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J Ol RNAL & MESSENGER. S. T. CHAPMAN A X. ROSE, Editor*. From the Philadelphia ?iorth American and Gazette. SPEECH OF MR. CLAY, AT THi; MASS MEETING IN’ LEXINGTON, KY , ON SATURDAY, NOV. 13, 1817. After the organization of the meeting, Mr. Clay rose and addressed it substantially as follows: Lames and Gentlemen The day is dork and gloomy, unsettled aod uncer tain, lik” the condition of our country, in regard to the unnatural war with Mexico. The public mind is agi tated anti anxious, and is filled with serious apprehen sions ns to its indefinite continuance, and especially os 10 the consequences which its termination may bring forth, menacing the harmony, if not the existence ol our Union. It is under those circumstances I present myself be fore you. No ordinary occasion would have drawn me from the retirement in which I iive; but, whilst r sin gle pulsation of the human heart remains, it should, if necessary, be dedn a ted ;o the service of one's country And l have hoped that, although I am a private and humble citizen, an expression of the views and opin ions I entertain, might form some little addition to the* general stock of information, and afford a small assist ance in delivering our country from th** peril* and dun gere which surround it I have come here with no purpose to attempt to make a fine speech, or any ambitious oratorical display. 1 have brought with me no rhetorical lioquela to throw mto this assemblage. In the circle of the year autumn (Mine, and the season of dowers has passed away In the progress of years, my springtime lias gone by, :id I too am in the autumn of life, and feel the frost ol age. My desire and aim are to address von, earnestly, calmly, seriously and plainly, upon the grave and mo mentous > ibjeets which have Drought us together— And 1 am most solicitous that not a solitary word may fell from in • offensive to any party or person in the whole extent of the Union. War, pestilence, and famine, by the common con sent of mankind, arc the three greatest calamities which can betal our species; and war, as the most direful, i justly stands foremost and in front. Pestilence and femme, no doubt lor wise, although t iscrutable purpo ses, are inflictions of Providence, to which n is our du ty, therefore, to bow with obedience, humble submis sion aurt resignation. I neir duration i nut long, nmj their ravages arc limited. They bring, indeed, great affliction while they last, but so iety soosjrccoversfro® their effects. War is the voluntary work ol our own hand's and whatever reproaches it may deserve should be directed to ourselves. When it breaks out, its dura tion is indefinite and unknown—its vicissitudes are hid den from our view. In the sacrifice of human life, and in the waste of human treasure, in it* losses and in it? a art he ns. ti ah ctsb-uh bellig-reut nations; ant us.sad c :*cts of maiu ed bodies, of death, and ol desolation, endure long alter its thunders are hushed in peace.— War unhinges society, disturbs its peaceful and regu lar industry, and scatters poisonous seeds of disease and immorality, which continue to germinate and dif fuse their baneful influence long niter it has ceased.— Dazzling by its glitter, pomp and pageantry, it beget.- a spirit ol wil i adventure and ronnntic enterpnze, and ■often dia.j mlilies those whoembaik in it, after their re turn from the bloody fields of battle, from engaging in the industrious and peaceful vocations of life. W e are informed by a statement, wh ch is apparent- j b correct, that the number of our countrymen slain in tins lamentable Mexican war, although it has yet been ■ofonly Is months existence, is e<|iiul to on? half of the whole of the American loss during the seven years wai of the Revolution! And I v mure to assert that tin expenditure of treasure which it has occasioned, when it shall come to be fairly ascertained ami footed up. will be found to be more than half of the pecuniary cost , of the war of our independence. And tuis is the con- 1 ditionof the party whose arms have been every where I and constantly victorious! How did we unhappily get involved in this war ? It was predicted as the consequence of the annexation ol Texjs to the United Suites. If we had not Texas, we should have no war. The people were told that if that event happened, war would ensu** They were told that the war between Texas and Mexico had not been terminated by a treaty of peace ; that Mexico still claim ed Texas as a revolted province , and that, if we re ceived Texas in our Union, we took along with ner, the war existing between her and Mexico. And the Minister of Mexico formally announced to the Govern ment at Washington, timt h;s nation would consider the annexation o/Texas to the United States as produ cing a state of war. But alt this was denied by the paruzrnsol annexation. They insisted we should have no war, and even imputed to those who foretold it, sin ister motives for their groin less prediction. But. notwithstanding a state of virtual war necessa rily resulted from the fact of annexation ol one of the belligerents to the United States, actual hostilities might have been probably averted ty prudence, moderation. l and wise statesmanship. It General Taylor had been permuted to remain, where his own good sense prompt ed h.in to believe li • ought to remain, at the point of Corpus Christi; and it a negotiation bad been opened with Mexico, iii ;t true spirit of amity and conciliation. 1 war possibly might have been prevented. But, instead ol this pacific and moderate course, whilst Mr. Slidell, was bending his way to Mexico, with Ins diplomatic ciedentuila, (b-n ial Taylor was ordetcJ io transport his cannon, and to plant them, in a warlike attitu le, opposite to Matamoras, on the east bank ol the Ri Bravo, within the very disputed territory, the adjust ment of which was to fo* the object ol Mr. Slidell’? mission. What else could have transpired but a con flict of arms ? Titus the war commenced, and the President, aftei fiaving produced if, appealed o Congress- A bill wa.*- proposed to raise bD.UOO volunteers, ami in order t< ; Com nit nil who should vote for it a preamble wa9 inser ted falsely attributing the commencement of the war to the act of Mexico. I have no doubt of the patriotic motives of those who, after struggling to divest the hill of that flagrant error found themselves constrained to rote lor it. Bull must say that no earthly considera tion would h tve ever tempted or provoked me to vote lor a bill, with a palpable falsehood stamped on its face.— Almost idolizing truth, as 1 do, J never, never, could have voted lot that bill. The exceptionable conduct oftl*. Federal party, du ring the last British war, lias excited a. l influence in the prosecution ot the present war, and presented a just liscriminbuon between the two wars. That was a war >f National defence, required for the vindication with- ! itional rights and honor, and demanded by t•> in gnant voice of the people. President Madison h “* j * f. 1 know, at first reluctantly and with great doub. | kakittiiD, brought Kanelf to tin notion that! ight to le declared. A lending, ad perhaps tlu- j nost influential member of his Cabinet (Mr. Gallatin,) was, up to the time of i's declaration, opposed to it.— ! But nothing could withstand the irr. -stible force ol! public sentimei t. It was a just wat, and it- 1 great oh- I jeer, us announced at the time, was. ‘Free Trade and Sailor's Rights,” against the intolerable and oppressive I acts of Bnus.i power on the ocean. The justice of the wa r tartr> i Wing denied or controverted, was ad mined by the Fed ;ral party, which only questioned it on considerations f policy. Being delilierstely and constitutionally declared, it was, I think, their duty to ha; • given so it their hearty co operation. But the uiub of them did not. They comma *d to oppose and thwart it, to discourage loans and enlistments, to de ny the power of the General Government to march the militia beyond our limits, and to hold a Hartford Con vention, which, whatever were its real objects, bore the aspect of seeking a dissolution of the Union itself.— I ‘* ey lost and justly kwt the public confidence. But hnot an apprch -nMou of a similar fete, in a state of I 11 if*.* widely different, repressed a tearless expression ot their reoi sentiments in soni** id*our public in u ‘ flow totally valient is the present war I Tuis is no! war ol del lice, but one unnecessary and of offensive aggression. It is Mexico that is defending her lire aides, her castles ami her aha is, not we. And how different also is the conduct of the Whig parly < f th • present duv from that ol the major pun ot the F deral party during the war of 1*12? Fur from inteiposing any obstacl* a to the prosecution of tli* war, if tlu* 4V lugs in office are reproarluble at all, it is for having ! lent t<*o ready a facility to it, without careful examine- j tiou into the objects of the war. And out of ollice.’ who have ru-'.ied to the prosecution of the war with more ardornnd alacrity than the Whigs? Who have niore j Mvjsion to nioiun the loss of sons, husbands, brothers, lathers, than Wing parents, VS big wives, and Wide brothers, in this deadly and unprotitable strife ? Bui the have c of war i* in progress, and the no less deplorable havoc of on inhospitable uud pestilential cli mate Without indulging hi an uumctuaiy retros pect and useless reproaches on the pa? l, ull hearts and ( heads riiould unite m the patriotic endeuvoi to bung it ! to a satisfactory close Is there no way that this can be done I Must we blindly continue the conflict, with out any visible object, or any prospect us a definite termination ? Tins is the important subject upon winch I desire to con-ult anJ to commune with you Who, in tins hec government, is to ilccidt upon the objects of a war, at its commencement, or at any tune during its existence ? Does the power belong to the Nation in the collective w isdom of the Nation in Congress as sembled, or is it vested solely in a singie functionary of the government ? A declaration of war is the highest and most awful exercise of sovereignty. The Convention, winch Irani • our federal constitution, had learned from the pages of hist >ry that it had been often and greatly abused It had seen that war had often been commenced upon ih most triftmg pretexts; thru it had been frequently wa ged to establish or exclude a dynasty ; to snatch a crow n iroin the head of one potentate uud place it upon the head of another , that it had often been prosecuted to promote alien and other intriesia than those of the na tion whose chief bad proclaimed it, us in tins casr ol Ei push wars for Hanoverian riter* - that such a vast and tremendous power ought not to hr confided to the perilous exerefec ol one ? ngle man the Convention, therefore, lesolved to guard the wai mak ing power agalnstthcie great shies. of which. in the hands ot it tuouarrh it vasso susceptible. And the se curity, ag unst those abuses, which its wisdom ifeviseJ, was to vest the war-making power in the Congress *f the United States, being uumediate r* pr s uutivr* of the people and the States So apprehensive ami jeal ous was the Convention of its abuse in any other hands that it interdicted the exercise of the power, to any ! State in the Union, without the consent of Congress Centres*, then, in our system **f government, is the ‘ •ute depository of that tremendous power. ’J be Constitution provsles mat Congress shall have poNver to dei iore war, and grant fetters of marque end reprisal, to make rules concerning captures on land and | wat* r, to in .’ arid support armies, to provide and maintain u navy, and to mal} rules for the govern- j rnent ol the iand and tuiviil forge*. Thus we perceive * tnst be piinciptii power, m regard to war. with ail its auAiiisiy am ndaiits, is gianted yt Congress When ever csiit'd upon to deteriitine upon the solemn question of peuce oi war, Coflgrei lime’ i mist Jer and denfe*rnfe and decide upon the motived, ob,ecta and cause of the . war. Alia, u a war be cotnmen and w ithout any prrvi- j ouf declaration of its objects, ss tn the case of the ex war with Mexico, Congrasa mut n^^eassrily ’ potKcaMhr authority, at liny time, to declare for what purpose it shall be further* prosecuted. If we suppose Congress docs not possess the controlling authority at tributed to it; if it he contended that n war having been once commenced, the President of the United States may direct it to the acc< mplishment of any objects he pleases, without consulting and without any regard to the will of Congress ; the Convention w ill have utterly failed in guarding the nation against then buses and am bition of a single individual. Either Congress or the President, must have the right ofdeterihinin the objects for which a war shall be prosecuted. There is no other alternative. If the President possess it and may prosecute it for objects against the will of Congress, where is the difference between oar free government \ and that of any other nation which nny be governed by an absolute Czar, Emperor, or King Congress may omit, as it has omitted in th * present war, t<> proclaim the objects for which it was commen ced, or has been since prosecuted, and in c is *s of s.ich omission the President, being charged with m * employ ment and direction of the national force, is. necessa rily, left to hi* own ju Igwent to decide upon the oh jects, to the attainment of whic i that force shall be ap plied. But, whenever Congress shall think prop r to . declare, by some authentic act, for what purposes a war shall be commenced or continued it is the duty of the President to apply the national force to the attain ment of those purposes. In the instance of the l*t war j with Great Britain, the net oi Congress by winch it was declared was preceded t>y a message of President Madison enumerating the wrongs and injuries of which ! we complained aguinet Uieat Britain. That message ‘ thereiore, und without it the well -mown objects of the war, wiiich was a war purely of defence, rendered it ! nccei ary that Congress should particularize, in the act, the specific objects lor which it was proclaimed. The whole world kusw that it was a wai waged for Fret Trade and Sailors’ Rights. It may be urged that the President and Senate pos sesea the treaty making pow r, without any exures lim itation as to itsexercis ■; that the natural and ordinary termination of a war is by a treaty of peace ;und there fore,that the President and Senate must posses* th-* power to decide what stipulations and conditions shall enter into such a treaty. But it is not more true, th it the President and .Senate possess tie* treaty making puwer, without Imitation, than that Congress jrosaeascs the war making power, without restrfetion. ‘1 liese two pov . ers th- ’i ought to be so interpreted us to reconcile the one with the other, nnd, in expounding the Constitution, we ought to keep constantly in view the nature and struct ure of our tree government, and especially the great ob ject of the Convention iu taking the war making p >w er oni of the of a single man and placing it in the safer custody of the reprsenuitives ofth whole nation. The desireable reconciliation between the two powers is effected by attributing to Congress the right to declare w hat ah'*it be the objects of a war, and to the President ths duty ol endeavoring to obtain those objects by the direction of the national force and by diplomacy. lam broaching no new and speculative theory. ‘/Tie statute book oi tfe* United States is lull ol example* of prior declaration -by Congo **s ol the objects t.* fe* at tained by negotiations with Foreign Powers, and the ur chivesoi t**.<• Executive Dcj.artuient furnish abundant evidence ol the accomplishment at those objects, oi the attempt to accomplish them, by subsequent negotia ti.on. Prior to the declaration of the last wur against lireat Britain, in all the restrictive measures which Congress adopted, against the tw o great belligerent powers* -t Eu rope, clauses were inserted in the several nets *stab lishing th in, tend *ringto both or either of the bclligciieiit* the aboiition ot those restrictions if iheywouldrepeal their hostile Berlin and Mdan decrees und orders in Council, operating against our comiuerce and navigation. And lli'-se acts ol Congress were invariably communicated, through the Executive, by diplomatic notes to France and (Treat Brilian, as the basis upon which it was pro posed to restore friendly intercourse with them. So, af ter the termination of the war. various acts of Congress were passed, from time to time, offering to Fore ip n row ers the principle of reciprocity in the comm rce and navigation of the United .States with them. Out of these acts sprung a class, and a large class, o r treaties (four or five of w hich were negotiated, whilst I was in the Department of State,) commonly called reciprocity treaties concealed under all the Presidents irom Mr. Madison to Mr Van Buren, inclusive. And. with re gard to commercial treaties, negotiated with the sanc tion of prior acts of Congress, where they contained ei ther appropriations or were in conflict w ith utirepeafed statutes.it has ever been held as the republican doctrine from Mr. Jay s treaty down to the present, tune, that the nassage of acts of Congress was nescessary to secure tiie execution ofth sc treaties, if, in th mutter ol For eign Commerce, in respect to which the pow* r vested in Congress to regulate u and the treaty makitvg power may be regarded as concurrent, Congress can previous ly decide the objects to which negotiation si nd be ap plied, how much stronger is tne case ot war ;the power to declare which is confided exclusively to Congress { I conclude, therefore, Mr. President and fellow citi zens, with entire confidence, that Congress has the right,either at the beginning,or during the prosecution of any wur, to decide the objects and p urposes for which it ought to be continued. And I think it is the duty ot Congress, by some deliberate and authentic act. to de clare lor what objects the present war shall be longer prosecuted. 1 suppose the President would not hesitate to regulate his conduct by the pronoun 2ed wiii of Con gress, and to employ the force and the diplomatic pow er ol the nation to execute that will. But, it the Pres- 1 den: should decline or ret use to do so, and. in contempt of thf supreme authority ol Cong.ess, siiouid presevere in waging the war, lor other objects than those proclaimed ! by Congress,then it would be tne imperative duty ot that body to vindicate its authority by the most string nt and 1 effectual und appropriate measures. An 1 if, on the con trary, the enemy should refuse to conclude a treaty, ■ containing stipulations securing the objects, designated by Congress, it would become the duty of the whole | government toproseeute the war, witu all the national energy, until those objects were atratmed try a treaty ! oipv iice. There can be no insuperable difficulty ;nCou- 1 glens making such anauthorotative declaration. Let it | resolve, simply, that the war shall, or shall not. be a ! war oi conquest, and it a war ot conquest, what is to be I conquered. Should a resolution pass, disclaiming the design of conquest peace would tofiowin less than sixty days if the President would conform to his constitution- ! al duty. Here, fellow citizens, I might pause, having indica ted a inode by which the nation, through its accredited and legitimate representatives in Congress, can an- ‘ nounce lor what purposes-an I objects iiu< war sha.i be ! longer prosecuted, and can thus l<*t the whole people ot I the Urntyd States know lor what end th**tr blood is to j is to be futhershed, ami their treasure firihcr expended, instead of the knowledge of it being locked up and con cealed in tie* bosom of one man. We should no long er perceive the objects ol the war varying, Irotn time to time, according to the changing njnnums o r the Chief Magistrate cnarged with it* prosecution. But ldo not think it right t* o stop here. It is the privilege of the /leop'e, in their pimmive assembles, and oi <*vcry pri vate niut?