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VOLUME XXXVI.]
BOUGHTON, N1SB ET, BARNES & MOORE
Publishers and Proprietors.
MILLEDGEVILLE, GEORGIA, TUESDAY, MARCH
g. N. ROt GHTOW, )
JOS. It. KI8BBT, S
EAiltr*.
Jfrtttal (Union
Is published Weekly., in Millcdgcville, Ga.,
Comer of Hancock Sf Wilkinsan Sts.,
At $3 a year io Advance.
ADVERTISING.
TftA.sstii*T.—One Dollar per square of tenlinesfor
each insertion.
Tributes of respect. Resolutions by Societies, (Obit
uaries exceeding six lines. Nominations for office Com-
uiunicat'o is or Editorial notices for individual benefit,)
charged as transient advertising.
Legal Advertising.
Sheriff's sales,per levy oftenlines, or less, 50
“ Mortgage fi fa sales per square, 5 00
Tax Collector’s Sales, persquare, 5 00
Citations for Letters of Administration, 3 00
“ “ “ Guardianship, 3 00
Letters of application for dism’n from Adm’n 4 50
•* *•* “ “ Guard’n 3 00
Appl’n for leave to sell land, 5 00
Notices to Debtors and Creditors, 3 00
Sales of land, .vesper square, 5 00
“ perishable property, 10 days, per square, 150
E-itray Notices, 30 days, 3 00
Foreclosure of Mortgage, per sq.. each time, 1 00
LEGAL ADVERTISEMENTS.
Mrcedi
i’a Barcas Bill.
ITS VBTO BY TH’ PRESIDENT AND
REASONS THEREFOR.
HIS
Guardians, are required by law to be held on the first
Tuesday in the month ; between the hours of 10 in the
forenoon and three in the afternoon, at the Court bouse
in the county in which the property is sitnated
Notice of these sales must be given in a public- ga-
sette 40 days previous to the day of sale.
Notices for the sale of personal property must be
given in like manner 10 days previous to sale day.
Notices to the debtors and creditors of an estate
must also be punished 40 days.
Notice that application will be made to the Court of
Ordinary for leave to sell Laud, &c., must be publish
ed for two mouths.
Citatum* for letters of Administration Guardianship,
&.C.. must be published 30 days— for dismission from
Administration, monthly fix months—for dismission
from Guardianship, 40 days.
Rules for foreclosure of Mortgage must be published 1 tion
monthly for four month*—for establishing lost papers, | ,, . , . _ Q . .
for ihefuli gpaceof thrre month*-for compelling titles : greatly enlarged powers, over those States
from Executors or administrators, where bond has in which the ordinary course of judicial
been given by the deceased, the full space of three 1 “ ...
months.
Publications will always be continued according to
these, the legal requirements, unless otherwise or
dered.
To the Senate of the United States :
I have examined with care the bill which
originated in the Senate and has been
passed by both Houses of Congress, to
amend Rn act entitled “an act to establish
a bureau for the relief of freedmen and
refugees, and for ether j urposes.”
Having, with much regret, come to the
conclusion that it would not be consistent
with the public welfare to give my appro*
val to the measure, I return the bill to the
Senate with my objections to its becoming
a law. I might call to mind in advauce
of these objections, ihat there ic W im
mediate necessity for the proposes, meas
ure. The act to establish a bureau for
the relief of the freedmen and refugees,
which was approved of in the month of
March last, has not yet been repealed. It
was thought stringent add extensive
enough for the purpose in view. Before
it ceases to have effect further experience
may assist to guide us to a wise conclu
sion as to the poiicy to be adopted in time
of peace.
I have, with Congress, the greatest desire
to secure to the freedmen the full enjoy
ment of their freedom and their property,
and their entire independence and equality
in making contracts for their labor. But
the bill before me contains provisions
which in my opinion, are not warranted
by the Constitution, and are not well
suited to accomplish the end in view.—
The bill proposes to establish, by law of
Congress, military jurisdiction over all
parts of the United States containing refu
gees and freedmen. It would, by its very
nature, apply with most force to tin se
parts of the United States in which the
freedmen most abound, and it expressly
extends the existing temporary jurisdic-
of the Freedmen's Bureau, with
ty, in nearly a third of the States of the
Union over whose decision there is to be
no anterior control by the Federal courts.
The power that would be thus placed in
the bands ef the President is such, as, in
time c? peace, certainly ought never to he
intrusted to any one man.
