil
fary purposes in the fiscal year commencing the 30th day
of June, 1866. The national military force on the 1st day
of May, 1865, numbered 1,000,516 men. It isjiroposed to
reduce the military establishment to a peace footing, coir
prehending sixty thousand troops of all arms, organized so
as to admit of an enlargement by filling up the ranks
eighty-two thousand six hundred, if the circumstances of
the country should require an augmentation of the army
The volunteer force has already been reduced by the dis
charge from service of over eight hundred thousand troops
and the Department is proceeding rapidly in the work
further reduction. The war estimates are reduced from
$515,240,131 to $33,S41,4G1, which amount, in the opinion
of the Department, is adequate for a peace establishment
The measures of retrenchment in each Bureau and branch
of the service exhibit a diligent economy worthy of com
mendation. Reference is also made in the report to the
necessity of providing for a uniform militia system, and to
the propriety of making suitable provision for wounded
and disabled officers and soldiers.
The revenue system of the country is a subject of vital
interest to its honor and prosperity, and should command
the earnest consideration of Congress. The Secretary of
theTreasuiy will lay before you a full and detailed report
of the receipts and disbursements of the last fiscal year, of
the first quarter of the present fiscal year, of the probable
receipts and expenditures for the other three quarters, and
the estimates for the year following the 30th of June,
1S6G. I might content myself with a reference to that re
port, in which you will find all the information required
for your deliberations and decision. But the paramount
importance of the subject so presses itself on my mind,
that I cannot but lay before you my views of the measures
which are required for the good character, and, I might
also say, for the existence of this people.' The life of a re
public lies certainly iii the energy, virtue and intelligence
of its citizens; but it is equally true that agood revenue
system is the life of an organized government. I meet
you at a time when the nation has voluntarily burdened it
self with a debt unprecedented in our annals. Vast as is
its amount, it fades away into nothing when compared with
the countless blessings that will be conferred upon our
country and upon man by the preservation of the nation’s
life. Now, on the first occasion of the meeting of Congress
since the return of peace, it is of the utmost importance
to inaugurated just policy, which shall at once be putin
motion, and which shall commend itself to those who
come after us for its continuance. We must aim at noth
ing less than the complete effacement of the financial
evils that necessarily followed a state of civil war. We
must endeavor to apply the earliest remedy to the de
ranged state of the currency, and not shrink from devising a
policy which, without being oppressive to the people, shall
immediately begin to effect a reductiou of the debt, and,
if persisted in, discharge it fully within a definitely fixed
number of years.
It is our first duty to prepare in earnest for our recovery
from the ever-increasing evils of an irredemable currency,
without a sudden revulsion, and yet without untimely pro
crastination. For that end, we must, each in our respec
tive positions, prepare the wav. I hold it the duty of the
Executive to insist upon the frugality in the expenditures;
and a sparing economy is itself a great national resource.
Of Ahe banks to which authority has been given to issue
notes secured by bonds of. the United States, we may re
quire the greatest moderation and prudence, and the law
must be rigidly enforced when its limits are exceeded.
We may, each one of us, counsel our active and enterpris
ing countrymen to be constantly on their gnard, to liquid
ate debts contracted in a paper currency, and, by conduct
ing business as nearly as possible on a system of cash pay
ment or short credits, to hold themselves prepared to re
turn to the standard of gold and silver. To aid our fel
low-citizens in the prudent management of their monetary
affairs, the duty devolves on us to diminish by law the
amount of paper money now in circulation. Five years
ago the bank note circulation of the country amounted to
not much more than two hundred millions ; now the circu
lation, bank and national, exceeds seven hundred millions.
The simple statement of the fact recommends more strong
ly than any words of mine could do, the necessity of
of
restraining this expansion. The gradual reduction of the
currency is the only measure that can save the business of
the country from disastrous calamities; and this can be
almost imperceptibly accomplished by gradually funding
the national circulation to securities that may be made re
deemable in the pleasure of. the Government.