< however humble to express un opinion in re gard so the purposes for which the war should be con tinued ; and si;*-l> an expression will receive just so much consideration au.d consequence as it is entitled to, and uo more. Shall this war be prosecuted for the purpose of con queriug and annexing Mexico, m all its bound less ex tent, to the United States l 1 will not attribute u> the President of the U- States any such design ; but I confess I have been shocked and a jarme lby in. lifestatioixsof it in various quartets. Os oil the dangers and mistoi ‘wnea which could be la 1 this nation, l should regard that t>f its becoming a warlike and conquering power the mos* Pirelul ami latal. His tory tell* the mournful tale of conquering nations and conquerors. The tuosi celebrated conqueror*, in the civilized world were Alexander, I'eoar and Napoleon. The first, alter overruning a large portion ol Asia, ami sighing and lamenting that there were no more worlds to subuje, met a pi'“inaturc aaJ ignobi** death. His Li utetian.'s quaneiled and wurred with each other us to the Hpojsot the victories, and finally lost them all Ca>ar after conquering Gaul, returned, with fits trnmi phuut legions, to Rome, paused the Rubicon, wont he battle of Pharanlin. iramplod upon the lihenies ifhw country, and expired b>’ fin* patioti ‘jand of Brutus b’ u Rome r -used to Im* free War ni:J’onqu-**t had er.erv a tea and corrupted the luonaes. The spit it of true liberty was extinguished, and u long line of Emperor* suceed ed, some of whoca were the most execrable monsters that ever existed in human form And that most ex traordinary man, perluqM, in all history, alter sufijugi ting ull continental Fur jie, occupying almost all it* Capitals, seriously threatening, according to Mr. Thiers, proud Albion itself, and decking the brows of various meinbersof his family, with crowns torn from th** head* j of other inonnrchs, lived io behold Ins own dear France j itsell in the [tosiM'Hsion of his enemies, and was made hunsclla wretched captive, and far removed from coun try family, and friends, breathed his Inst on the distant J and lubuspitabe rock of St. Helena The Alps and the Rhine had been claimed os the natural boundaries at | France, but she was reduced to submit. Do you be- i lieve thru the people of Mucedoji or Greece, cf Koine, or of France, were beur.fittad, til lividuaWy or collectiv- I ely, by the iiuunplis of their great Gaptnins? Tneir sad lot was itumrnse sacrifice us life, h *avy and intol erable burdens, and the ultimate lons of liberty itself. That :h* power ol the United States is c< mp tent t 1 the conqu*’ tof Mexico is quite probable But it could 1 not be achieved without frightful camnge, dreadful sac i nfices of human life, nnd the creation ot an onerous na tional debt; nor cisald it lw? completely effected, m all J probability, until alter the lnpc of many years It would ! U* neaceMury !• occupy alt ns atrongftol Is.to dfeiroiits inhnliitunte. and to keep tbetn me mutant fear and üb jectiou To conmiminnte the w- tk. I presume that landing armh a.nat icss titan a humlrt I thouaind m ; would be nrsoe—ary. to tw kept pefinp* always iu the boaom of their eonntiy. Th*se standing artnie*. revel ‘ ling in a foreign land, ami accustomed to tram - j pie up n th** hbertfea of a foreign people, at some dis tant day, might lie fit and ready instruments, under the lead ot Motue daring ond nnprmcipltd ch'eftnin, to re turn to their country and pr*>strute the public libetty. Buppos ng the con Q'test to fe once made, wh t is to Is* done with it f U it to be governed, like Roman Province*, by Promnsida? Wottld it b.* rouqntihi** with the genius, and safety of oar free institution*, to keep**tirh a meat country a* Mexico, with a popula tion of not |eM than nine millions, in a state of constant military subjection f Bh ill it be annexed to the United States? Die* any Consider i|e tn.iti befit vc it possible tbt two uch im tnenae countries, with leriitorfes of m-aily equal extuit, with population* so Incongruous, so different in roc .in language, ftt religion and in laws, could he blmded to- j aether in one harmonious mass, and Inpjuly governed by one ouiunou authority f Murmurs, discontent, tuaur reetion*. rebellion, would inevituldy rttsii q until ill-* nt- | coinpatihle parts would be brok-ui asun>|er,un I j>o*miM) in the frightful snuggle, our present gUifiou Union it- j a"lf would he diasrveiudor dissolved. We ought not t forget the wanting voice of ad h story, which leaches the t difficulty of comb ing and cousofi.fating !■ .; •th**r,c*n queriug and OOdquepra nation- Alter the iatme of eight hundred years, during which the Muon held their con quest of Spain, tlie mdoinjtabtec sirage, peratveratee f and obstinacy of the Spanish race finalU tiitimj-'.u and, and ex^teifeiJ the Amen mvuders from the Pcmn* And, ! even within our own time, the coins l power ol N feoti, when ataa loftiett bright, was incompetent to auu- i due and subjugate the prooJ Castilian. And heralu our I yv.n ncighlx /hood. Lower CmiHi which ncai i I hundred years ago. after the conclusion of the seven yean war, was ceded by France to Great Britain,'ta nnins a foreign land in the ini Ist of tin* Briifeh provin ces, foreign in feelings and attachment, and foreign in law.*, language nnd religion. And what has ueen the fact with p>>or, gallant, generous and oppressed Ireland! Centuries have parsed since the overteunng Saxon over run and subiugated the Emerald Isle Ri\ .rs of Iridi . blood have flowed,during the long and arduous contest ! Insurrection and rebellion have been the order ofth- day nnd yet up to this time, Ireland remain* Mien In feeling, affection and sympathy, toward the power which has long borne her down. Every Irishman hates, with a \ there art j great territorial differences between the condition of Eng Inn land Ireland, as compared to that of the United j States and Mexico, there are some points of striki g re - semblance between them. Both the Irish and the Mex ican* are probably ot the same U**ltic race. Both th* j EngUfliimui the Americans are of the same Saxon origin 1 The Gilholic religion predominates iu both the form er, the Protestant am jug froth the latter. Religion lias i been the fruitful cause of dissatisfaction and disconten ’ between the Irish nnd English nations. Is there no rea son to apprehend that it would become so betwe-m the ’ peop.L* ol tire United .States and those of Mexico, if they were united together? Why should we seek to inter sere with them in their mode of worship of :i common Ba | viour l We belu ve that they nre wrong esp* ciuily in , the exclusive character of their faith, nud that we an , right. ‘They think that they are right and we or* ! wrong. What other rule can there b- than to leave tin i followers of each religion to their own solemn convic | t.< ms ol conscientious duty toward* God? Who, but ! the great a-biter of the Universe, can judge in suchn aqu *tiun l For my own part, I sincerely believe nnd hope, that those who belong to all the departments ol the great Church of Christ, if in truth and purity, they conform to the doctrines which they profess, wii. ultimately secur an *bodce in those reg o:rs of bliss, will aim finally to reach. 1 think that there is no potentate iti Europe, whatever his religion may be, more enlight tened or at this moment so interesting as the liberal head ofthe Papa ISee. But l suppose it to be impossible that those who fa vor, if then* be any who favor tin* annexation of Mex ico to th** United States, can think that it ought to be perpetually governed by military sway. Certainly in votary ot human liberty could deem it light that a vio lation should Ire perpetrated ot the great principles o. our own revolution, according to which, law's ought not to be enacted, and taxes ought not to be levied, without representation on the part of those who are to obey the one, and pay the other. Then, Mexico is to participate in our councils and equally share in our legislation und government. But, she would not voluntarily choose representatives to the national Congress, is on. soldiery to follow the electors to the I allot-box, and by force to compel them, nt the point of the bayonet, t. deposit their ballots ? And how nre the nine millions of Mexican people to be represented m tin* Congress of the United States of America and the Congress ol of the United States of the Republic ot Mexico com !u <■ •llla ey ry Mexican, wit ut ird to for oi caste,per capitum.to exercise th * elective franchise l— i How is the quota of representation b.