If it he asked whether the creation of
such a tribunal within a State is warrant
ed as a measure of war, the question im
mediately presents itself whether we are
still engaged in war. Let us not unnec
essarily disturb the commerce and credit
and industry of the country by declaring
to the American people and the world
that the United States are still in a con
dition of civil war.
At present there is no part of our emin
try in which the authority of the United
States is disputed. Offences that may be
committed by individuals should uot work
a forfeiture of rights of the same commu
nities. The country has entered, or is
returning, to a state of peace and industry,
and the rebellion is, in fact, at an end.—
The measure therefore, seems to be as in
consistent with the actual condition of the
country as k is at variance with the Con
stitution of the United States.
If, passing from general considerations,
we examine the bill in detail, it is open to
weighty objections. In time of war it was
eminently proper that we should provide
for those who were passing suddenly from
a condition of bondage to a state of free- \
dom, but this bill proposes to make the
Freedinen’s Bureau, established by the
act of 1S65, as one of thfe many great and
extraordinary military measures to suppress
a formidable rebellion, a permanent branch
of the public administration, with its power
greatly enlarged.
I have no reason to suppose, and I do
not understand it to be alleged, that the
act of March, 1865, has proved deficient
for the purpose for which it was passed,
although at that time, and for a consider-
every county and parish from the Potomac
to the Rio Qrande.
The condition of our fiscal affairs is en
couraging, but in order to sustain the pres
ent measure of public confidence, it is b’ec-
essary we practice not merely customary
economy, but as far as possible severe re-
tienchment.'
In addition to the objections already
stated, the fifth section of the bill proposes
to take away land from former owners,
without any legal proceedings being first
bad, contrary to that provision of the Con
stitution which declares that no person
shall be deprived of life, liberty or proper
ty without due process of law.
It does not appear that the lands to
which that section refers may not be own
ed by minors or persons of unsound mind,
or by those'who have been faithful to
all their obligations as citizens of the Uni
ted States. If any portion of the land is
held by such persons it is uot competent
for any authority to deprive them of it.
If, on the other hand, it be fonnd that
the property is liable to confiscation, even
then if cannot be appropriated to public
purposes until, by duo ‘process of law, it
shall have been declared forfeited to the
government.
There are still farther objections to the
bill on the grounds of seriously affecting
the class of persons to whom it is designed
to bring relief. It will tend to keep the
mind of the freedmen in a state of uncer
tain expectation and restlessness, while to
those among whom he lives it will be a
source of constant and vague appreheu-
sion.
Undoubtedly the freedmen should be
protected, but they should be protected
by the civil authorities, especially by the
exericise of all the constitutional powers
of the courts
the States,
posed as may at first be imagined.
the States most interested had not been
permitted to be heard. The principle is
firmly fixed in the minds of the American
people tnat there should be no taxation
without representation. Great burdens
are now to be borne by all the country, and
we may best demand that they shall be
borne without a murmur when they are vo
ted by a majority of the representatives
of all the people.
I would not interfere with the unques
tionable right of Congress to judge, each
Hoyse for il.-elf, of the election returns
and qualifications of its own members,
but that authority cannot be construed aB
indulging the right to prohibit in time of
peace any State from the Representatives
to which it is entitled by the Constitution.
At present all the people of* the eleven
States are excluded, those who were
most faithful during the war, not less than
others.
The State of Tennessee, for instance,
whose authorities ei gaged in the rebellion,
was restored to all her constitutional rela
tions to the Union by the patriotism and
energy of her injured and betrayed peo
ple before the war was Drought to a termi
nation. They bad placed themselves in
relation with the general government, had
established a State government of their
own, and as they were not included in the
emancipation proclamation, they, by
their own act. have amended their Con
stitution so as to abolish slavery within
j the limits of their State,
j I know no reason why the State of Ten-
l nessee, for example, should not fully en-
joy her constitutional relation to the Uni-
| ted States.—The President of the United
! States stands towards the country in a
! somewhat different attitude from that of
i any member of Congress chosen from a
The President is
The AactiMKeriai «f Naoackawin ia
Waahiaflaa Territory.
A Pifaaal Beaeriptie* mi it.
of the United States and of j. single district or State.
Their condition is not so ex-1 chosen by the people of all the States.