Our debt is doubly secure—first in the actual wealth and
still greater undeveloped resources of the country; and the
next in the character of our institutions. The most in
telligent observers among political economists have not
failed to remark, that the public debt of a country is safe
in proportion as its people are free; that the debt of a re
public is the safest of all. Our history confirms and es
tablishes the theory, arid is, I firmly believe, destined to
give it a'still more signal illustration. The secret of this
superiority springs not merely from the fact that in a repub
lic the national obligations are distributed more widely
through countless numbers in all classes of society; it has
its rQots in the character of our laws. Here all men con
tribute to the public welfare, and bear their fair share of
the public buraens. During the war, under the impulses
of patriotism, the men of the great body of the people,
without regard to their own comparative want of wealth,
thronged to our armies and filled our fleets of war, and
held themselves ready to offer their lives for the public
good. Now, in their turn, the property and income of the
country should bear their just proportion of the burden of
taxation, while in our impost system, through means of
which increased vitality is incidentally imparted to all the
industrial interests of the nation, the duties should be so
adjusted as to fall most heavily on articles of luxury, leav
ing the necessaries of life asfree from taxation as the absolute
wants of the Government, economically adnrnistered, will
justify. No favored class should demand freedom from as
sessment, and the taxes should be so distributed as not to
fall unduly on the poor, but rather on the accumulated
wealth of the country. We should look at the national
debt just as it is—not as a national blessing, but as a heavy
burden on the industry of the country, to be discharged
without unnecessary delay. - •
It is estimated by the Secretary of the Treasury that
the expenditures for the fiscal year ending the 30th of
June, 1866, will exceed the receipts $112,194,947. It is
gratifying, however, to state tlr.it it is also estimated that
the revenue for the year ending the 30th June, 1867, will
exceed the expenditures in the sum of $111,6S2,S18. This
amount, or so much as may be deemed sufficient for the
purpose, may be applied to the reduction of the public
debt, which on the 31st day of October, 1SG5, was $2,740,-
854,750. Every reduction will diminish the total amount
of interest to be paid, and so enlarge the means of still
further reduction, until the whole shall be liquidated ; and
this, as will be seen from the estimates of the Secretary of
the Treasury, may be accomplished by annual payments
even within a’period not exceeding thirty years. I have
faith that we shall do all this within a reasonable time;
that, as we have amazed the world by the suppression of a
civil war which was thought to be beyon 1 the control of
any Government, so we shall equally show the superiority
of our institutions by the prompt and faithful discharge of
our national obligations.
The Department of Agriculture, under its present direc
tion, is accomplishing much in developing and utilizing the
vast agricultural capabilities of the country, and for in
formation respecting the details of its management refer
ence is made to the annual report of the Commissioner.
I have dweltthus fully on our' domestic affairs because
of their transcendent importance, lender any circum
stances, our great extent of territory and variety of cli
mate, producing almost every thing that is necessary for
the wants, and even the comforts of man. makes us singu
larly independent of tfie varying policy of foreign Powers,
and protect us against every temptation to “entangling al
liances,” while at the present moment the re-establishment
of harmeny, and the strength that comes from harmony, will
be our best security against “nations who feel power and
forget right.” For myself, it has been and will be my con
stant aim to promote peace and amity with all foreign
nations and Powers ; and I have every reason to believe
that they all, without exception, are animated by the same
disposition. Our relations with the Emperor of China, so
recent in their origin, are most friendly. Our commerce
with his dominions is receiving new developments, and it
is very pleasing to find that the Government of that great
Empire manifests satisfaction with our policy, and repose^
ust confidence in the fairness which marks our intercourse.
The unbroken harmony between the United States and the
Emperor of Russia is receiving a new support from an en-
terpise designed to carry telegraph lines across the conti
nent of Asia, through his dominions, and so to connect us
with all Europe by a new channel of intercourse. Our
commerce with South America is about to receive en-
couragment by a direct line of mail steamships to the
rising Empire of Brazil. The distinguished party of men
of science who have recently left our country to make a
scientific exploration of the natural history and rivers and
mountain ranges of that region, hove received from the
Emperor that generous welcome which was to have been
expected from his constant friendship for the United States,
and his well known zeal in promoting the advancement of
knowledge. A hope is entertained that our commerce
with the rich and populous countries that border the
Mediterranean sea may be largely increased. Nothing will
be wanting outlie part of this Government, to extend the pro
tection of our flag over the enterprise of our fellow-citizens.