-tween th * tw > Republics, to be Axed ? When is theirs* at of com mon govt rant nt t” T* established ? And who can foresee or toretefl, if Mexico, voluntarily or by force, wer** to share in the common government what would lie the consequences to her or to us? Unprepared, a- I fear her pop latfon yet is, for the practical enjoy men of self-government, and of habits, customs, language, law* and religion, so totally different from our own, we should present the revolting spectacle of a confused, distracted, nnd nrotly government. We should have a .Mexican Party, a Pacific Ocean Party, an Atlantic Party, in addition to the other parties, which exist, or with which we are threatened, each striving to execute its own particular views and purposes and reproaching the other* with thwarting and disappointing them The Mexican representation, in Congress, would pro bably form a separate and impenetrable corps, aiway ready to throw itself into the scale of any other party, to advance and promote Mexican inter--sts. Such n state of things c *uld not long endure. Those, wh< *tn God and geography have pronounced should live asun der, cou and never be permanently and harmoniously united together. Do we wan 1 for our own happiness or greatness the addition ot Mexico to the existing Union ofour States ? It our population was t*o for our territory, and there was a difficulty in obtaining honorably the means of subsistence, there mi Jit be some excuse for an at tempt to enlarge our dominions. But we have no such apology We have already in our glorious country,a vast and almost boundless territory Beginning nt the North, in the frozen region* of the British Province*, it stretches thousands of miles along the coasts of the Atlantic Ocean and the Mexican Gulf, until it almost reaches the Tropics It extends to the Pacific ocean, borders on those “reat inland seas, the Lakes, which separate us from the possession* of Great Britain, and it embraces the great lather of rivers, from it* upper most source to the llalize, and the still longer Missouri, from it* mouth to the gorges of the Rocky Mountain* It comprehends the greatest variety of the’richest soil.*, capable of almost all th* 1 productions of the earth, ex | cept tea and coffee and the spices, and it include.* every ■ variety of climate, wiiich the heart could wish or de j B * rp We have more than ten thousand millions of acres j waste nnd unsettled lands, enough lor the subsistence ;°f ten or twenty times our present population. Ought i w, ‘ not to lie satisfied with such a coin try ? Ought we ; not to be profoundly thankful to the Giver of all good : thing* for such a vast and bountiful land ? Is it not the height of ingratitude to Him to seek, by war and con quest, indulging in a spirit of rapacity, to acquire other | lands, the homes nnd habitations of a large portion of j hi* common children ? If w r e pursue th**object of such . a conquest, besides mortgaging the revenue and resour ces of this country for ages to com**, in the form of an 1 ( onerous national debt, we should have greatly to nug l inent that debt, by an assumption of the sixty or seventy I millions of the national debt of Mexico. For l take it I nothing is more certain than that ; if we obtain j voluntarily or by conquest, a foreign nation, we acquire |it with all the incumbrances attached to it In my ’ humble opinion, we are now bound, in honor and nio i ratify, to pay the just debt of Texas And we should j be equally bound, by the same obligations, to pay the I debt ot Mexico if it were annexed to the United .States. Os the possessions which appertain toman, in his ! collective or individual condition, none should be pre served and cherished, with more sedulous and unremit ting care, than that of an unsullied character. It is ini ! V **aible to estimate it too highly in s. ciety, when attach ed to an individual, nor can it’ be exaggerated or too greatly magnified in a nation. These who lose or are indifferent to it become just objects of scorn and con tempt. Os all the abominable transactions which suliy the pages of history, none exceed in enormitv that of the dismemberment and partition of PolandJby the three great Continental Powers—Russia, Austria a id Prus sia. Ages may pass away, and centuries roll around, but a- long as human records endure, ail mankind will unite in execrating the rapacious ainl detestable deed. That was accomplished by overwhelming force, and the unfortunate existence of fatal dissensions and di visions in the bosom of Poland. Let us avoid affixing to our name and national character n similar, if not worse stigma lam afraid that we do not now stand well m the opinion of other parts of Christendom. Re pudiation has brought upon us much reproach. All th.* ! nations, I apprehend, look upon us much, in the prose - loftw |M *nt war.aa being actuated byaspiric ol rapacity, and an inordinate desire for territorial ag grandizement. Let us not forfeit altogether their good opinions. Let us command their applause by a noble I exercise of torbearanee and justice. In the elevated 1 station which we hold, we can safely afford to practice ! the (rod like virtues of moderation nnd magnanimity, i The long series of glorious triumphs, achieved by our gallant commanders and their brave armies, unattend ed by a single reverse, justify us, without th** feast dan ger of tarnishing the national honor, in disinterestedly holding out the olive brance of peace We do not want ! the mines, the mountains, the moruese*. th- terife lands of Mexico. To her the loss of them would he humil- j tilting, and be a perpetual source of regret and morti fication To us th *y might prove a fatal acquisition, producing distractin.dissension, divissiott,p.*sibly di*- i union Let,therefore,the integrity of the national ex- I istence and national territory of Mexico remain undis turbed. For one, I desire to see no part of her territo- ! ry ten from her by war. Some of our |s*ople have placet’ their hearts upon'the acquisition of the Bay ol San Francisco in Upper California To us, as a great maritime >*ower, it might prove to be of advantage here after in respect to our commercial and navigating in terest* To Mexico, wiiich can never be a great mari time power, it can never he of much advantage. If we can obtain it by fair purchase with a just equivalent, 1 should le happy to •’ee it ao acquired A*, whenever t lie war ceases, Mexico ought to lv* required to puy the and bis duour eil sunt, pi rh ipa u * tvak it m that Bay may be found in that debt, our Government assum ing to pay to our citizens whatever portion ol it may be appl et] to that object. But it should form no motive m the prosecution ot the war, which I would not continue m sohtury hour for the sake of that harfsir But what, it will be asked, shall v/e make peace with out any indemnity for th** expenses of th*- war ? If the 1 published documents in relation to tin* late negotiations between Mr Trial smi the Mexican Cotmiiiwuinera f* true and 1 have not seen them anywhere contradicted, tlie Executive properly waived nny feinnitd of indent nt*y for the expenses of the war And file rupture of ; th t negotiation was produced, by mr Government m siting upon a cesmon Irom Mexico, of the strip of mostly barren land between the N**uot snnd the Rio Bra voand New .Mexico,which Mexico rt luwnl to make .So tint we are now fighting, if not for the rcmqiiist of all Mexico, as intimated tn some quartets, for that narrow strip, and lor the barren province ol N< w- Mex.eo, With .t lew mi- rable unties We IsMigfit nil the pro provii)6M>f Louisiana for fifteen million* m dllars, nnd it is, iu my optui Mi, worth more tfian tl of Mexico to gether. We l*ought Florida at five null tons of debars, and a hard bargain it was,since, besides the wmi, we gnvc up the boundary of the Ui* Bravo, to wine i | fiutik we w**re eiititled.asth ‘ western Until ol the province of Lou • ! iiatta, nnd were lestrieted to that of the Sal ute. And wears now, if not seeking th* conquest t nil M* xic , t> continue this war indefinitely lor the inoaisufernbie obwcis to which I have jus. referred. Bui, it will Ih; repeated, ore we to have no itufomni- ‘ ty b*r the **xpens**sof the war f Mexico m utterly una ble to uinke its any p< eninnty indemnity, it Utcjusitcs of the w.iron our ; ut entitles us io l, rind it. 11. r country !uis been laid waste, her cities burned or occt -i pa and by our troop*, her tn< tms so exhausted th.it she is ! unabie to piy h r own armies And every day’s prose* cution ol fin* war, whilst it woul i augment lit** ar.umnf 1 of our indemnity. would le*<en the uhdityuf Mexico to pay it. We it iv • seen, how.-ver, that tfuire is tuioth- j er form in which we me to de.umd i ideinnity It is j to be territorial indemnity ‘ | h<qa-. lor retsoti* already ! state |, that,that tncb.und will not no tnought into our I country Am Hig th* resolution. which it i* my intstUfon to ! pi —rt for y**ur cotHNdemum, at tits conclusion ol this ; ad.ln m, one projiiws, in your behalf and nine, to disavow, in the most positive manner, any disirc, n| oitr part, to acquire a iv foreign territory whatever so the purpose ot intiiHlucing slave,-y into it Ido not know tuat any citi/en of the United BbU#* cut utui. such a wish But suak a uiotlvv* 4iy* often been iiqu* t**d to tiie Siavo fetat *, and I th*rftorv mink it ncces* tn'v to notice it an this <>crsi.K>u My opinion* on th . subject of slavery sm well known They have the ; merit, if it le* one, of roii*i*t utey, uniformity, nnd long duration. I have ever regarded slavery ns a jyx-at evil, a wroiig,]ir the pre- it, I tear.au iricmediifiite \wrongtoits unfortunate victims i shorn I rejoice if not a single slave breathed the are or was within the limit* ot our coun try But here they are, to be dealt with as well as we car., with a due *•’msideration of all cucuinstances af fecting the security, safety and liappinessof both races Every State lias tiV* supreme, uncontrolled and exclu sive power to decide for itself whether slavery shall cease or continue within it* limits, without any exterior inter vention from any qu irtcr. In Stun*.