They j Eleven States are not at this time repre-
are in a portion of the country where their
able period thereafter, the government of| labor cannot be spared.
Book and Job work, of all kinds,
PROMPTLY AND NEATLY EXECUTED
AT THIN OFFICE.
&F When a subscriber finds a cross mark on
hii paper he will know that his subscription has from the army or from civil life.
proceedings has been interrupted by the
rebellion.
The source from which this military
jurisdiction is to emanate is none other
than the President of the United States,
acting through the War Department and
the Commissioner of the Freedman's Bu
reau. The agents to carry out this mili
tary jurisdiction are to be selected either
The
expired, or is about to expire, and must be renew
al if he wishes the paper continued.
We do not send receipts to new subscri
bers. If they Receive the paper they may know
that we have received the money.
xy Subscribers wishing their papers changed
from one post-office to another must state the
name of the post-office irom which they wish it
changed.
For the Union.
TO A BEAUTY ON THE WING.
Ia summer’s bow’rs
I’ll wreathe thee flowers,
Thy noble brow to grace ;
And utter there
This fervent prayer:
“God bless that pretty face
Light be thy grief,
Thy troubles brief.
And all with grace be borne—
Light clouds that lie
On the azure sky,
Before the gates of morn!
Oh 1 may tliy dreams
Be fill’d with gleams
Of that sweet sunny isle,
Where perfumes wreathe,
And spices breathe,
And brighter seasons smile.
And be thy sighs .
The gentle breeze
That floats thro’ groves of bloom;
And all thy tears
Bright harbingers
Of better days to cornel
And when stem Death
Shall claim thy breath,
(The cooimon lot of all,)
Soft be thy bed,
And light bis tread,
As evening shadows Ml.
Viator.
[From the St. Louis Evening News.]
, Ef DARLING.
BT CORA.
Oh, yearning heart I Oh, list’ning ear!
Why eovet what we may not bear 7
Ob. fatal day! Ob, crnel death!
Why did you steal my darling’s breath ?
Was there no weary aching breast,
Pining to die and be at rest,
Where t.iou could’st haply send thy dart,
Nor, break a dirting mother’s heart.
Was there no home beneath the sun,
Where dwelt some lonely unloved one,
Bnt thou must gmdge my baby e charms,
Aud snatch him from my circling arms
Did I not chide the very air
That dallied with his gplden hair,
Lest it should prove too rude or chill,
And make my cherished idol ill.
Say! W as the day e’er sad to me,
When he lay smiling on my knee—
Had net the night a sacred eharm.
When he lay pillowed on my arm 7
Why did'st thou steal him then from me!
Hush all his baby notes of glee,
Quench the dear light of his sweet eyes,
Aud rob me of my paradise 7
Oh, tyrant! Is there no*ppeal 7
Can 1 not reach thy heart of steal-
Take home, and wealth, and friendship mild,
But give me back, oh Death,my child .
“He lives!’’ But not through thee, oh Death!
Does my sweet babe regain his breath ,•
Divine oompwiioD set* nun free.
Jesus will give him back to me.
A wag says of women: To her virtna we give
love; to her beauty we give admiration; to her
whims we give indulgence; to her tongue we n
liberty; to her wants we give our J*.
pen on we give ourselves; to her hoops, the w
pavement.
Judging from the number of maniage Botfeto
that we see in our exchanges, cradles will b® in
demand—attar a«ehiU.
country is to be divided into districts and
sub-districts and the number of salaried
agents to be employed may be equal to
the number of counties or parishes in all
of the United States, where freedmen and
refugees are to be found. The subjects
over whom this military jurisdiction is to
extend in every part of the United States
include particularly all employees, agents,
and officers of this Bureau in the exereise
of the duties imposed on them by the
bill. In eleven States it is farther to ex
tend over all classes affecting the freedmen
and refugess discriminated against by lo
cal laws, customs, or prejudice in those
eleven States.
The bill subjects any white person who
may be charged with depriving a freedman
of any civil rights or immunities belonging
to a white person to imprisonment or fine,
ox both, without, however, defining the
civil rights and immunities which are thus
to be secured to the freedman by military
law. This military jurisdiction extends to
all questions that may arise respecting
contracts; the agent who ia thus to ex
ercise the office of military judge may be
a stranger, intirely ignorant of the laws of
the place, and exposed to theories of jadg-
ment to which all A ,n are ilabie, to the ei-
ercise of power over w bich there is too legal
supervision by so vast a number of agents
as is contemplated by the bill, must by
the very nature of man be attended by
acts of caprice and injustice in passion.