We receive from the Powers in that region assurances of
good will; and it is worthy of note that a special envoy
has brought us messages of condolence on the death of our
late Chief Magistrate from the Bey of Tunis, whose rule
includes the old Dominions of Carthage, on the African
coast.
Our domestic contest, now happily ended, has left some
traces in our relations with one at least of the great mari
time Powers. The formal accordance of belligerent rights
to the insurgent States was unprecedented, and Iras not
been justified by the issue. But in the system of neutral
ity pursued by the Powers which made that concession,
there was a marked difference. The materials of war for
the insurgent, States were furnished, in a great measure,
from tnework-shops of Great Britain; and British ships,
manned by British subjects, and prepared for receiving
British armaments, sailed from the ports of Great Britain
to make war on American commerce, under shelter of a
commission from the insurgent States. These ships, hav
ing once escaped from Britith ports, ever afterwards en
tered them in every part of the world, to refit, and so to
renew their depredations. The consequences of this con
duct were most disastrous to the States then in rebellion,
increasing their desolation and misery by the prolongation
of our'civil contest. It had, moreover, the effect, to a
great extent, to drive the American flag from the sea, and
to transfer much of our shipping and ©ui commerce to the
very Power whose subjects had created the necessity for
such a change. These events took place before I was
called to the Administration of the Government. The
sincere desire for peace by which I am animated led me to ap
prove the proposal, already made, to submit the questions
which had thus arisen between the two countries to arbi
tration. These questions arc of such moment that they
must have commanded the attention of the great Powers,
and are so interwoven with the peace and interests of every
one of them as to have ensured an impartial decision. I
regret to inform you tha t Great Britain declined the arbi
trament, but, on tne other hand, invited us to the forma
tion of a joint conamu-uion to settle mutual claims between
the two countries, from which those for the depredations
before mentioned sho uld be excluded. The proposition, in
that very unsatisfactory form, has been declined.
The United States did not present the subject as an im
peachment of the good faith of a Power which was pro
fessing friendly dis positions, but as involving questions of
public law,^ of which the settlement is eseential to the
peace of nations ; and, though pecuniary reparation to their
injured citizens would have followed incidentally on a de
cision against Great Britain, such compensation was not
their primary object. They had a hi her motive, and it
was in the interests of peace and justice to establish im
portant prin ciples of international law. The correspon
dence will be placed before you. The ground on which the
British Minister rests his justification, is substantially, that
the municipal law of a nation, and the domestic interpre
tations of that law, are the measure of its duty as a neutral;
and I feel bound to declare my opinion, before vju and be
fore the world, that the justification cannot be sustained
before the tribunal of nutions. At the same time I do not
advise to any present attempt at redress by acts of legisla
tion. For the future, friendship between the two countries
must rest on the basis of mutual justice.
From the moment of the establishment of our Con
stitution, the civilized world has been convulsed by revolu
tions in the interests of democracy or of monachary ; bjut
through all those revolutions the United States have wisely
and firmly refused to become propagandists-of republican
ism. It is the only government suited +o our condition ;
but we have never sought to impose it on others ; and we
have consistently followed the advice of Washingtori to
recommend it only by careful preservation and prudent use
of the blessing. During all the intervening period the
policy of European Powers and of the United States has,
on the whole, been harmonious. Twice, indeed, rumors of
the invasion of some parts of America, in the interest of
monarchy, have prevailed ; twice my predecessors have
had occasion to announce the views of this nation in respect
to such interference. On both occasions the remonstrance
of the United States was respected, from a deep convic
tion, on the part of European Governments, that the sys
tem of non-interference and mutual abstinence from pro-
pagaridism was the true rule for the two hemispheres.—
Since those times we have advanced in wealth and power;
but we retain the same purpose to leave the nations of
Europe to choose their own dynasties and form, their own
systems of government. This consistent mqderation may
justly demand a corresponding moderation. We should
regard it as a great calamity to ourselves, to the cause of
good government, and to the peace of the world, should
any European Power challenge the American people, as it
were, to the defence of Republicanism against forefgn in
terference. We cannot foresee, and are unwilling to con
sider what opportunities might present themselves, what com
binations might offer to protect ourselves against desigrs in
imical to our form of government. The United States desire
to act in the future as’they ever acted heretofore; they
will never be driven from that course but by the aggres
sion of European Powers; and we rely on the wisdom and
justice of those Powers to respect the system of non-inter
ference which has so long been sanctioned by time, and
which, by its good results, has approved itself to both con
tinents.
