Newspaper Page Text
Gen. Taylor’s Nrroint Letter to t'apt. Allison*
East Pascagoula, Sept. 4,1848.
Dear Sir —On the 22nd day of May last, I addressed
you a letter explaining my views in regard to various
matters of public policy, lest my fello v-citizens might
be milled by the many contradictory and conflicting
statements in respect to them which appeared in the
jourHß : s of the day and were circulated throughout the
coantry. 1 now find myself misrepresented and mis
nnderstood upon another point, of such importance to
myself personally, ifnot to the country at large, as to
claim from me a candid and connected exposition of my
relations to the public in regard to the pending presiden
tial canvass.
The utmost ingenuity has been expended upon sev
eral letters and detached sentences of letters, which
have recently appeared over my signature, to show
that I occupy an equivocal attitude towards the various
parties into which the people are divided, and especial
ly towards the Whig party as represented by the Na
tional Convention which assembled in Philadelphia in
June last. Had these letters and scraps of letters been
published or construed in connection with wliat I have
heretofore said on this subject, I should not now have
to complain of the speed with which my answers to is
olated questions have been given up to the captious crit
icism of those who have been made my enemies by a
nomination which has been tendered to me without so
licitation or arrangement of mine; or of the manner!
in which selected passages in some of my letters writ- j
ten in the freedom and carleseness of a confidential co- :
respondence, have been commenicated to the public |
press But riven from the context, and separated from j
a senes of explanatory facts and circumstances which (
are, in so far as this canvass is concerned, historical, ;
they are as deceptive as though they were positive fabri- j
ications. I address you this letter to correct the injus- (
tice that ha- been done me, and the public to the ex
tent that I am an object of interest to them, by this
illiberal process.
I shall not weary you by an elaborate recital of every
incident connected with the first presentation of my
name as a candi late for the Presidency. I was then at
the head of the American army in the valley of the
Rio Grande. I was surrounded by the Whigs and Dem
ocrats who stood by me in the trying hours of my life,
and whom it was my destiny to conduct t : rough scenes
of still greater trial. My duty to that army and to the
Republic whose battles we were waging, forbade my
assuming a position of seeming hostility to any portion
ofthe biave men under my command—ali of whom
knew I was a Whig in principle, for I made no con
cealment of my political sentiments or predilections.
Such has been the violence of the party struggles dur
our late presidential elections, that the acceptance of
a nomination under the various interpretations given
to the obligations of a candidute presented to the pub
lc with a formulary of political principles, was equiva
lent almost to a declaration of uncompromising enmi
ty to all who did not subscribe to its tenents. 1 was un
willing to hazard the effect of such relationship to
wards any ot the soldiers under my command when in
front of an enemy common to us all. It would have
been unjust in itself, and it was as repugnant to my
own feeling as it was to my duty. 1 wanted unity in
in the army, and forbore any act that might sow the
seeds of distrust and discord in its ranks. 1 have not
my letters written at the time before me, but they are
all ot one import, and in conformity with the views
herein expressed.
Meanwhile I was solicited by my personal friends
and by strangers, by Whigs and Democrats, to consent
to become a candidate. I was nominated by the peo
ple in primary assemblies—by Whigs, Democrats and
Natives, in separate and mixed meetings. I resisted
them all, and continued to do so till led to beiieve that
my opposition was assuming the aspect ot a defiance
of the popular wishes. I yielded only when it looked
like presumption to resist longer, and even then I should
not have done so had not the nomination been present
ed to >re in a form unlikely to awaken acrimony or
reproduce the bitterness of feeling which at
tends popular elections. 1 say it in sincerity
and truth that a part ofthe inducement to my consent
was the hope that by going into the canvass it would be
conducted with candor if not with kindness. It has been
no fault of mine that this anticipation improved a vain
one.
After I permitted myself to be announced for the
Presidency,under the circumstances above noticed, 1 i
accepted nomination after nomination in the spirit in j
w men they were tendered. They were made irrespec
tive ot'partie,and so acknowledged. Noone who joined i
in those nominations could have lieen deceived as to
i.iy political views. From the beginning till now Ii
have declared myseliio.be a Whig on all proper occa
sions. With this distinct avowal published to the world
1 did not think that I had a right to repel {nomina
tions from political opponents any more than l had a
right to refuse the vote of a Democrat at the polls ; and .
I proclaimed it abroad that I should not reject the prof
sered support of any body of my fellow-citizens. This
was my position when in November last 1 returned to
the United States; long before either oftfie great dtvis .
ion of the people had held a national convention,and j
when it was thought doubtful it one of them would hold ,
any. ■
Mattere stood in this attitude till spring, when there
were so many statements in circulation concerning my
view’s upon questions of national policy, that 1 fell
constrained to correct the errors into which the public
mind was falling by a more explicit enunciation of
principles, which 1 did in my teller to you in April last.
That letter, and the lacts which I have detailed asbriel
ly as a proper understanding of them would permit, de
veloped my whole position in relation to the Presiden
cy at the time.
The Democratic Convention met in May, and com
posed their ticketto suit them. This they had aright
to do. The national Whig Convention met m
June and selected me as their candidate. I accepted
the nomination with gratitude and with pride. I was
proud of the confidence of such a body of men repre
senting such a constituency as the Whig parly ot ihe
United States, a manifestation the more grateful be
cause it was not cumbered with exactions incompati
ble with the dignity of the Presidential office,and the
responsibilities of its incumbent to the whole people of
tire nation. Andi may add, that these emotions were
increased by associating my name with that of the dis
tinmnshed citizen ot New-York, whose acknowledged
abilities and sound conservative opinions might have
justly entitled him to the first place on the ticket.
J Tne contention adopted me as it found me—a
Whig—decided but not ultra in my opinions ; and I
would be without excuse if I were to shift the rela
noushipa which subsisted at the time. They took me
with the declaration of principles I had published to
the world, and 1 would be without defence if I were to
say or do any thing to impair the force ot that dec-
said that I would accept a nomination fYqtn
Democrats; but in so doing I would not abate one jot
or ti< tie of my opinions as written down. Such a nom
ination, as indicating a coincidence of opinion on the j
part of those making it, should not be regarded with
disfavor ‘y those who think with me ; as a compliment,
personal to mvself, it should not be expected that 1
would repulse them with insult. I shall not modify ray
views to entice them to my side : I shall not rejeettheir
aid when they join my friends yohsntanjy.