The trials having their origin under
this bill are to take place without the in-
teiventfon of a jury, and without any
fixed rules of law or evidence ; the rales
on which offences are to be heard and de
termined by the numerous agents, are
such rules and regulations as the Presidents, <
through the War Department, shall pre
scribe. No previous presentment is re*-
quired, nor any indictment, charging the
commission of a crime against laws,
but the trial must proceed on charg s and
specifications.
The punishment will not l>e as the law
declares, but such as a coart martial may
tbiuk proper, and from thefe arbitrary tri
bunals there is no appeal, no writ or error
to any of the courts in which tbe Consti
tution of the United States vests exclu
sively the judiciary power-of the country,
while the territory and the class of actions
and offenses that are made subject to-this
measure, are so extensive the bill itself
should not become a law ; will have no
limitation in point of time, bat will form
a part of the permaaent legislation of the
county. . i
I cannot reconcile a system of military
jurisdiction of this kind, with the words of
tbe Constitution, which declare that no
person shall be held to answer for a capital
or otherwise infamous crime unless on
presentment or indictment of a grand jury,
except in cases arising in the land or naval
forces, or in tbe inilitia when in actual
service in time of war or public danger;
.and in >11 criminal prosecutions the accus
ed shall enjoy the right to a speedy and
public trial by an impartial jury of tbe
State or district wherein the crime shall
have been committed.
The safeguards which the wisdom and
experience of ages taught our fathers to
establish as securities for the protection of
the innocent, the punishment of the guilty
and tbe equal administration of justice,
are to be set aside, and for tbe sake of
more vigorous interposition in behalf of
justice we are to take tbe risk of the many
acts of injustice that would, of necessity,
follow from an almost countless number’of
agents established in every parish or conn
Competition for his services from plan
ters, from those who are constructing and
repairing railroads, or from capitalists in
the United States remained unacknowl
edged in most of the States whose inhabi
tants bad been involved in tbe rebellion.
The institution of slavery, for the mili
tary destruction of which tbe Freedtnen’s
Bureau was called into existence as an
auxiliary for it bas been already effectnally
and finally abrogated throughout tbe wbole
country by amendment to tbe Constitution
of tbe United States, and pratically its
eradication has received the assent and
cencurrence of most of those States in
which.it any time had existed.
I am not, therefore, able to discern iu
tbe country anything to justify au appre
hension that the powers and agencies of
the Freedmen’s Bureau, which were ef
fective for the protection of the freedmen
and refugees during the actnal continuation
of hostilities and of African servitude,
will now, in a time of peace, and after the
abolition of slavery, prove inadequate to
the same proper ends. | the laborer, neither id sufficient considers
If I am correct ito. these views, there j tion given to the ability of the freedmen
ean be jio necessity for the enlargement to protect and take care of themselves.
seated iu either branch of Congress. It
would seem to be bis duty, on ail proper
occasions, to present their just claims to
Congress.
There always will be difference of
bis vicinity or from other States, will ena- I opinion in the country, and individuals
ble him .to command almost his own terms.) may be guilty of transgressions of the law;
He also possesses a perfect right to change j bat these do not constitute valid objec-
bis place of abode, and if, therefore, he i lions against the right of a State to Rep
does not find in one community or State a resentatives, and would, in no wise, inter
mode of life suited to bis desires, or proper fere with the discretion of Congress with
remuneration for his labor, he can move to ■ regard to the qualifications of members;
another where his labor is mere esteemed
and better rewarded. In truth, however,
each State, induced by its own wants and
interests, will do what is necessary and
proper to retain within its borders all tbe
labor chat is needed for the development
of its resources.
of tbe Bureau, for which provision is made
in the bill. The third section of tbe bill
authorizes a general unlimited amount of
support to the institution, and suffering
refugees and freedmen and their wives and.
children.
Succeeding sections make provision for
the rent or purchase of landed estates for
freedmen and for the erection for tbeir
benefit of suitable bnildings for asyiums
and- schools, tbe expenses to be defrayed
from the treasury of tbe wbole people.