*, where the slaves 1 outnumber the whit *s, ns is the case with several, the. blacks could not be emancipated nnd invested with ail! the rights of freemen, without becoming the governing . race in those State*. Collisions and conflicts, bet ween , the two race*, would Ik* inevitable, and, after shocking scenes ofempuic and carnage, the extinction or expul-1 sion of tlns'blncks would certainly take place. In the; State of Kentucky, near fifty years ago. I thought the i proportion of slaves, in comparison with tlie whites., 1 was so inconsiderable that we might safely adopt n sys tem of gradual emancipation that would ultimately eradicate this evil in our State. That system wa* to tally different from the immediate abolition of slavery for which the party of the Abolitionists of the present j day contend. Wnether th y have intended,or not, it is my calm nnd deliberate belief, that they have done incalculable mischief even to the very cause which they espoused, to sn v nothing of the discord which has i been produced between differ’ nt part* of the Union.— According to th * system : wc attempted, near tlio close of the last century , all slaves in being were to remain such, but,all who might be horn subsequent to a speci fied day, were to become free nt tin* nge of twenty- , eight,nnd during their service were to be taught to read, write nnd cypher. Thus, instead of being thrown uj>- on the community,ignorant und unprep -red, ns would ‘k* the case by immediate emancipation, thty would | nave entered upon the possession of th* u freedom, ca- j table, m some degree, of enjoying it. After a hard j struggle the system wa* defeated, and I regret it ex temely, as, if it had been then adopted, our State \ on Id Im* now nearly rid of that reproach. Since that epoch, a scheme ol unmixed benevolence Ins sprung up, which, it it bad existed at that time, would have obviated one o. the greatest objections,which wis mad'* to gradual ‘mancipation, which was the ccntinunnce of Hie a mane ipa ten si uvea to abide among j us That scheme is th** American Colonization Soci ety. About twenty eight year* ago, n few individuals, niy*elf among them, met together in th* city of Wash ington,and laid the foundation of that Society. It has gone on amidst extraordinary difficulties and trials, sus- j taining itself almost entirely, by spontaneous and vol- ! untary contributions, from individual benevolence, i without scarcely any aid from Government. The Col- j otiiss, planted under it* auspices, art* now well estnb* j lishefl communities, w ith churchc*. schools and other i institutions opjiertnin’.ig to the civilized state. They! have finde site* ---'fill war in rep-liing atiacks and in - j vasioilshy their barbarous and savage neighbors. They t have foade treat annexed territories i.i their domin ion. and are hi. s- • I with a free representative Govern- j inent; I recent y r .l a message, from one ol their I Govoitiors to their Legislature, which, in point of com- j position, and in carelul attention to the public affairs of! tli ir kt public,w ould compare advantageously with th< messages of the Governors ofoiirowu States. lam not j very fupersticious. but I do solemnly believe that these | Colonies are blest with the smiles of providence, nnd, it* ] we imv dare attempt |> metrating the veil, by which he | co cqnlshis nllwi-e dispensations from mortal eyes, that he design* that Africa shall be th*- refuge and the home j of the deseemlantsof its sons anil daughters, torn nnd 1 dragged from their native land, by lawless violence. It fs a philanthropic and consoling reflection that the 1 moral and physical condition ol the African race in the j United States, even in a state of slavery, is far better ! than It would have been ife their inowtow bad nevei I >een brought from their native land. And if it should \ he the decree of the Great Ruler of the Universe that tin ir descendants shall be made instruments in llis hands in the establishment of civilization and the Chris tian religion throughout Africa, our regrets, on account of the original wrong, will lie greatly mitigated. It may lie argued that, in admitting the injustice of slavery, (admit the necessity of an instantaneous repa ration of that justice. Unfortunately, however, it is not always safe, practicable, or possible, in the great move ments of States and public affairs of nations, to remedy or repair the infliction of previous injustice. Iu th a in ception oi it. we may oppose nnd denounce it, by our most strenuous exertions, but, after its consummation, there is often no other alternative left us to deplore its perpetration, and to acquiesce a' l the only alternative, as a less evil that the fright.ul consequences which might ensue from the vain endeavor to re|air it. Slavery is one of those unfortunate instances The evil of it was inflicted upon us, by the parent country of Great Britain ‘ against all the entreaties and remonstrances of the col- i onies. And here it is amongst us, and we must dispose i of it as best we can under all the circumstances which surround us. It continued, by the importation of slaves from Africa, in spite ol colonial resistance, for a period of more than a century and a half, and it may require n equal or longer lapse of tune before our country is en- j tirely rid of the evil. And in the mean time, modera tion, prudence, and discretion among ourselves, and the 1 blessings of Providence may be all necessary to accom plish *• ir ultimate deliverance from it. Examples of similar infliction of irrcixarabl** national evil and injus tice might be multiplied to an indfinite*extent. The case of the annexation of Texas to the United States is a recent and an obvious one w hich, if it were wrong, ! it cannot now be repaired. Texas is now an integral part of our Union, with its own voluntary consent. ‘ Many of us opposed the annexation with honest zeal and most earnest exertion*. But who would now think of perpetrating the lolly of casting Texas out of the confederacy and throwing her back upon her own independence, or into the arms of Mexico ! Who would now seek to divorce her from this Union ? The Cracks nnd Cherokee Indians were, by the most excep tionable means, driven from their country, and trans ported beyond the Mississippi river. Their lands have been fairly purchas ’d and occupied by the inhabitant* of Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi and Teneessee.— Who would, now conceive the flagrant injustice of ex peling those inhabitants and restoring the Indian coun try to the Cherokee and Creeks, under color of repair ing original injustice ? During the war of our revolu tion, minions of paper money were issued by our an- ! restois, as the only currency with which they could j achieve our liberties nnd independence. Thousands, and hundreds of thousands of families were stripped of their home* nnd their all and brought to ruin, by giv ing credit and ennti fence to that spurious currency Stem necessity has prevented the reparation of that great national injustice. But 1 forbear, 1 will no longer trespass upon your pa tience or further tax my own voice, impaired by a speech of more than three hours duration, which pro fessional duty required me to make only a few day* ago. If I have b**en nt all successful in the exposition of the views and opinions wh.ch 1 entertain I have showm— -Ist. That the present war was brought about by the nnnexat on of Texas and the subsequent order of the President, without the previous consent nnd authority of Congress. 2d. That the President, being unenlighted and un- j instructed, bv any public declaration of Congress, ns to objects for which it ought to be prosecuted, in the con- j duct of it fe n* cemnrily. left to his own sense of what the national interests and honor may require. 31. That the whole war making power of the nation, 1 ns to motives, causes ami objects, is confided by the * Constitution to the discretion and judgement of Con- j gran*. 4th. That it is, therefore, the right of Congress, at the commencement or during the progress of any war, to de clare for wh .t objects and purposes the war ought to be wn” lan I prosecute ! sth. Tit ft it is the ri flit an I duty of Congress to an- , nonnee to the nation for what objects thp present war shall \te longer continued ; that it fe th • fluty of th - ‘ President, in the exercise of ah Ins offi *hl functions, to conform to an I carry out this declared wiil of Congress, by the exercise, if necessary, of all the high powers with which lie is clothe.l ; and that, if he fail or refuse 1 to do so. it becomes the imperative duty of Congress to arrest tin* further progress of the war by the most effec tual men ns in itspower. Let Congress announce tothe nation the objects for which this wur shall be further protracted nn I public : : u*|ense nnd public inquietude will no longer remain If it is to be a war of conquest ofali.ornnv part of .Mex ico, let the people know it, and they will be no longer agitated by a dark and uncertain future. Bui, although I might have forborne to express any opinion whatever as to purposes and objects tor winch the war should Im* continued, I have not thought proper to conceal my opinions, whether worth any thing or not, from tlu* public examination Accordingly i have mated. 6th. That it seems to me that it is th** duty of our country, ns well on the score of moderation and mag nanimity,as wth the view of avoiding discord ami dis content nt home, to abstain from seeking to conquer and annex to the United Stuies, Mrxieo ~r H „y . );irt 0 j it; and,especially, to disabuse the public mind in any quarter of the Union of the impression, if it any where exist, that n desire for conqu* si. is cherisfisd for the purpose of propagating or extending slavery. 