1 h- ve said 1 was not a party candidate, nor am I in
that straightened and sectarian sense which would pre
vent my being the President of the whole people, in
cas” oi riry election. 1 did not regard myselfasone be
fore the convention met, and that body did not seek to
make me different from what I was. They did not
fetter me down to a series of pledges which were to be
ati iron rule of action in all, and in despite of all, the
contingencies that might arise ill the course of a presi
dential term. lam not engaged'to lay violent hands in
discriminately upon public officers, good or bad, who
may differ in opinion with me. I am not expected to
force Coil great, by the coercion ofthe veto, to jiass laws
to suit me or pass none. This is what I mean by not
being a party candidate. And I understand this is good
Whig docrine —I would not be a partisan President
and hence, should not be a party candidate in the
sense that would make one. This the sum and sub-
Ptance of my meaning, and this is the purport of the
facts and circumstances attending my nomination. when
considered in their connection with, and dependence
upon, one another.
1 reier all persons who are anxious on the subject, to
this statement for the proper understanding of my posi
tion towards the Presidency and the people. It it is
not intelligible, 1 cannotmakc it so,ami shall cease to
21 Blinking leave of the subject, I have only to add,
that my two letters to you embrace ail the topics l de
sigii to speak of pending this canvass. If lam elected
I shall do all that an honest zeal may effect to cement
the bondsjol our Union and establish the happiness of
my countrymen upon on enduring b sis
/j. lAYI iU Iv.
To Cnpt. J. S. Allison,
tieuerai Jackson’s Opinion.
That GeneralTnylor is perfectly right and consist
ent in the position assumed in these letters will appear
iroin the following,
Extract of a letter written by-Gen. Jackson, November
12, 1816— to James Monroe, President of the United
States.
“ Everything depends on the selection— party anti
party feeling should be avoided. Now is the time to
exterminate that monster party spirit. By selecting
characters most conspicuous for their probity, virtue,
capacity and firmness without regard to party you
will go far to eradicate those feelings which on former
oceU'.ons, threw so many obstac'es in the way of gov
ernmi-nt, and perhaps have the pleasure an ! honor
of uniting people heretofore politically divided.
The chief magistrate of a great and powerful
.nation, should never indulge in party feeling. His
conduct should be liberal and disinterested, always
bearing in mind that he aets j'or the whole and not a
part of the community. By this course you will exalt
the.national charcler and acquire for yoursejl a name as
imperishable as monumental marble, boiisuit nopflrtt/
in yotlr choree ; parsue the. dictates of that unerring
indemem-which hasso long and so often Lenehtted
iur country, anti rendered conspicuous its rulers.—
These are t& sen! iuretys of a Iriend ; <htw are the feel
ings, H'l -know-toy own be'arr, of an. undUsembled pa-
ABot y' >. ; ■ ‘ - r ’ ‘ . .. ” .
.-’ ■ - .
MACON, GEORGIA.
WEDNESDAY, SEPT. 20, 1848.
For President of ihe United States:
ZACIIARY TAYLOR,
OF LOUISIANA.
For Vice President :
MILLARD FILLMORE,
OF NEW YORK.
Electors for the State at Large.
DR. WILLIAM TERRELL,
HON. SEATON GRANTLAND.
Electors.
First District —Hamilton W. Sharpe.
Second District —Wi, 11. Crawford.
Third District — Anderson Redding.
Fourth District —William Mosely.
Fifth District — Warren Aiken.
Sixth District —Asbury Hull.
Seventh District — Yelverton P. King.
Eighth District —George Stapleton.
WHIG NOMINATIONS FOR CONGRESS.
FIRST DISTRICT,
THOMAS BUTLER KING.
SECOND DISTRICT,
JAMES S. CALHOUN.
THIRD DISTRICT,
ALLEN F. OWEN.
FOURTH DISTRICT,
JOHN N. WILLIAMSON.
FIFTH DISTRICT,
JAMES M. CALHOUN.
SIXTH DISTRICT,
JAMES W. HARRIS.
SEVENTH DISTRICT.
ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS.
EIGHTH DISTRICT.
ROBERT TOOMBS
KFF ‘or a most interesting collection of testimony
in favour of Gen. Taylor, please see first page.
Macon Cotton Market.
The Telgraphic accounts of the Hews by the Steam
er show no material change in the Foreign Markets.
Prices of Cotton in Liverpool remained firm, and
irion ey was lather easy, while the Manufacturer hoped
for increased sales.
We therefore quote the Macon Market ns without
change—perhaps a little firmer—prices ranging from
41 to 5f cents.
Cotton Crop of 1847 and 1848.
The following summary from the official New-York
Annum Statement, shows the receipts of the Cotton
crop at the several ports in the United States for the
years 1848 and 1847.
1848. 1847.
New Orleans, 1,190,733 705,979
Mobile, 436,330 343,462
Fiorffia. 153,776 127,852
Texas, 39,742 8,317
Georgia, 254.825 242,789
South Carolina, 261,752 350,200
North Carolina, 1,518 6,061
Virginia, 8,952 . 13,991
Total Bales, 2,347,634 1,778,651
Large Quinces.
We have been shown by W.R. Miller Esq. a cou“
pie of Quinces grown at his plantation, seven miles
north of Knoxville, in Craw ford county, which are al
most as great a curiosity as the mammoth squash itself-
These quiuces measured, one 13 and the other 13f in
ches in circumference and one weighed 17 and the oth
er 19 ounces. Mr. Miller says that these were probably
the largest that grew in his garden; butt’jiat several oth
ers weighed over a pound and that marly the entire
crop approximated closely to that size. If any body
can beat this we would be pleaded to hear from them.
* Melancholy’ Accident.
On Friday morning last, the Locomotive ofthe pas
senger train on the Central Rail Knad, ran off the
track about six miles below this city. One of the fire
men was somewhat injured. A passenger by the name
of Lane, residing at the eighty mile station, i.n running
to his assistance,stumbled and fell, striking hisr breast
against a piece of timber. He rose and wen * rnto the
car, but it seems that a blood vessel had been ru utured
internally’ and he expired in a short time.
The Prospect before us.