The Congress of the United States has
never heretofore thought itself competent
to establish any laws beyend tbe limits of
the District of Columbia, except for"the
benefit, of our disabled soldiers and sailors;
it has never founded schools for any class
of our people—not even for the orphans of
those who have fallen in defense of tb-e
Union, bat has left the care of their edu
cation to the much more competent control
of the States, of communities, of private'
associations, and of individuals.
It has never .deemed itself .authorized
to expeud public money for rent or purch
ase of houses for the thousands, not to
say millions, of the white race who are
honestly toiliug from day to day for their
subsistence. A system for tbe support of
indigent persons in the United States was
never contemplated by the authors of the
Constitution, nor can any good xeasou be
advanced why as a permanent establish-
met, it should be founded for one class or
color of our people more than for another.
Feuding the war many refugees and.
freedmen received tbeir support from the
government, but it was never intended they
should henceforth be fed, clothed, educa
ted, and sheltered by tbe United States.
The idea on which the slaves were assist
ed to freedom, was, that on becoming tree
but I hold it my duty to recommend to
you, in the interest of peace, and iu the
interest of the Union, the admission of ev
ery State to its share of public legislation,
when, however insubordinate, insurgent
or rebellious its people may bave been, it
presents itself not only in an attitude of
The laws that regulate supply and de- j loyalty afad harmony, but in the persons
mand will maintain their force, and the j of Representatives whose loyalty cannot
wages of the laborer will be regulated there ! be questioned under the existing Consti-
by- There is no danger that the great de- j tution or legal test. It is plain that an
mand for labor will not operate in favor of I indefinite or permanent exclusion of any
part efthe country from representation
will be attended by a species of disquiet
and complaint. It is unwise and- dangerous
to pursue a coarse of measures which will
unite any large section of the country
against another section of the country no
matter how much the latter may predomi
nate*
The course of immigration, the wants
of industry and business, and natural cau
ses will raise up in the South men as de-
It is no more than justice to them to be
lieve that as they have received their free
dom with modesty and forbearance, they
will distinguish themselves by tbeir indus
try, and they feel and will soon show the
world that in the condition of freedom
they are self-sustaining and capable of se
lecting their own employment and their
tion that shall imply they are not expected
toattaip a self-sustaining condition which
must have a tendency injurious alike to
their character aDd prosperity. .
The appointment of an agent far every
county ana parish will ergate au immense
patronage, and tbe expense of the numer
ous officers aud their plerks to be appointed
by the President will be great in the be
ginning. wltt a tendency to steadily in
crease :
Tbe appropriation asked by the Freed-
men’s Bureau as now established, for the
year 1866, amounts to 911,745,000. It
may be safely estimated that the cost to_
be-incurred under the pending bill will re
quire double that amouut, more than the
enciresum expended In any one year un
der tbe Administration of the second
Adams.
If the presence of agents in every par
ish and county is to be considered, as a
war measure. Opposition or even resis
tance might he-provoked, so that to give
effect to their jurisdiction troops would
have to be stationed within reach of every
one of them, and thus, as a large standing
force would be rendered necessary, large
appropriations would be required to sus
tain and enforce military jurisdiction in
own places of abode, of insisting on for ! voted to the Union as those of any other
■'* ’ — J e part of the laud; bnt if they are all exdm
ded from Congress, if in a permanent stat
ute they are declared hot to be in full con
stitutional relations to the country, they
may think they have cause to become a
unit in feeling and sentiment against the
themselves a proper remuneration, and of
establishing and maintaining their own
asylums and schools.
It is earnestly hoped that instead of
wasting away, they will, by their own ef
forts, establish for themselves a condition
•f respectability and * prosperity. It is
certain that they can attain to that condi
tion only through their own merits and
exertion*.
In this connection the query presents
itself whether the system proposed by tbe
bill will not, when put into complete opera-
. government.
Under the political education of the
Americaa people the idea is inherent and
ineradicable, that the consent of the ma
jority of the whole people is necessary to
secure a jviHiog acquiescence in the legis
lation. The bill under consideration ra
tion, practically transfer the entire care, j
fers to certain of tbe States as though
support and 'control' of 'four’uulHous bf !^ey had not been fully restored to the
emancipated slaves to agents, overseers or • United States; and if they have not,
taskmasters, who, appointed at '
Wash
ington are to be located in every county j
and parish throughout the United States .
containing freedmen and reftogeefc.—Such j
an asylum would inevitably tend to aucb a j
concentration of power in the Executive, !
as would enable him if so disposed, to j
control the action of a numerous class, and i
use them for the attainment of his own po
litical ends.