The correspondence between the United States and
France, in reference to questions which have become sub
jects of discussion between the two Governments, will, at
a proper time, be laid before Congress.
W1 ien, on the organization of our Government, under
the Constitution, the President of the United States de
livered his inaugural address to the two Houses of Con
gress, he said to them, and through them to the country
and to mankind, that “the preservation of the sacred fire
ot liberty and the destiny of the republican model of gov
ernment are justly considered as deeply, perhaps as finally
staked on the experiment entrusted to the* American peo
ple.” And the Mouse of Representatives answered Wash
ington by the voice of Madison: “We adore the invisible
hand which has led the American people, through so
many difficulties, to cherish a conscious responsibility for
the destiny of republican liberty.” More than seventy-six
years have glided away since these words were spoken ; the
United States have passed through severer trials than
were foreseen ; and now, at this new epoch in our exist
ence as one nation, with our Union purified by sorrow, and
stiengthened by conflict, and established by the virtue of
the people, the greatness of the occasion invites ns once
more to repeat, with solemnity, the pledges of our fathers
to hold ourselves answerable before our fellow-men for the
success of the republican form of government. Experi
ence has proved its sufficiency in peace and in war; it has
vindicated its authority through dangers, and afflictions,
and sudden and terrible emergencies, which would have
crushed any system that had been less firmly fixed in the
hearts of the people. At the inauguration of Washington
the foreign relations of the country were few, and its trade
was repressed by hostile regulations ; now all the civilized
nations of the globe welcome our commerce, and their
Governments profess towards us amity. Then our country
felt its way hesitatingly along an untried path, with States
so little bound together by rapid means of communication
as to be hardly known to one another, and with historic tra
ditions extending over very few years; now iutercouse be
tween the States is swift and intimate ; the experience of
centuries has been crowded into a few generations, and has
created an intense, indestructible nationality. Then our
jurisdiction did not reach beyond the inconvenient bounda
ries of the territory which had achieved independence;
new, through cessions of lands, first colonized by Spain
is extended to every opinion, in the quiet certawT,
truth needs only a fair field to secure the vUt n - *hat
the human mind
goes forth unshackled ii/the 0 ^
He
re
science, to collect stores of knowledge and acQuir PUr8Uit o(
increasing mastery over the forces of nature. ^ ° VeN
national domain is offered and held in millions q 6 ' 0
freeholds, so that our fellow-citizens, beyond the
of any other part of the earth, constitute in realitv l .^ an ^ s
pie. Here exists the democratic form of government^ 60
that form of government, by the confession of R„ ’ aud
statesmen, ‘ gives a power of which no other form j s r °| Jean
ble, because it incorporates every man with theSut^ 8 '
arouses everything that belongs to the soul.” ‘ e ’ and
Where, in past history, does a parallel exist to tho „ i
he happiness which is within the reach of thenp„,? Ub '
the United States? Where, in any part of the Hob * °
institutions be found so suited to their habits or ? 0 enGi®?
to their love as their own free Constitution ? Every
them, then, in whatever part of the land he has his
must wish its perpetuity. Who of them will not no^ 6 ’
knowledge, in the words of Washington,.that “every
by which the people of the United States have advanced P
the character of an independent nation, seems to have b °
distinguished by some token of Providential a^enev’^
\\ ho will not join with me in the prayer, that the iuvisih/
hand which has le 1 us through the "clouds that .q',
around our path, will so guide us onward to a perfect r
toration of fraternal affection, that we of this day mav T
able to transmit our great inheritance, of State Government
in all their rights, of the General Government in its whole
constitutional vigor, to our posterity, and they to their*
through countless generations ?