“ The late news from the North plainly indicates,
that the contest is narrowed down to Cass and Van b u
ren. Ihe signs of the times are too significant an and
too obvious to be mistaken, even by the least observing.* *
The foregoing are the two first sentences of a par
agraph contained in the lust Telegraph. Our neigh
bour must either have been asleep himself or suppos
ed his readers to be so. Has he read the glorious
news from Maine and Vermont? Has he ascertained
that the Democratic Party of those States is virtually
dissolved and that its members are going over to Van
Buren by scores, by hundreds and thouaands ? Is he
aware that the result of the late elections shew the
Taylor party of New’ England, to be even stronger
than the late Whig Party and that it is carrying eve
ry thing before it! Is our neighbor aware of these facts
or is he actually, at heart, rejoicing over the probable
defeat of Mr. Cass ?
Glorious Whig Victories.
We last week announced that Vermont had rolled
up ati increased majority for Old Zac. We have now’
the pleasure of announcing a similar victory in the
strong Democratic state of Maine. The Taylor men
have gained one member ot Congress and defeated the
election ofthe Democratic Governor by the people !
This in a State where the Cass men expected to have
a majority often thousand—at least’” glory enough for
one day.”
The .Earthquakes.
It is said that the people of New York, New Brigh
ton, Brooklyn and other places were recently much
alarmed by what was supposed to be a violent shock ol
an Earthquake. It turns out however, that the whole
matter was nothing more :nan the downfall ofthe
rotten fabric of Cassism in Vermont and Maine. It
is said that the shock was so violent as to demolish
every thing except the genuine Taylor phalanx. We
understand that the whole Cass party in both States
were knocked into a state of insensibility and w’oke
up out and out free sail men ! Their first inquiry
was whether “the earthquake had done much dam
age and whether the lightning had struck any body
but Lewis Cass.”
Congressional Election.
We trust that in their zeal for Gen. Taylor, our
friends in Georgia may not forget the congressional
election which takes piace on next Monday week,
the 2d day of October. What will we profit if we
should elect Gen. Taylor and yet allow his enemies
to have a majority in Congress? Lei every Taylor
man therefore remember that more depends upon the
congressional, than upon the Presidential election.
If we are defeated in October, it will require un
usual ellort to carry the State in November. On the
other hand, if we come up properly to our work,
elect six members of Congress and cast a popular ma
jority of 3,00 u to 5,000 votes, w e will have an easy vic
tory in November, and besides will encourage the
friends of the old Hero in other States. “Up then
and at them.”
The enemy are active. They are tightening the
■parv screws—their vigilence committees are watch,
ing their men by night and by day, their secret cir
culars have already been issued and they confidently
expeet to catch the Tayior-men asleep. Shall we
allow them to do so? GoJ forbid. Then let every
man be up and doing. Now is the time to work ear
nestly, actively, successfully.
Our friends in the 2nd,3rd and 4th Districts arees
pecially exhorted to be up and doing. These districts
constitute the battle field and it is here especially that
vigilance and activity will tell most oil the great result.
We have the enemy fairly in our power and if every
Taylor man in those Districts will only work from now
to the election,the result will be a glorious triumph so.
tiie country and the Old Hero of Buenu Vista. Wake
up then ! Wake up.and go to work!
Northern Democrats and Abolitionists.
The Vermont and Maine Elections prove one thing
beyond all question, viz : that the Northern Whigs are
resolved to stand firmly by the banner of Old Zac and
Reform, while the Democratic Party is dissolved and
virtually merged in the Free Soil and Abolition parties
What an inglorious end for the boasted Democratic al
lies ! What say tlie Democracy of Georgia now ? The-
Northern Whigs so long and so grossly abused by them
are firmly standing by the Sugar planter of Louisiana,
while the Northern Democrats have turned Abolition
ists and.Free-soiieis. Tell it not in Gath ! No won
der that the Georgia Barburners, Cobb, Lumpkin, Iver
son, &. Cos have been for years engaged in preparing
the public mind for this result, by voting tor the Wil
inot Proviso themselves, and advising Mr. Polk to give
it his official sanction !
- t
f
Mr. Stephens—The Seventh District. I
•We regret to learn that after coming as far as Gris- j
fin, on his way to attend his appointments in Wilkin- I
son county, Mr. Stephens was compelled to desist and
return home. His hand had grown extremely painful,!,
and tlie general debility of his system increased to such .
an extent, that it was thought advisable by his Pbysi
c ansthathe should abandon all idea ol engaging in tlie j
excitement and fatigues of the campaign. His ap- ,
pointuneut at Gordon yesterday, was tilled by Mr. Nis-
cet, and we understand that Mr. Toombs has kindly
consented to meet the people of Wilkinson in his be
half at Irwin ton, and at least at one other place.
To the Taylor men of the Seventh District, we need*
scutcely say one word under the circumstances. Their r
immediate leader has been ruthlessly cut down, but
“ Old Zac” is still in the field. Need we ask if they j.
will abandon the glorious standard that has so often
waved over them in triumph? We know they will
not. Every Taylor man in the District should make it
a personal matter not only to vote .himself, but isecure
the vote of every generous hearted Democrat in the
District, for their taithful but unfortunate Representa
tive, whose services demand respect, and whose wounds j<
“ speak trumpet-tongued” in his behalf.
The Georgia liarnburuers.
One would infer from the “ noise and confusion ” •
which pervade the Cass ranks in Georgia in regard
to tlie vote of Mr. Stephens on the Territorial Bili,tht .t
they themselves were “ like Ceasar’s wife, above siti
picionf Their orators denounce Stephens and Toombs ,
but never once tell the people that their own men have 1
been standing “cheek by jowl” with tlie Barnburners; .
nay more, that they have been acting, counselling and j
Voting with them. j
Mr. Cobb has voted for the Wilmot Proviso.
Mr. Lumpkin has voted lor the Wilmot Proviso.
Mr. Chappell has voted for the Wilmot Proviso
Mr. Seaborn Jones voted for the Wihnot Proviso.
Mr. Polk signed the Wilmot Proviso, and Mr.