1 have eiubod eI. Mr President nud fellow citizens, the sentiments and opinions which 1 have endeavored to explain snd enforce in a series of resolutions, which * beg now to submit to your cousideration an I judg ment They ar** the following After reading the resolutions mi l handing them to the rteen tory, Vlr Flay conclude I by apologizing lr the length ot time which he had trespassed upon the meeting, nud timuking ill* ludn-N and gentlemen, most eorflially, for tie* honor d*ne him by their nt tendance *i this occston, and fin* profound at-, tent ion with winch th**y had listened to him. I. Resolved, As the opinion of tins meeting, that file m unary cause of the present unhappy war existing net ween tfi* United States ol Ainenc inn I the United States of th** Republic ol Mexico, was the annexation ol IVxas to tin* former; smi that Pro immediate occa sion of'hostilities l* -I** • n the two R**p<ihlies mow out of the order of the President of the United States lor the r mikvul **i tin? Army, under the cuinmnnU of General Taylor, irmn its pomiioti at ( ‘irpu- (’hrbui.to a point j oppiMite to M a tan tons, on liiesast l*ank - *’th** Rio Bra- 1 vo, within territory claimed hy both Republics, hut then under fie* jurisdiction ot that of Mexfeo, ami iuhuhited by its e. zensau.l that the order of tb President for th** removal of tli** army to that pnu.t, was iinphwident and U icmelitutional, it being without th** C<*tinurrenee oiUotigrees, or even consultation with it, although it! Wa* m hut thut Congies* having, by sutise-I qu nt iicta, recognized ih** war, thus brouglu into exist-1 sue-*, wuhout it* previous authority or cons *iit, the I piC-M*e iti *n of it b* Cam ■ thereby national. ‘J Resolved, Timt iti theab* nce ol any formal and public declaration $f Congress, of the obj**c .s f• r which th** war oug.it to be prosecuted, tlie President ot the United Staii’F, .n Uhiel Magistrate,a al ns I'oinnnuJ**. in t hi lof the \riuy aiul Navy *l ih • United Btut s. is felt to the go l ine fh sowujn Igeiuent to pro-ccute ii fii suCti |*Uipo*%and object- :nhe nny d•- iu die fion or an.l nit i***niofi!ie Nitmn t< require. •f / ** I. ‘Pjiat by Ui < m -u of the Unite*! States, Conjpe r.rMwj . v sted v..m p*wer to war,Slid gram ktie;Fv*f Ms.qus snd Reprisal, to niak** ru *•* ooiicerrm g tfllptuies ou land an I * iter, to rat* I Bed siipp..,?t IP provide ml m mitm • a navy I and to make ni’es for the gowrment of the land and na val fore ha* the full andcompfetc war making power ot the United States ; und, so jmssewing it, has a right to determine upon the motives, causes and objects of any war, which it commences, or ut any time during the progress of its existence. •I Hr solved, As the further opinion of this meeting, I that it is the right and duty of Congress to declare, by some authentic act, for whnt purposes nnd objects the j existiug war ought to be further prosecuted ; t hat is the , duty of tin* President, in hi* official cou.tuct. to conform , to such a declaration ofCotig.es*; and that, il aftersuch | 1 declaration the President should decline decline or re- I fuse to endeavor, by nil the means,civil, diplomatic and | military, in hiapower, to execute the announced will of ( Congress, nnd in defiance ol it* authority, should con ; tinue to prosecute the war fo’ purposes and objects oth er than those declared by that body, it would become ( the right and duty of Congress to adopt the most effi cacious measure* to arrest the further progress of war, i taking care to make ample provision for tne honor and safety nnd security of our manic* in Mexico, in every contingency : And if Mexico should decline or refuse to conclude a treaty with us, stipulating for the pur poses and objects so declared by Congress, it would he the duty of the Government to prosecute the war, with the utmost vigor, until they were attained by a treaty of I pence. 5. Resolved , That we view with serious alarm, nnd j nre utterly opposed to any purpose of annexing Mexico , to the United States in any mod**, nnd especially by con- | quest; that wv believe the two nations could not be hap y gov m and by one com “on authority, owing to their great difference of race, law, language ami religion, and tlie vast extent ot their respective territories, and large j amount ot their respective populations; that such an u- 1 liion.against the consent of the exasperated Mexican joeople could only be effected and preserved by large standing armies, and the constant application ol milita ry force; in other wo ds by despotic sway exercised over the Mexican people in the first instance, but which there would be just cause to apprehend, might in process <>l time Im* extended over the jicople of the United States That we deprecate, them fore, such an union, as wholly incompatible with the genius of our govern ment, and with the character of free and liberal free in- ( stilutions; and wc anxiously hope that each nation may he left undisturbed possesion of its own laws, language, cherished religion and territory, to pursue its own hap- j |iness according to wo at it may deem best for itself. f Resolved, That considering the series of splendid and brilliant victories achieved by our brave armies nnd their gallant commanders,during the war with Mexico, unattended by a single reverse, the Uuited States, with- . out nny danger of their honor suffering the slightest tar nish can practise the virtues of moderation and inngua- j nimity towards their discomfit ted fo*. We have no de sire for the dismemberment of the United State* of the ; Republic ol Mexico hut wish only just and proper fix ation ot the limits of Texas. 7 Re solved, Tuat we do, positively and emphatical- ‘ v disclaim and disavow any wish or desire,on our part, to acquire nny foreign territory whatever for the purpose of propagating slavery, or of introducing siaves from the | United State *, in such foreign territory. H. AV<w/ee</,That we invite our fellow-citizens of the ‘ United Steins, who are anxious for the restoratien of the blessings ot peace, or if the existing war ahull continue to be prosecuted, are desirous that its purposes nnd objects shall be defined and known, who nre anxious to avert present and future perils and dangers, with which it may by fraught, and who nre also anxious to produce content ment and satislaction ut home,and to elevate the nation al character abroad, to assemble together in their respec tive communities and to express their view's, feelings 1 and opinions. Note to tiie Editor.— The speech was often inter rupted by bursts of applause, and, both at its com mencement and conclusion, there was tremendous cheering “ JOURNAL &i MESSENGER. II A ( lf. a. WEDNESDAY, DEC. 8, 1847. FOII PRESIDENT, GEN. ZACHARY TAYLOR. Gen. Taylor on hi* H ay. Gen. Taylor, accompanied by Col. Whitney, Col. Belknap, Col. Monroe and Mnj. Bliss arrived at Mat atnoras on the 17th ult, where he was to remain until the 2ind, when he would proceed tothe Brazos toawait the result ot his application lor leave to return home. I He is probably now in New Orleans, where the mos. extensive preparations have been made for hie triumph, al reception. The Delta of the 2dinst. says, “he will probably arrive here to-morrow.” Debt of South ( nrolinn. By the Report of the Comptroller General, we learn that the Funded Dept of the State on the Ist October, 1847, amounted to $2,536,067 04 Notwithstanding the above debt is nearly double that,owed by Georgia, Gov. Johnson in an able message recommends the . rftale to tKe two fifths of the stock in all important Railroads. W hat a lesson for Georgia. Thoughts oil the Universe. The lovers ot sound thought and genuine poetry will not fail to peruse the original poetical article which we publish to day under the above caption. The writer has sacrified s**nse, neither to sentiment nor measure . and yet the last is as smooth and flowing, and the se cond us pure and elevated a* the first is sound and philo sophical. Indeed these verse* remind us of the effusion ot some ot the “old-time Poets” who soared with stron ger pinions than the Bardlings of more modern times. The* Magnetic Tefegraph. H e notice that the Magnetic Telegraph, between Columbia South Carolina and Charleston is now in suc cessful operation. The Charleston Corier mentions that the instruments woik remarkably well and that re peated conversations were held the first day between citizens of Charleston and their representatives in the legislature. I his is quite u novel, medium for convey ing instructions to the servants of the sovereignity. Th # post* are already up between Savannah and Macon and we believe also upon the entire line from Charleston to Montgomery Alabama. The parties are now only a waiting, the arrival of the w ire in order to put the line in ! operation. This will be done early in January. ILiil Itoail Meeting in Columbus. The Citizen* of Muscogee county were invited to assemble in Columbus on the 4th inst. for the purpose of determining whether they would sanction the pass age of.a law authorizing the J ustices of the Inferior Court, to levy a tax, not to exceed, 1 per cent, on real,and Fof 1 per cent, on personal estate, for the purpose of paying the interest upon the Bond* of said county, to the amount of S3iH),OOO to be issued, an 1 the proceeds aj> - plied to the construction of the Muscogee Rad Road. The value of real estate iu fh<’ city alone is stated by the / lines at $ I .‘JOJ.OvM) YVe have not heard the re sult of th** meeting, but infer from the Times that there is considerable opposition to the project in some of the country district*. In our humble opinion the great in terests of CoiumhuH would be very essentially promoted by a union with the South Western R(ad at some eli gible j) >im. Fue lower route would give her the dou ble advantage of an outlet to the Gulf as well as io the Atlantic and would forever secure to her merchants a profitable wagon trade from the wealthy counties of VV. stern Georgia and Eastern Alabama. These how ever nre cot aide rat ions which her own citizen* have doubtless reflected upon. Sos ir as th • people of Macon are concerned, they wiil hail the union of th* two cities by either route and will he still more happy to secure u double outlet for the trade and travel of the west. NKW HOOKS. Mr. B.mrilmnn lias hniid**d us irom the publishing house of Geo. P Cooledge A. Brothers, a hiiisll but val uable volume, by Mrs. Jane Taylor,entitled.