I cannot but add another very grave
let
us at once act together to secure that
desirable end at the earliest practicable
moment.
. It is hardly necessary for m® to inform
Congress that in my own judgment most
of these States, so far at least as depends
upon tbeir own actions, have already been
l olly restored and are to be deemed enti
tled to enjoy tbeir constitutional rights as
members of the Union. Reasoning from
the Constitution itself, and from the actual
From tlie LaCrnss (Wis.) Democrat.
SWEETMEATS FOR CANNIBALS.
“A Pacific coast editor protests against
the Mercpr project of shipping Yankee
girls to that region, and desires the press
east of the Rocky Mountains to speak out
and put a stop to this business.’ He says :
“Let no more unprotected females be ex
posed to the perils of these shores.”
People have wondered at the sense of
this Massachusetts abolition philanthropy
for some time. It is much like tbe olden
style of dealing in tbe handsome girls of
Circassia, when hundreds of tbeir “school
marrns” were huddled together and ship
ped off to parts unknown for tbe pleasure
of ‘Harem” scarem Turks. We suppose
the mode of disposi * of these Yankee
girls on their arrival the Pacific coa6t is
something like this:
The ship has arrived iu port. Notice bas
been.sent to tbe long haired miners and
rough bachelors of that auriferous section,
tbe girls bave been bathed by squads,
piatoous and brigades in tbe mouth of
some “waterfall” from the mountains;
their best raimeut has been put on. Stand
ing on tbe. poop deck, tbe charged' affaires
with hair pushed back from bis receding
forehead, and a sbatp nasal twang, thus
holds forth :
“Neow yeou wild beasts of this ere Pa
cific strand, I’ve brought you a whole pas-
sel of genuine ladies, right nice and fresh
from Boating and along tbe shore. I have
a picked lot of gals, fresh as a daisy and
lively as a butterfly/' I won't sell tbe
entire lot to one man, for that would be
too much of a good thing, but I’ll sell each
of you a little charmer, warranted not to
cut in tbe eye, big enough for tbe tallest
miner, and small enough for the least three
among you! Walk up, fellers. Stand up
to the taffrail, gals. No crowding on
the hauser ! Git eout yer dost and select
yef gal!
“The first I’ll offer, fellers is a freckled
faced school marm, named Betsy Jane.
T’other name aint no matter. You can
gin her yeourn ! She is nineteen by the
Bible, has good teeth, twenty-seven inches
ronnd the waist, and is warranted kind in
harness.-!—How much for Betsy ? Sold to
Jack Longbeard for five hundred dollars.
Good-by, Bet I
“The next gal, ladies and gentlemen, I
mean fellers, is a sly pass, named Philla
Malury !—She is a choice gal, raised in
Boating—poor but honest parents—early
inured to the Gospel and Abolitionism, and
warranted perfect as far as heard from!
How much for her, fellers ? She can darn
a stocking or make a pumpkin pie, in the
twinkling of an eye, and she can heave a
sigh, yon can bet / She is goin on twen
ty years—has a cheek like a spitzenber-
gen, tbe sweetest lips and most daintyful
breath you ever tasted—all for—six hun
dred, make it nine, and down she goes to
Captain Bull of the Woods for nine hun
dred !
“The next animile—oh, sweetheart!
fellers, is a blue-eyed Yankee gal, named
Jerusha Jane—never mind her other name.
She is a bustin gal Knows all her letters
—bas a constitution like a tea-kettle,
which is good after its nose is knocked off
for all it will fetch, and is an ornament to
her sex or any other man. She is' twenty-
five years old—ain’t so by——Jy hand
some, bat is heavy on the hug, and is war
ranted to last a fife-time, if she dont die
first. How much for her ? Come, wake
np, yon fellers! Massachusetts wants to
enlighten you! Here is the best chance
for happiness—only a few more left!
Sold to dare-devil Tom for fifty ounces of
dost!
“Now, fellers stand up close. Here is
a stunner. Tabithia Marier, as was her
mothet before her, also her grandmother.