Iverson boasts that he advised him to do so; and yet
these men a and their followers and supporter- are the
denouncetsol Messrs. Stephens and Toombs, beeause
they voted against a Bill that contained this same
Wilmot Proviso, and that abandoned the rights of the
South 10 R court which would most certainly have de
ided the questinn against us ! They are lustily cry
ing “stop thief” merely for the purpose of attracting, the
attention ol the honest people from thetr own c induct
and the rottenness of the : r candidate for the Presiden
cy. Is this a safe question upon which todeeieve the
Southern people ? Do our opponents act honest ly
when they refuse even to let their people know the fac.t,
that Mr. Polk has betrayed their rights and that Gett •
Cass proposes to leave the question of slavery to ihe
free negroes, mulattoes and Mexicans, who inhabit
the conquered territories ? We ask the honest voters
to be cautious how they place reliance upon the mere 1
cry of party which is carrying them on blindly into the
support of men who are, according to tlie testi
mony of the more honest, of their own men, unsafe amj
unsound upon the subject of slavery. Let them rer.d
what Mr. Moses ot Florida, says of Gen. Cass— let
thernexamine honestly into his position—let them pe
ruse his Nicholson letter, in which he acknowledges
that his plan effectually prevents Southern men from
establishing slavery in New Mexico—let them re ad his
declaration recently made in private conversations with
the Editor of the Plain Dealer, and then say, if, as hon
est men they can support him in preference to the old
Planter of Louisiana ? They cannot, they will not
do it.
Mr. Toombs and the Telegraph.
Our cotemporary of the Telegraph has not touched
the points made by Mr. Toombs in His Houston speech.
Mr. T. was not discussing the powers of Congress a?
all. He was exposing the rottenness of the Cass plat
form. He assumed the following positions.
1. That Gen. Cass was in favor ofleaving the ques
tion of slavery in the Territories of California and New
Mexico to the people of tiiose Territories in their unor
ganized capacities, and contended that they were ■as
capable to settle it as the people of the States.
2. That Gen. Cass held that this was just as curtain
a mode oi excluding slavery from those Territories as
the Wilmot Proviso itself, because the question vuoukl
be left to a population nine-tenths of whom ar c ne~
groes !
Mr. Toombs held that this was the doctrine advo
cated by Gen. Cass, and that it was infinitely more
tdmoxious to the people ofthe South and more dan {rer
uns to Southern rights than even the Wilmot Proviso
Usolf. He contended, if properly understood byr the
p eople, that Gen. Cass could not muster a corporal’s
gL ’ard in Georgia. It was upon this point, am I this
alo ue, that he quoted the Telegraph, and we do Jiink
that the quotation was full, lair, and complete. It em
brace, 3 everything that was tgerniain] to the point at
issue, anti we beg leave to republish it in order tin it our
readers • may judge tor themselves. It is as folloivs:
“Our denial of the right of the Territories to res
trict orp.-ohibit Slavery, is predicated upon the foot that
they do n iu their unorganic state, constitute a jrnliti
cal body at ali, and can exercise no other or higher pow
er than Con The idea advanced by some, of the
inherent rig. ht of the people oi the Territories to ex-i
elude Slavery ,while they are Territories,runs into down- 1
right absurdit y. It is true that there is an inherent right
jn every peoph * constituting a political body.to make their
own election w “ith respect to Slavery,to Marriage,or any
other domestic institution ; but tiie people ol a Territo
ry have no sucti right —because they are not, properly
considered, api ‘litical body. If the people of tlie Ter
ritories had thi * inherent right >of self-government,
heir law 9 would , i°t be subject to the revision of Cos ti
gress—because tilt moment you admit this right ol .re
vision by Congress, y° u demolish them as a politi-.-nj
society having the rig ht of self-government. If C< in
gress has the power of changing, revising, or repeal; ng
any law enacted by a Territorial Legislature, (and we
believe this will not be den. e d,) it is difficult to conceive
how the people of a Terri to. T caa exercise any ot'uer,
or higher power than Congress. Again, how ct .n a
right he inherent which is subject to be provided Id r by
a higher authority ? If Congrats, then, having the ex
clusive right to legislate for a Territory—to ultet , or
annul, and revise all laws passed by a Territorial g ov
emnient, —lias no right to prohibit c£lavery in the T er~
ritories —iiow can the people in their unorganic sti te„
who can exercise no power but by the kJoncurreiico o.f
Congress, prohibit Slavery? We contend that this;
doctrine of inherent right in the people of the Te.-rito- )
lies, instead of being the safest for the people of tbe /
South, as some Editors are persuading them, is quite a* 3 f
dangerous as the unlimited control claimed for Con
gressover the subject,by Van Buren and John P. Hade, i
For who cannot see that ii this difficulty is to be met in |
this way, it is no longer a difficulty to Northern Pro- |
visoits. We doubt if Gerrit Smith himself would def
mur to this course—for nine-tenths ofthe population of ;
this new territory is of such a character as to make i t >■
as certain that Slavery would be excluded if left to them
as it would be if leftto Garrison and his friends hi |
their own precinct.”
We cotik-ss ourselves wholly at a loss to understand
how there can be any unfairness in this quotation. To
our mind it covers tlie whole question. It is as clear aa
it is conclusive. It points evidently at the doctrine j
advocated by Gen. Cass and declares it to be such
even Giddings, Garrison and Garrett Smith might
sustain with propriety and confident assurance of suc
cess. Haw our cotemporary entertaining such vie’vs
can support Gen. Cass, is a mystery beyond cornmrvjc
comprehension.
A Whig Lie.
A good Democrat accosted us the other day to kne w
if we could prove that Mr. Polk had actually siguec! a
Bill containing the Wilmot Proviso. He suid he Ii id
heard of it but as he could’nt find any thing about it in
his own papers he had concluded it must be a “ in tig
lie !'•
Wreferred him to live documents and he left “grit
ting his teeth” andexc aiming “sold to the Abolitionists
by ” I’ll have nothing to do with this bargain str
long as Old Zac livPs,”
The Atlanta Convention.
Tlie brief hut comprehensive account of the great
Mass Meeting at Atlanta, furnished by a friend, will 1
give a very correct idea of the extent and enthusiasm
of the assembled multitude. The estimate ot the nuns
bers is moderate, especially if we lake the Democratic
estimate at the Stone Mountain as the standard. Tq
the two Conventions tit the Mountain viz : tlie Demo
cratic and Agricultural, the Railroads carried only
30U0 passengers, and yet the Democrats claimed to
have front 10 to 12.000 persons present. To the Whig
Convention alone, tlie Railroads carried 4000, viz ;
Macon &. Western 900, Georgia 1600, State Road
1500. Now it is reasonable to suppose that from one
half to two thirds of the Convention travelled by pri
vate conveyances. Cobb county for instance, had over
000 Delegates,not 200 of whom came by Railroad. So
too of twelve or fifteen populous counties contiguous to
Atlanta. Hence we conclude, that the estimate given
is not extravagant, and that there were at least Ten
Thousand Taylor men in eouncil in Atlanta.