- “Primary Lessons in Physiology for children. The object of the writer is, to symplify the subject so as to bring it down to the comprehension of youth— j ‘The illustrations arc simple and such ns present even ! tin* in re ol*struM4* questions discussed, in a clear and | oompreliendnbie liglit, to the youthful learner. Lijeof Gene ml Taylor —This is on octavo volume | of 332 pages, published by Messrs (.rkri &l Elliot of 1 Philadelphia and edited by J. Rek.sk Fkv. A. Uoukim , Uun’iud ft contains thirteen iilujlrntions of the battles , of Fort Harrison, Okeecu-bee, Palo Alto, Ressca tie la P.ilnta, Monterey and Buena Vism. The narrative | of events cotinei ted with Gkn Tvylob's military ca- ‘ raei is prepared by Mr. Fry from authentic documents, | despatches and private correspondence, while the inci- dent** of Ins early years arc given from materials by Mr. ‘ (romnd. Both the writeia are men of ability and are j well known in the library circles of the Union. Mi j t ’oiiiid hns built up lor himself a national reputation He is n writer of great spirit and ohasteiiess and ia al- I ways equal to lus theme. Mr Fry is a laborious, care ful, mattsrof fact man an<l hears evidence ofthis fact lor it presents a much greater array of facts than have b*s u previously prewute i to the public touching the private nnd public caieer of Gen. t'sylor. Taken in conm-rtion with the sp.igntiy and introdurtive cam priign sk* tch :> Capt. Henry, noric’ l m #>ur lospa p r wc ait inclined to think that this volume must fur nish nearly every thing of interest n. w known in rela tion so the old hefo and hi* (*oiii)i:itiioiii* m arms. It is altogether $ valuable work and we commend io those ol our reader- who desire Correct informs tion iu regard to the most iemit kabir m'm of his nge. 11 niay be liad ! at Mr Boar%linau's. Inufli < nroln a and Georgia. Col. Gadsden, has appeared, by a letter in the Charles- ! ton Mercury, of tlie 30th ult., for the purpose of an- ! nounefitghis disapprobation of tlie “ exclusive fcitate or j City influence,” which prevailed in tlie late Atlanta j Convention. The Colonel seems to think, that tlie i Charleston Delegates were guests, and therefore pre cluded from making known their sentinienft in regard to j the “ domestic report,” presented by Mr. McAllister. We beg leave, with ull due respect to intimate, that , the Colonel is laboring under n misapprehension, as to the real position of himself and friends. If they were guests, they were self-invited guests. The Conven tion was not proposed by Georgians, but by the mem bers of the lute Knoxville Convention,of which Caro lina nny well exclaim, “ magna parsfui .” Indeed, the former meeting was not so much a Ten nessee, as a Charleston Convention; and we submit whether the conduct of the Carolina delegation in that body, entitled them to any other treatment than that which they received ut Atlanta. Through their instrumentality, the Knoxville Con vention was converted inton perfect machine, to drum up customers lor die shop-keepers of Charleston. The The ponderous report presented by Col Gadsden, 1 instead of taking hold manfully of the subject of Inter- | ternul Improvement, was nothing more nor less than un , elaborate eulogism upon Charleston nnd her mercantile facilities—a document, which more resembled a paid puffin the JVVIO- York Herald, than n statistical report upon Rail-Roads—a document, which contained hut one original idea, and but one discovery calculated to immortalize its author—and that was, that Savannah is situated upon nn insignificant stream of the same name, “ thirty-two miles from the ocean.” Not content with the profound research of the gen tleman, who after penning such a report, gravely boasts ot his expanded views, und of the fact that he “ has for more than ten years been the zealous advocate, and coadjutor with liberally disposed citizens of Geor gia,”—the Charleston Delegation next introduced tothe Convention a learned professor of the healing ar—a very Dilworth in the statistics of disease and death—to prove to the simple minded mountaineers of Tennessee, that alter all,the musquitoesof Charleston, arc not os blood-fflirsty ns her Quattlebums —that the atmosphere of her swamps is os bland nnd bracing as that of the , Alps, and the miasma of her rice fields, so for from be ing an agent of death, is a very clixer vitae, giving | perpetual y nth and healthfulness to all who trade within her borders ! Not content with even these demonstations of liber ality, we find the same Convention adjourn over to meet ogam in Atlanta, for the secret or avowed purpose of operating upon public sentiment in Georgia, lose- 1 cure a connection of the Railroads ot Augusta, which would pour the weath of upper Georgia, into the lap of Carolina ! The subsequent invitation by the people of Atlanta, was a mere matter of form—like the necessi tous response o’ a host, when some liberal minded guest, invites himself to an entertainment within his mansion. If there had been no other reasons, than those allu ded to above, the delegates from Georgia would have been perfectly justified in taking into their own hands, the direction of afiair* in the Atlanta Convention. But there were other, and still more potent reasons for sneh a course. The whole conduct o< Carolina, in re gard to our Georgia Improvements has been selfish, ar bitrary and obtrusive. At the very outset, she refused to co-operate with our people, in the construction of the southern route ; but dashed wildly forward and spent large sums in her visionary Cincinnati schemes. Subsequently when she had failed in that, and her State Bank was approached, i by the Georgia Company, for an insignificant loan of funds to complete that great work, they were required not only t* present unnecessary guarantees, but abso- lutely to give a bill of sale of the Road, its fixtures, cars, negroes, &.c. &c., before the money could be obtained ! A similar, or perhaps more discreditable, case occurred with Gov. Crawford, when he asked them for a loan of $75,000, with whi*'h to purchase iron, for the S*ate Road. The negotiation could not be made, unless tlie iron were shipped to Charleston ! And yet when the bills matured, a renewal was refused, and lie was compelled finally to raiae the funds elsewhere ! Here are two evidences of Carolina liberality, which we think should forever pre vent her from dictating public sentiment in Georgia, much less, asking favors of our people. But these are not all. It has not yet been forgotten in our State, that so far from asking the junction of the roads at Augusta, as a favor—the Carolina Legislature of 1845, solemnly resolved to lay violent hands upon the Corporate property of the City of Augusta, and to force their way into the territory ol Georgia, with even less ceremony than was observed by Santa Anna, in pass ing Mr. Polk’s blockade of Vera Cruz ! Though Carolina has not contributed a dollar to our improvements, but on the contrary, has retarded them by unreasonable and harsh exactions, still we find her Chief Executive, speaking of them, in one instance, as their great line of communication with the west, and her citizens and presses demanding the junction at Au gusta, as a matter of right, resulting irom the “ spirit j of the age!” Listen tothe language of the Charleston Mercury in regard to the resolution of the convention adverse to the proposed Union. The editor says: “ This is so oppos ed to the spirit of the age, so much in contravention of the dictates of common sense, that we must lx* permitt ed to express our surprise at its adoption by the Con vention. Considering the great natural advantage ol Savannah—her enterprising merchants, her capacious harbor, contiguity to the sea, the depth of water on her bar, &c , &ic., —considering, we say, all these natu ral advantages, it was unkind, nay, ungenerous in her to interpose this artificial barrier—this Chinese wall—to prevent the citizens of Georgia from trading with the outside barbarians, and to compel them to carry their produce to a less profitable market.” It may be consistent ‘with the spirit of the age” and the “dictates of common sense” that the people of Geor gia should expend twelve millions of dollars, and incur o heavy debt, in order that the profits of our trade and productions may be emptied into the lap of Charleston It may lie consistent withe principles of “free trade” that the citizens of Georgia should groan under a heavy bur then of taxation, in order that the profits from our own system of improvements mar fill the coffers of our sister State! It may oe a “Camese policy’’ to control our own enterprise, our own capital and our own improvements for our own benefit—but we beg our Carolina friends to deal more gently with us in our ignorance, and not farce us too rapidly into their liberal, disinteristed way oi thinking! It is not ulways judicious to prevent the pis tol to the head of the unfortunate way-larer until tb‘ “sweet tones us persuasion” have faded to induce him to “stand nnd deliver. Happy are we to learn from the letter of our Mil ledgeville correspondent that there is some spirit, some Btate pride in our Legislature and that the propo sition to unite the roads, hi* been voted down by un overwhelming majority. We trust that every other pro position with which Carolina lias any connection may meet with a similar late. It is time that Georgi i should cense to ex;>enJ ten millions of her peoples money for tlie poor privilege of becoming a “mere watering place* upon the great thoroughfare to the proud metropolis of a rival State. The South HVatorii Kttil Iton.L We ob* rve in the MtlledgevHle Re colder of theSOth ult , an elaborate article upon the above subject, which, from the ability of its reasoning and the valuable collec tion