Washington, Dec. 4(h, 1865.
ANDREW JOHNSON.
and France, the couatry has acquired a complex character,
and has for its natural limits the chain of Lakes, the Gulf
of Mexico, and on the east and west the two great oceans.
Other'nations were wasted by civil wars for ages before
they could establish for themselves the necessary degree of
unity; the latent conviction that our form of government
is the best ever known to the world, has enabled us to
emerge from civil war within four year?, with a complete
vindication of the constitutional authority of the General
Government, and with our local liberties and State insti
tutions unimpaired. The throngs of emigrants that crowd
to our shores are witnesses of the confidence of all peoples
in our permanence. Here is the great laud of free labor,
where industry is blessed with unexampled rewards, and
the bread ot the working man is sweetened by the con
sciousness that the cause of the country “is his own cause,
his own safety, his own dignity.” Here every one enjoys
the free use of his faculties and the choice of activity as a
natural right. Here, under the combined influence of a
a fruitful soil, genial climes, and happy institutions, popu
lation has increased fifteen-fold within a century. Here,
through the easy developement of boundless resources,
wealth has increased with two-fold greater rapidity than
numbers, so that we have become secure against the finan
cial vicissitudes of other countries, and, alike in business
and in opinion, are self-centered and truly independent.
Here more and more dire is given to provide education for
everyone bom on our soil. Here religion, released from
political connection with the civil government, refuses to
subserve the craft of statesmen, and becomes, in its inde
pendence, the spiritual life of the people. Here toleration
Standing Committees iff die Ilouse.
Privileges and Elections—Messrs. Russell of Muscogee
Dozier, Hughes of Union, Stanfield, Johnston of Forsyth'
Hudson, Brown of Early,.Burch, Ford, Woods of Floyd’
Russell of Chatham, Humphreys of Lincoln, Holliday. ’ ’
Committee on Petitions—Messrs. Morris of Franklin
Davenport, Morel], Usry, Shepard, Powell, McDouo-ald’
Hicks, Swearingen, Weaver, McCutchen, Stanton.
Committee on Enrollment—Render of Merriwether, Frost
Lindsay, Mizell, McCullough, McDougald, Sharpe, Wil
burn, Tench, Swann, McCutchen, Mitchell of Thomas
Sumner. ’
Committee on Journals—Messrs. French, Spear, Ellington,
Martin, Cameron, Baynes, Wall, Williams of Bryan, Ma-
gill, Howard of Bartow, Stallings, Johnson of Wilcox.
Committee on the State of the Republic—Messrs. Gartrell,
Ridley of Troup, Reese. Hill, Tench, Dodson, Dodds, Mc
Whorter of Oglethorpe, McDougald, Cabiness, Freuch,
Dozier, Robson of Washington, Glenn, Mattox of Elbert.
Judiciary Committee—Moses of Muscogee, Jones, J. J. 0 f
Burke ; Russell of Muscogee, Pottle, Dorsey, Kirby, Law-
son, Baker, Barnes, DuBose, Gartrell, Morris of Franklin?
Mitchell of Tuomas, Peeples, Edge, Y r ason.
Committee on Finance—Messrs. Adams, Pottle, Snead,
McWhorter of Green, Stewart, McQueen, Frost Morris of
Franklin, Smith of Hancock, Tucker, Moses, Scandrett,
Jones, J. B. of Burke, Woods of Morgan, Bennett, Cook.
Committee on Agricult are and Internal Improvements—Mes
srs. Jones, J. B. of Burke, Brown of Houston, Woodward,
Morrow, Oates, Hockenhull, Hardin, Colley, Hargett,
McDowell of Pike, Holliday of Stewart, Powell, Morris of
Montgomery, Rountree, Hollis, McDowell oflleard.
Committee on Public Education—Messrs. DuBose, Sims of
Bartow, Byington, Robson, Woods of Floyd, Starr, H oxvard
of Lumpkin, Adams, Tucker, Dart, Sale, Rumph, McLen
don, Cloud, PhiHips. •
Committee on Banks—Messrs. Barnes of Richmond, Ham-
son, Hill, Swearingen, Russell of Muscogee, McWhorter of
Green, Adams, Alexander, Hughes of Twiggs, McCullough,
Hockenhull, Byrd, Stallings, Cabiness, Render, Morris of
Montgomery.