The most gratifying feature of the meeting was that
so large a proportion of the Delegates were tioni Cher
okee. Murray for instance, sent down 370 “ Gatue
Endeis” —real hard-fisted Republicans—who with their
-19 banners, made a most imposing appearance. Cobb
sent down 600 gallant fellows, Floyd 264, and other
counties were represented ia like proportion. Floyd
took the Banner, and we have no doubt will rally under
ns folds in November, a majority of at least 100 for
Old Zac. Let the Whigs of every other county in the
Slate “ go and do likewise.”
Mr. Cone’s Letter.
The friends of Mr. Stephens could certainly desire
no greater punishment to be inflicted upon Judge Cone
than simply the publication of Ins own letter, which we
copy from the Augusta Constitutionalist. That pub
lication having been made, we trust the whole matter
may be left to the good sense and discrimination of an
intelligent and right ly judging public. It needs no
condemnation of Courts and Juries, no power ot bars
and bolts to punish the perpetrator of such an act. He
confesses that bis own conscience condemns him, and
hat is surely punishment enough lor any mail to uti
deigo.
It appearshowever from this letter, that Judge Cone ia
anxious to shift the responsibility ofthe deed. He
shows that after writing Mr. Stephens the note he be
came apprehensive that he might have to meet that
gentleman upon an open field where they would both
be placed upon an equal footing. It appears tliat he
followed him to Macon and Forsyth for the purpose oi
a personal meeting, and that be w as deterred at the lat
ter place, because of the crowd, from seeking the in
terview. It appeal’s that lie then repaired to Atlanta,
where he knew Mr. Stephens would be on Sunday,
raid that he there laid in wait for his victim for twen- 1
t y-four hours. It further appears that under the advice ;
of his friends, Mr. Cone accosted Mr. Stephens in the 1
i Danner described in h;8 letter. It must be plain to any ,
i aan o f common sense, that the. sole object of Mr. Cone
was most grossly to insult and it he
t esented it to take advantage ol his personal weakness.
* f'o and > this, Cone, a*man weighing nearly if not quite,
*. Kit) pouucs, arms himself with a weapon of death, and
yet gravely tells the public, that he had no design of
using it, except in self-defence! Although he soys, that
certain indescribable feeling* came over him, so that
lie knew not what he was doing ; yet he is particular
to state tiiat after tlie blow’ was given him by Stephens,
be drew five knile from his pocket, tyc. Mr. Cone’s
recollection seems to be remarkable for a man who de
clares himself frenzied with madness. The truth of
this whole matter may perhcjtsbc learned from others,
who were decidedly cooler on the occasion than Mr.
Cone. It is said, that the knife was not in his/xfolei but
iu his umbrella, that it was not shut but open in his
hand, ready to return the blow which he intended to
provoke. Such we have no doubt would be the testi
mony if it was thought worth while to pursue Mr.
Cone to conviction. That gentleman however has
shifted the responsibility ot His conduct upon bis friends-
If has resolve and to make it a political.issue, and we see
that his allies of the press, with few exceptions, through
out the State, are opening the way for his advocacy.
Be it so so. They have assumed a fearful responsibil
ity—one Which the better part of their own friends will
refuse to sustain them in, and one which good men of
all parties will regard as alike dishonorable to them, and
fatal to their cause.
The Second District.
One of the most interesting contests in the State is]
that now pending between the Congressional candidates
in the Second District, in addition to the usual issues
between the friends of Taylor and Cass, the attention
of the voters is nuturally attracted to the relative mer
its, sei vices and qualifications of the candidates. Judge
Wellborn in 1844 was an advocate for the election of
Mr. Folk and the annexation ol Texas, and when told
that annexation would result in war, is said to have
proposed to do all the fighting, and pay all the expenses
of such a contest with a tew hundred dollars. Polk was
elected, war came, and the country has already been
saddled w ith a debt of nearly one hundred millions on
account of it. Bo much for the sagacity of Judge
Wellborn. If he was a false prophet—if he was a short
sighted statesman—in 1844, can he be a safe person at
this time to whom to entrust the interests of the people ?
Not only did Judge Wellborn prove himself to be short
sighted in regard to the war, but he failed to do the
fighting. Instead of rushing to the aid of the gallant
little army on tlie Rio Grande, the Judge turned his
lace towa/ds Europe, and spent nearly the whole peri
od of the war in wandering about from country tocoun
tr, accomplishing himself in the airs and graces of
Foreign courts, and speculating, if report be true, in
Parisian Boots!
How was it with his opponent? Coi. Calhoun, tlie
moment the war broke out, though comparatively a
poor man and advanced in years, rushed at once to the
rescue. He raised a company at a heavy expense and
went through all the toils of an arduous campaign iu
Mexico. While Judge Wellborn was perfuming him
self with pomatum, sporting hisParisia Boots and wri
ting letters of equivocal interest from Europe, Col. Cal
houn was trudging on toot through the swamps and
chapparals of Mexico insearch of the enemy. Not sat
isfied, like some other pseudo heroes we wot of, with a
single campaign, Col. Calhoun raised a Mounted Rcg
inent, returned to the seat of war, and continued to do
good service until the day that peace was proclaimed.
The people of the Second Districts are, we believe,
just and discriminating, and we are greatly m staken
it they do not show’ their proper appreciation of the rel
ative merits of their candidates. When there was ar
duous set vice to be performed—when there was danger
and death to be encountered, they knowjwho was ready
to.serve the country, and now when tlie honors are to be
awarded and the loaves and fishes are to be divided,
they will not be likely to forget the war-worn soldier,
or place the crown upon the head of one whose services
have been meusured by his own convenience.