of I nets which it contains, we inter is from the pen ol the Hull. Bkatom (-HA nil and. We regret thru we have not room for th** whole if ih.s valuable paper; for its displays runaikebJe unfunny uid tuciiiucy on the part of the writer. Many of his slat* merits m legard to distances, u \ eginphy Ac, hate wiihin a I* w days been tested by a competent e< ;pa of Fngim rra and prov ed, by the instruments, iu nearly every instance to be c uieet. The uport of tl r miuy is now in pros and wiiibe ready lor delivery in the nuttc ol ukw days ‘The route via Fort Volley, Traveller's Rest and Fund town to Foil (laities hash* n th. i uglily examined and found to he extremely favorable for the leeatu ii cf a road. It approaches within about -171 miles of Colum* boson IN'* in les ol Eulaultt Alabama. The average cost ol grading per mile Utween Macon ami Fort Games will be only $1,158. To this must be added for iron, sf.y S3,‘JU) per mile, und for (superstructure $1,741. ’] he t< ti.l cost oi file road to Fort Games, a distanee of 1 io miles, including, grading, superstruc ture, iron, right of way, depots, cars. fixtuH s, machine shops and every thingct nipfetc, is put down tit $1,772* $64, or an average ofsl2,f>rfi per mile. Il th** Flintye rail, ut 40 tors to the mile,ia adopted the total cost would be $1563,010, or $11.178 per mile, and il n lighter lion (say 32 tons to the mile, the same as on tin* Central road ahouhf he selected lb** entire cost wottld l*e $1,100,210. or Alo.fiU per mile. Th** report in question is very tu!| and very comprehensive a* fin* intelli gent Logins er t. nd hisrbie usHstants have been at. ceedingly minute in tli*ir surveys an*! calculations. In addition to tbe above estimate* they give the probable cost *>f branch** to Golitmt*;*.and Albany In regard to busineas and in cotue of tU and port is exceedingly full and satisfactory. \v * J room for the reasoning and must Com m *’ merely presenting lhe concltiaions „t ‘<l comb strived niter the meet tint o ,at t ctl ‘*• estimates based upon the crimd prod’’ 1 "" 1 * 1 U et.umiy slit w dint the road will ctinv * I tons 50,3*5.954 lbs,, or 71,265 hales 0 ( 1 ‘1 be proximity ol the lire to ore ,| ‘ producing .(gluts r,| AitUma ir.ducts !l, 1 lhatnt bust lO.UA) bales will | e obis ins di’ C “ ,qi J util places contiguous, thusgivjno ‘""'-J ulo.te 100,000 bales. Hy , ht! ‘<*l >J ern roads it baa been found that tbe retu I at least equal to those direct. T|„. i rßV| .|” eetmiati and upon the moat reasonable ba w “ I in the report at < IV J Adds total for freight I do. U. S. mail h.i'M Total Receipts Deduct cost of maiiitaiuancc uud wu4 ui( , ‘J*,’ ■ Total Annual Receipts. tlftjgfl !°‘ a littlc OV( ' r 10 P er cent, on theesu,,..,. / I entire work. We defy nny one, who ia not prejudiced I report m connection with the article h. Mr. (InxNTLANP, nnd not be convinerd T "*’ W B Western Rond .sotted the most p„ ‘* ‘I in Georgia, not only lor the public at !“' £ “""tl suckho deis. The only ddlcieuce ‘" l ’ I gaid to the route to be puisued. The lit, I was terminated nt Fort Gaines, nj■ point equi-distant between that p| ace would he more eligible ; while .Mr (j, “ * to favour n route still further south in the t* Mb M k ßt j The Mgac.ty o, that gentle,ill and tins kind will certainly emit le his opi„i olls consideration mul wc tms, that he may yet, I a position where his views and the force oi I ’ .‘"fl may be tel,. We sincerely trust that, w tala lure act wtsely m this matter or not „ “■ gerly taken hold of by such gentlemen as Mm'S la no, men ol intelligence, energy, publ.c . 1 pecuniary menus—men whose views are no, ■ ed, who think nnd act nnd lee I lor the iuture.-M the piesc-M. This opening of a conuiim,,.,, J the Gull through South W eatern Oeoi r . J idea. It appeals that twenty years ago „ ... ■ ed to Governor Foisyth by Mr. Granilsndtad! I quest embodied in his annual message to ti,, |_J lure. The introduefon of rail roads lias „ IMe ble to accomplish with a lew hundred wliat would then have cost us many million,’ J. ■ deed gratilying to find that this important attracted the attention of men of enlarge.! i ni ,| I F‘ r,s °* ,ht- State and that now nothing b, and action seem requisite, on the pan „| S more immediately interested, to insure cess. I Mr. Clay’s Speech. Our general sentiments in regard to this grea: J are pretty fully expressed in the subjoined exxclj an article in the Savannah Republican Jjl j agree with Mr. Clay, in regard to demanJiv M l ! demnity from Mexico, for the expenses of ihriM w hile at the same time we are opposed to riu-a J 1 tion, either by purchase or conquest, of any cm J ble portion of her territory. It is idle to say, : J country will spend millions of dollars waging a r.M sive war, and yet not demand indeniity ,t I**9 idle to say, that Mexico has nothing with whir. 9 us, except territory. She has her mines, herc9 1 her wealthy cities and her landed estates I- .9 not make peace upon proper terms, and wi*h 9 guarantees—if she prefers to continue the war .1 j gress order Gen. Scott, to levy contribution.'a*9 not only to the expenses of the war, but to cies of the past. Had the American Army ontikl ture of the Capitol, demanded a million and a nail stead of one hundred and fifty thousand had a similar course been pursued at Matamo.-s 9 terev. \ era Cruz, Puebla, and all other towns, *9 ot peace in Mexico, would have been ten-iou:9 numerous than they now are. I As the war has been hitherto conducted, it mi an absolute speculation on the part ot Mexico J of feeling it as burthen, instead ol suffering destruction ol property, and a3 Mr. Clay says :| burning of her cities, her people ate ahaolurr J ing wealthy, at the expense of the people ot taria States. This is the concurrent testimony offlinl telligent officer with whom we have coovewd :■ man ol them expresses unlicsitatingiy theopiMcl the Mexicans are opposed to terminating: ml cause they are making money out of it. A ngi-l tein of contributions would change this stile oi kJ and tlie income from this source, aJded lotkioJ Customs and from the landed estates gen*7i:H J in time, afford us at least a partial indemnity— <’Ffil would lie infinitely more valuable to our peope.l would !*e the whole territory of Mexico, with Mil ly population of Spaniards, Indians,and free!J ‘I he views of Mr. Clay upon the abstract % J war, and in regard tothe origin and progress present war as well as the duties of Congress, art J and Statesman like ; but the evil is upon us, J must do the best we can under the circuinstancl give up all idea of indemnity would be loadopttxl trine ot Mr Folk himself, and stultify not only ufifl idem and his party, but the nation. It woulJym knowedgim-nt that the Whigs themselves, carrying on a war which they knew to be o,J iniquitous. I in regard to Slavery, it is out of the quetfjtw to approve of the sentiments expressed by )!:■ 1 says too much in Ins speech, and not enoc. resolutions His Jeremiad upon the evils or not only unjust to th<*s*‘ who are connect*’ > *’ stitution, but, it subjects hup to tlie •Htfpic.oi: . .fl tor the Fresidency, and of courting s cuoiiai Tlie declaration that w ar should not b* p IK'C-9 the purpose of propagating slavery, may be true of nineteen tweentieths of the but it is eqiinny true, that it territory is sequel nine hundtedtlis of our people would, re/y F'K® sist by force ot arms, if nee >ssnry, any rest: would pi event them from carrying tnith-r property. Upon this point, we reg rat tu VI i Clay is Rdent. What iiis motives forth* may !>e, it not for us to determine. W ith we conclude, by presenting to our readers from the article in the Republican, before lS® The intelligent Editor, says: ft “ With his view's upon the Slavery \ courw* • ninot coneur, nor could Ii ■ ft u-'-.. * lus Irieuds in lte South would approve ul ***>■ : ments ns those set forth in lus speech on ths We regret their introduction as a nccJ.c# ‘•pon an Institution, the undisturb <1 1 protaction of which he himself admits to b< * duty We entertain not the slightest id** °^ r 9 being considered a Presidential candidate. * ■ t>e pained to believe that he was to be draw) ■ peaceful retirement to undergo the ordeal and 1 n canvass Such a course would be unjust on t®* r s his friends, and unwise on his own.” I “ The suggestions of so old and honorr*d a must, however, deeply impress the public ,ltt nerve the respectful notice of the pies*. H 1 * of tile Constitution, touching the rasp***’ ll '” r ofCongraiM with reference to the war-u*' , ‘* 13 ' , u9 most masterly and conclusive. ( )i the iiterxn - the sp-’eeh there can fe* but one opinion. U l,l Cm piece of the kind, replete with beauties ol W diction, fill**l with flashes of lofty, indignsnt k and worthy, in fine, of the fame of Henry t “ Regarding this as his farewell addrN* ■■ rienn people, whom f* lias served ■“> long* ‘ we trust that he may be permitted to < V') ondexemption Irom partisan ah i**, l ”’ * days, wlifi h Ins signs 1 service* t • th* lion*rahly entitled him to claim af di*’ *** friend foe.*’ B The lliiU*e of Lord** ■ ■Jltf. nlilor 111 ike AtUnt B*** le ‘ * ,1 jii h in. il iedr™th cfW" ll,r,l ' < I wr rri.lilly illudrd ill nnr i l i ui Hi*pur|H*r m-iiiiii Iu Ir tl in k'* ■^ ll ’ * 11 tion 11 tin’ G qi.liilurr and iu oiHh - jg l*iivy I'mn.cil, or intlicr ctkin** 01,111 1 (B ti lull toiy Ki'Kl'cti prlncipk 1 - ronwnd* ilml uiid.'i our c "*‘ ‘ ( |, ( ilu’ fm/wliir mil u, not |'< |.<'rly r> j> r *” *' r loro pi|ii w* ill olli-ot to drlty * county ri |ito*> iitniivr* by otu** l| it * 01*1 111 ki t 1... idiiill Ik- worth'll 1 ™ ,n * j, diw qilop/iur ncrlltnr, ol rdwhi'thor tlieluroroil Jo iirfl lonu mid plqij'orfd |Jnt*looir ” il. ) ■ ink’ II 11, 111 III* A than* junto or ” “!.*L Hi > ll 'ft * loriod ptu ntlu Irom ilio runku t rho ). nng i>*moriiirv Thw ‘“^ n ft nuiv quoation* whkdt wo think 1 H