She is nineteen years old, poor bat honest
parents, eats but little—a pine gum lunch
will last her a week. Sold for no fault,
but Massachusetts has no further use, and
takes this means to pay her war tax. Come
up and feel of this lot. She never scolds
except iu anger, and. like George Wash
ington, never chopped a tree with her little
hatchet. She is warranted genuine, and
if not sold, will be thrown ashore for you
fellers to play with, and over she goes, for
it’s all chance, you know.”
objection to this bill; the Constitution im- situation of the couutry, and feeling not i inveterate talker as i , sometimes
- - — - 1 only entitled but bound to assume that,'
pei atively declares in connection with taxa
tion that each State shall have at least
one Representative, add fixes tLe role for j
the number to which in future times each I
State shall i>e entitled.
It also provide* that the Senate of the :
they would be a self-snstainmg pOpula-. r Uiu^d States shall be composed of two
Senators from each State, and adds,
peculiar force, that no State, without, its
consent, sbfdl he deprived of it* suffrage'’
in the Senate- The original act was neces
sarily passed,-ia the absence of tbe States,
chiefly because their people were contu
maciously engaged ia rebellion, bnt the
caee is changed, and some at least of the
States are attending Congress by loyal
Representatives soliciting the allowance
of the constitutional right of representa
tion.
At the time, however, of the consider
ation and passage of tbe bill there was no
Senator or Representative iu CongreH
from the eleven States which are to be
mainly affected by its provisions. Tbe
very fact that reports were aud are mado
against the good disposition of the coun
try, is an additional reason why they need
and should have representatives of their
own in Congress to explain tbeir condi
tion, especially to the accusations, and as
sist. by theit local knowledge, in perfect
ing measures immediately' affecting them
selves, while ibe liberty of deliberation
would then be free, and Congress would
have full power to decide Recording to its
judgment.
There could be no objection urged that
with the Federal courts restored in the
several States and iu tbe full exercise cl
their functions, the rights and interests of
all classes of the people will, with the aid
of tbe military, in cases-of resistance to the
law, be essentially protected against nn-
whb ^ constitutional infringement and violation.
Should this expectation unhappily fail,
which I do not anticipate, then the Execo
Good Advice.—Her v A. Wise, a most
says
a good thing. In a recent speech to the
“Richmond Blues,” he gives this sensible
advice:
“He, their GeneraL, had surrendered,
and it was a bona fide surrender. If his
hearers, those who fought iu the ranks of
the Blues, would allow their General to
issue his last orders he would say surren
der, and let it be a bona fide surrender;
not a crouching, servile surrender, but a
tive^ is already armed jJGth the powers surrender upon the point of honor. If
oaths axe required of you ia order that
you may return to your occupations, take
them, if yon possibly can, and go to work.
Lay aside your old gray regimentals; they
have served yon well, and you never dis
graced them. But go to work. If you
can’t get a dollar a day, take the half of
it; if you can’t get a quarter, take a cent;
if you can’t get meat and -«ead, get bread
alone; and if you can’t get a whole loaf,
take a half. But go to work! work!
work!
A few days since, a young man called
upon some lady friends and vu ushered
into the parlor by a servant girl. She
asked him what name she should announce,
and he wishing to take the ladies by sap-
prise, replied, “Amicus,” (a friend.)—
The girl seemed at first a little, puzzled,
but quickly regaining her oomgesore, she
in the m M P ner possible observed,
“What kind of. cuss did you say sir I”—•
The visitor was embarrassed fog a moment,
but recovering, handed her his card, and
vowed never agaiu to use Latin to a ser
vant girl.-
conferred by the act of March, 1865, es
tablishing the Freedmen’s Bureau, and
hereafter, as heretofore, he can employ the
land and naval forces of the country to
suppress insurrection, and to overcome
obstructions to the law.
1 return the bill to tbe Senate in earnest
hope that a measure involving questions
and interests so important to the country
will not.become a law unlesa upon delib
erate ^consideration by the people, it
shall deceive the sanction of an enlighten
ed public judgment.
jSignedJ _ ✓ A. Johnson.
Washington, D. C., Feb. 18,1866.
TlfE inembers of the Cabinet who sustained the
President's veto message in Cabinet meeting are
sai-J to bave been Secretaries Seward, 'McCulloch
and Wells and Postmaster General Denisson.
. . ——
The Washington correspondent of the New
York Tribune states tbat President Johnson de
clared, on Tuesday night last, to a person who ap
plied to bios for aa official appoint meet, that he
coaid not have it unless he consumed to sqstaiti
the President’s policy in all Its parts, and that this
would be made a condition precedent in all future
CAses of appointment to office under his adminis
tration,