As to capacity, Judge Wellborn has notone whit
the advantage, except as a speaker. In sagacity, in
dustry and all those qualifications necessary to make a
useful Representative, Col. Calhoun has infinitely th e
advantunge. As writers there is no comparison be
tween them. We ask any candid man to jieruse the
letters written by Judge Wellborn from Europe, and
those penned by Judge Calhoun, frequently upon tlie
drum-head in Mexico, and then say who wields the
readiest pen, and who would be most likely to sustain
himself among the distinguished men of the nation ?
We 3k no stronger evidence of Judge Wellborn's
want of sagacity, than the declaration which he is said
to have made in Houston, viz: ‘‘that Gen. Taylor had
no mure capacity for managing the civil affairs of ihe j
nation than afifteen year old hoy .“ If the Judge did
use such an expression or words ol similar import (and <
we are assured that lie did) he must either have lost his
mind or his candor, or have been originally deficient in
both. What new light broke in upon his vision in Eu- \
rope to enable him to set up his judgment against that of
such men as John C. Spencer, Jefferson Davis, Hum
phrey Marshall, Capt. Bragg, Father McElroy, Mr-
Wightman, and ofthe hundred9and thousauds who
have not only f been“ near the flushing ofthe guns” bu,
who have hail both the capacity to measure, and re
peated opjrortunitiesofmeasuring the length and breadth
and depth of General Taylor’s mind? Surely Judge
Wellborn could not have been serious in making such
a declaration. He must have forgotten himself for the
moment, or he would not so far have undervalued the
intelligence of his audience.
We have felt bound to say this much in regard to
this canvass not only because we deem it due to th e
eminent services sod worth of Col. Calhoun, but be
cause we have a large circulation in the Second Dis
trict, and deem it a duty to contribute our mite, how
ever small, towards the success of the meritorious and
deserving. Col. Calhoun ha 9as strong claims as
any man before the people of Georgia except Taylor
himself, and as he is one of Old Zac’s soldiers, as he
has been well trained by a goqd muster, we trust that
the friends'hi the Old Hero in the Second, may rally
w th energy, with union and firmness around his stan
dard and can y him through, as Taylor carried the flag
of his country in Mexico, in triumph.
Extraordinary Developments. j
Tlie friends of Gen. Cass at the South have openly
declared that he was pledged to veto any bill against
the extension of slavery. We deny the fact [and
challenge them to the proof. Gen. Cass has never made
any such pledge directly or indirectly. On the contra- j
ry, his Nicholson Letter proves conclusively that,
though lie may be opposed to the letter of the Willmot
Proviso, he is so,merely because he thinks that his oirn •
plan t is restricting slavery is more certain and effec
tual. The concluding part of that letter is nothing
more nor less than an elaborate argument toprove that
the leaving of the question to the people of the Terri
tories would be a virtual exclusion of the institution
of slavery. He declares that the people of the Territo
ry are as capable to judge - of the question as the people
of the States. He declares that being a colored race in
the proportion of nine blacks to one white. thev would
of course exclude slavery. This position of Gen. Cass
is maintained strongly by liis free soil supporters at the
North, ivho declare that he is a belter free soil man
than either Van Buren, or McLean. The Editor of
the Ohio Plain Dealer says, that from “frequent dt
clat\on” made by Gen. Cass in “private conversa j
tioifS,” with him, he knows him to be na” strongly ojrpos- i
ed to the extension of slavery ” as is the Editor himself
Gen. Cass when asked publicly to explain
liis true position upon this subject replied, that the j
“ noise and confusion which jtrtaded the timerti- !
My would prevent him from being heard.” He dodged !
it in public, but he was ready enough to avow his I
real opposition to the extension of slavery in “ private j
conversations” with his abolition friends ! Can the j
people of Georgia support such an individual tor the !
Chief Magistracy of the Nation? Can the honest |
Democrats of Georgia so rone moment hesitate to give
theirvotes to Gen. Taylor in preference to Mr. Cass,
who is evidently attempting to cheat both the North
and South out of their votes for the Presidency ? Do
our Democratic friends want further testimony ? We
give it to them from the pen of one of their own men
—lroin the pen of a Delegate to the Baltimoie Conven
tion. Here it Is. We beg them, as they value they |
institutions and the safety ol their homes and firesides
to read it. Before the Convention assembled, Mr. R. j
J. Moses, one Os the Delegates from Florida addressed
to Gen. Cass tlie following le.tter:
Coleman’s Hotel, )
Washington, May, 19, 1848. \
Gen. Lewis CaSs .—‘■Dear Sir. —As your name will
in all probability, be prominently before the Baltimore
Convention, to be lndden on Monday next, for the pur
pose of nominating a vandidate lor President of the Uni
ted States, and asl shall have to Cast the vote of the
State of Florida, hi conjunction with my colleagues,
should they arrive, (or alone in any other contingency,)
it is desiiable that the delegation should Le informed op
your views upon the right of slaveholders to migrate
to ivew teirjtory with their slaves, that we may know
how far they accord with the instructions under which
we are directed to act. 1 will therefore, respectfully
enqui r e.
Ist. Whether you still adhere to the positions taken
in your letter to A. O. P. Nicholson. Esq. of Decem
ber last. .
2d. If so, am I correct in construing it to mean that
you consider that the inhabitants of a territory before
, they form a State government, have a right to establish
or piohibit slavery’ as they may deem most consistent
i with their local policy.
3d. And that the policy so expressed is the para
mount law during the territorial probation only change
able by tire people ©t the territory upon the iormation
of a State government, or under such Legislative sane,
tionsaeihey may direct.
There is another matter but slightly alluded to in
your Kiel olsop Letter, to which 1 will also direct your
attention.
Do you consider ihat the slaveholders would have
the undeniable right to migrate, with their slaves, to any
Mexican territory that maybe annexed to the United
States—or would you regard it a doubtful matter, in
consequence of the institution of slavery not having
been recognizbd in said territory by the Mexican author
ities immediately preceding the acquisition ol such ter
ritory (supposing it should be acquired) ?
Yeur reply will enable the delegation to determine
whether under certain circumstances they can consis
tently with their instiuctions cast the vote of Florida in
your behalf, as a candidate for the Presidency.
Yours respectfully, R. J. MOSES.
Delegate from the State at large.
It will be seen that in the above letter, Mr. Moses
asks lor a distinct, unmistakeable explanation of Gen-,
Cass’ view’s as expressed in the Nicholson Letter. To
this plain, polite request, Gen. Cass sent Mr. Moses
the following equivocal, unmanly and insulting reply:
United States Hotel, May 21, 1848.