Committee on New Counties and County Lines—Messrs.
McWhorter of Greene, Brock, McWhorter of Oglethorpe,
Johnson of Henry, Asbury, Wicker, Swarm, McRae, Can
dler, Gibson, Bush, Morrell, Lindsay, Montgomery, Daven
port.
Penitentiary Committee—Messrs. Dorsey, McComb, Robin
son of Laurens, Frazer, Howard of Bartow, Evans, Hudson,
Edge, Bennett, McLendon, Maddox of Fulton, Stapleton,
Quillian, Gross, McElroy.
Committee on Lunatic Asylum—Messrs. Ridley of Troup,
Sims of Bartow, Sale, Howard of Lumpkin, Phillips, Smith
ot Hancock. Johnson of Pierce, Robinson of Appling, Starr,
Humphrey of Lincoln, Durham, Gunnels, Bragg, Woods of
Morgan, Usry.
Committee on Military Affairs—Messrs. Harrison of Chat
ham, Sims of Newton, Redwine, Byrd, French, Pickett,
W r i 1 lis, Dodds, Baker, Kibbee, Atkinson, Williams of Doo
ly, Brock, Cook, Grogan.
Committee on Military Institute—Messrs. Kirby, Asbury,
Harrison, Edge, Boyd, Rumph, Willis,* Benson, Pickett,
Gartrell, Sharp, Shaw, Williams ofBulioch.
Committee on Public Printing—Messrs. Reese, Mitchell of
Gwinnett, Durham, Ellington, Wilburn, Thomas, Mougli-
on, Redwine, Hall, McComb, Rhodes, Hand, Glenn, Wim
ble, Maddox ©f Fulton.
Comitnittee on DeoJ and Dumb Asylum—Messrs. Green,
Thomas, Dodson, Montgomery, Harlan, Rogers, Ragsdale,
White, Dickson of Walker, Starr, McQueen, Byington,
Fincannon, Wamble, Rhodes.
Committee on Asylum for the Blind—Messrs. Moughon,
Stewart, Dixon of Macon, Brown of Houston, Vason, Gib
son, Spear, Peeples, Russell of Chatham, Scandrett, Mc
Lendon.
Committee on Manufactures—Messrs. Stewart of Spalding,
Mitchell of Gwinnett, Gibson, McWhorter of Oglethorpe,
Sims of Newton, Swann, Hodges, Wicker, Boyd, Shepard,
Wilkinson, Wamble, Mattox of Elbert, Montgomery, Har
den.
Auditing Committee—Messrs. Frazer, McComb, Evans,
Cloud, Candler, Stapleton, Stanfield, Oates, Shaw, Robison,
Robinson of Laurens, Grogan.
Committee on Consolidation of Bills—Messrs. Baker, Snead,
Robson, Atkinson, Edge, Hinton, Umphrey ©f Fannin,
Watkins,‘Dart, Smith of Clinch, McRae’, Colley.
Committee on Freed men's Affairs—Messrs. Lawson of Put
nam, Russell of Muscogee, Kirby, Ridley, Jones, J• J*»
Dorsey, Pottle, Harrison, Smith of Hancock, Edge, Alex
ander, Hughes of Twiggs, Peeples, McQueen, Swearingen,
Woods of Floyd, Mattox, Moughon.
A Long Farewell.—The Chicago Times, alluding to the ship
load of New England females about to sail for the Pacific coast
as emigrants, gives the anti-slavery howlers the following digiu
the riba : *
“The tears which have been shed in the North over tne sun
dering of negro families is sufficient to furnish perpetual water
jower, if collected, for the manufactories of all Massachusetts-
Necessity, like a brutal slave owner, has seized upon several hun
dred lovely young ladies of the Bay State, has torn then from
their families, and will sell them to the highest bidders in
ington Territory, thousands of miles away. Who will weep over
the rude violation of the family circle ? No one. Philanthropy
gazes complacently on the transaction, and says nothing, because
the matter has no—-votes,”