Dear Sir. —l did not receive your esteemed favor
until yesterday, and 1 have been so much occupied that
i I could not answer it before.
i I had supposed that my sentiments upon the subject
to which you reler were lully understood by my south
ern triends ; but ns you seem to desire information, I
■ enclose you my Nicholson letter, which contains all
that 1 have to say upon the subject.
Respectfully, yours, LEWIS CASS.
1 To R. J. Moses, Esq.
: Mr. Moses asks an explanation of the letter. Gen.
: Cass makes “ darkness visible” by sending him a copy
t of the very paper which he could not comprehend! Mr.
t Moses in a recent letter to the Editor of the Tallahas
■ see Sentinel, covering this remarkable correspondence,
• says ;
f “ The correspondence requires no comment ! I
i doubted that Gen. Cass’ position was safe before I
wrote my letter to him. I felt satisfied when I
; wrote the letter that I had given a proper con
i struction to his views—and the character of his reply
> could but confirm me in the belief (EJ 3 that the South
1 could rely upon no one with less safety, than[the hon
i ored individual who is now the nominee of the Balti
- more Convention. ,£0
Was not the Charleston Mercury more than half
- right when it declared that Gen. Cass was an “ equivo
f cal betrayer of Southern rights I” Is it not plain from
. the w hole tenor ot his conduct and especially from the
i foregoing correspondence that his settled purpose is to
. deceive those whose votes he is seeking ? Nay further !
) is it not plain that his object is to deceive the South ?
We see that Gen. Cass does n<ft hesitate to express his
, opposition to the extension of slavery in private con
j versations to his friends at the North, why then does
he refuse to give utterance to his views to a Southern
Delegate and a Southern Democrat at that? Is not
r the conclusion inevitable that he is dishonest, and that
j he is seeking southern votes in order that he may reach
, a position in which he can more effectually betray
southern rights.
Grand Reception of General Taylor.
General Taylor who has been spending the Summer
with his family at Pascagoula, was recently invited to
visit Pass Christian. He accepted the invi'ation and
reached that place on the night ofthe 11th. The New
Orleans Ficuyune says:
“We learn verbally that the reception given to Gen.
Taylor was brillant in the extreme. He arrived at the
Pass from Pascagoula on the splendid steamer Oregon,
Capt. Hiern. The boat was appropriately and showi
ly dressed lor the occasion. At Mississippi City and
other points on the lake, the passage of the boat with
her distinguished passenger was greeted with discharg
es of artillery, to which a gun on hoard the Oregon
responded. As night fell, rockets were from time to
! time thrown up from the boat to signalize her approach.
Every thing which Capt. Hieru could do to give effect
to the fete was performed. As the boat drew near the
Pass, artillery from three prominent points thundered
forth their welcome. At a given signal an illumination
! of the shores ofthe lake for five continuous miles blaz
ed forth. Huge bonfires had been prepared iu advance,
and the residents on either side ot the Pass hud vied
with each other in their devices to give brilliancy to the
scene. It is described to us as beautiful and grand.—
At 9 o’clock the boat reached the wharf. Gen. Taylor
was received by a committee and escorted to the hotel
by a large concourse of people, the passengers of the
boat accompanying. Thousands had gathered togeth
er to w elcome him, the whole country round about hav
ing poured tbrth its population, and the cities of Mobile
and New Orleans being numerously represented.—
The hotel itself had been for some days thronged with
guests, impatient for so joyous and honorable amerry
tnaking. The General was welcomed in an appropri
ate address by Mr. Micou. to which he made fitting
response. The enthusiasm which prevailed on the oc
casion is represented to us as delightful. The ladies
formed a large part of the assemblage, and testified
exultingly their admiration of the gallantly of the old
soldier.”
Gf.n. Cass did not make the whole of hisim- j
mense fonune is speculations or in extra charges
against the government. The New Haven Palladium
says that lie drove an excellent trade in distilling whis
key, which, it is said, realized some thirty dollars a gal
lon when sold to the poor Indians.— Providence Jour
nal.
GREAT M ASS MEETING AT ATL ANTA.
10,000 Freemen in Council.
This great gathering of the friends of TAYLOR and
FILLMORE came otf on the 14rh inst. at Atlanta,
anu was a monster demonstration. In the early part ot
the day of the 13th, large delegations began to arrive
and by evening the young town of Atlanta, w’as already
overwhelmed by an avalanche of people. During that ;
evening and at night, the people were addressed from!
different stands, by William Mosely, of Henry, Samuel
Hall of Crawford, and Col. James M. Calhoun of De-
Kalb. On that night the dense mass of men moving
about the streels, and the bright camp fires ot the vari
ous Delegations scattered all around the neighboring
hills and plains, presented a stirring and picturesque
scene to the beholder.
Early on the morning of the 14th, extra trains be
gan to ariive by the different Railroads, and until 9
o’clock A. M. continued to pour into the crowded
town, large delegations front every direction. At half
past ten o’clock, the vast multitude was called to order,
by James A. Nisbet,Chairman of the Committee ap
pointed by the Rough & Ready Club of Atlanta, to
select officers and arrange the order otjproceeding, and
the Convention was organized ,by the appointment o
ANDREW J. MILLER,of Richmond,President.*
Vice Presidents.
Francis S. Bartow, ot Chatham.
W ilham M. Brown, of Crawford,
Dr. C. B. Nottingham,of Houston.
John. E. Robinson, of Coweta.
John J. Gresham, of Bibb.
Edw ard Janes, of Lee.
David Morgan, of Troup.
James W. Berrien,of Floyd.-
Daniel H. Bird, of Cherokee.
B. 11. Overby, of Jackson.
Robert H. Moore, of Lumpkin.
William S. Stokes, of Morgan.
N. C. Barnett, of Baldwin.
Isaac Ramsey, of Columbia.
John Milledge, of Richmond.
Secretaries.
C. R. Hanleiter, of DeKalb.
A. G. Ware, of Murray.
Benjamin Bigham, of Troup.
Alter the offering up ol Prayer, Mr. Miller briefly ex-1
plained the objects of the meeting, when addresses were
made by Ex. Gov. Crawford, Hon. Wm. C. Dawson,
Hon Robert Toombs, Hon. John McPherson Berrien,
and two ot the Taylor Electors, Warren Aikin of!
Cass, and William Mosely of Henry. These Speak
ers most ably reviewed the policy of the present ad
ministration, urged forcibly the necessity of a change
of men and measures, and poirrtrayed happily the char
acter of Zachary Taylor in contrast with that of Lewis
Cass. Nothing was said by them of the Compromise
8.11, but a patriotic remark by the distinguished Ber
rien, “ that our Delegation differed as to the best
means, to accomplish the same end.” The gallant
Stephens though still suffering from his wounds, with
both hands bandaged, and in slings, was borne to the
Stand, and remained throughout the exercises. His
appearance was greeted by cheer after cheer, and
during the day he addressed a short, but stirring exhor
tation to the crowd, urging them to go to work with
increased zeal, in the cause of Taylor &, Fillmore.
After the foregoing speakers were through, the orowd
divided, and during the evening ami night were ably
addressed by die following gentlemen from differed 1
stands, viz : Francis S. Bartow, Robt. P. Trippe, L. G.
Gartreli, Colquitt ot Paulding, a relative of Walter TANARUS.,
Saru’i. R. Blake,J.M. Ashurst, Hugh Crawford of Ala
bama, and Gen. G. W. Gordon late of Tennessee, but
now of Walker County, Georgia.
The Committee appointed to award the Prize Ban
ner, offered by lire Rough and Ready Club of Bibb
county, to the largest Delegation had muchdifficulty*
in performing that duty. Many counties contended tor
the prize, amongst which Murray, Cobb, and Floyd,
were particularly distinguished. The decision of the
Committee fell upon Floyd, and the Banner was pre- j
sented to the imposing delegation of that county with
a short address, by James A. Nisbet, ou beiia lof the
Rough and Ready Club of Bibb county.
Thus was conducted and ended, this vast meeting.—
of the numbers present various estimates were made
We take the lowest 10,000 to be withiu bounds. Ot the
spirit of’ this meeting, it is only necessary to say, that it
was the same, that characterized the great Harrison
Convention of 1840, in our city. *
COMMUNICATED.
Messrs. Editors :—I see there is a proposition for a
discussion upon the compromise question to take place
in Macon, between certain parties named in the Bill.—
Now, I am opposed to discussions in general. They
are calculated to do no good and they very frequently
do excite improper feelings; besides, with ali due respect
for all concernea, I greatly question whether some o 1
the disputants named,are capable of casting much ligh t
upon so abstruse a question. The old adage that “little
boats should keep near shore” is equally wise when ap
plied to the ship of State. It might he well for some ol
the navigators to “tarry awhile at Jerico” before they
venture upon Salt Water SENEX.
[COMMUNICATED.]
Another Chapter ou Snakes.
The Editor of the Jeffersonian, thinks that the Whigs
will imitate ins Sen Serpent-measuring process, in
estimating the people who met at the Atlanta Conven
tion. Should they do so, they would lar exceed the
number he has anticipate and for them which is only 20 to
23,000. Here he falls considerably below the mark. —
Multiplying them by the snake-ineasuring—Stone
mountain process, which seems to h >ve been—first, by
counting all the bodies,seen and unseen, then the souls,
then the shadows, and then each individual, up one side
and down the other —and thus, we had just about 50,-
000. That, we sat down as the number present at At
lanta , or which would have been present, provided, that
they had been democrats at the Stone mountain,
and subject to the catouchouc conscience-counting,
snake-measuring Editor. With a reasonable deduc
tion from such estimates, the Whigs think their snake
only about ten miles long, and much of the rattle snake
chracter, which warns before it strikes, and when it
strikes, is pretty sure to kill. His mother’s son may
take the warning now, from this convention and
watch his heels about the seventh day of November.
FEATHERS.
COMMUNICATED.
Messrs. Editors —l have . noticed that Democratic
challenge in the last Telegraph.
Now, we frankly confess, that our Democratic friends
fairly have us for once. They have fixed the time so
soon, in their eagerness for the contest, that we shall
be forced to decline for want of time to get our other or
ator here. Knowing no one in these diggin*, worthy
of the steel of those champions ot Democracy named
in the challenge, to meet Messrs. Cary and Thomas
Howard, we were anxious to procure from abroad,
such a man as S. S.\Prentiss, or Jno. Bell,or Mr. Bad
ger,—but, they cam come in time. So gentlemen, we
must take water for once.
WHIGS.
Gen. C>ss’ Military Character.
A French gentleman in Louisiana, objected most de
cidedly to voting for Gen. Taylor,on the ground that he
was a military chieftain. “ And yet,” said a Whig,
“you intend to vote for another military chieftain, Gen.
Cass.” This somewhat posed the obstinate Gaul, but,
after a long pause,he replied, with renewed animation
“Yes, yes ; but Cass no military enough to hurt him.”
Mr. Fillmore no Abolitionist.
Mr. Fillmore in a late letter to Mr. Cabell of Flori
da, expresses great sutprise that he should be charg
ed with abolitionism at the South, and alluding to the
declarations of Matthew Hall McAllister of Georgia,
says that:
“HE NEVER ATTENDED AN ABOLITION
MEETING, OR MADE AN ABOLITION
.SPEECH, IN THE STATE OP NEIV YORK.
JN THE WHOLE COURSE OF JUS LIFE ’
Mr. Fillmore in a speech in Congress, says:
“ / disavow most unequivocally , now and forever , any
desire to interfere with the rights, or what is called
the property, of the Kiuthern States.
Lgf Again, we fi,-<d him while a member of Con
gress fully recognizing the rights of the master over
his slaves and reporting a bill for the payment of one
for the loss of property in slaves
C3=* Finally, m his letter to Governor Gayle, dated
July 31, IS-ld, Mr. Fillmore says:
While iu Congress 1 took occasion to state in substance
my views on the subject of slavery in the States
Whether the remarks were reported or not l am unable
losav, but the substance w as, that regarded sla
very asunevil, but one with which the national govern
ment had nothing to do. That by the Constitution of
the U. States, the whole power over that question was
vested in the several States where the institutions was
tolerated. If they regarded it as abl ‘ssiagthey had a
constitutional right to enjoy it, and it they regarded n as
an evil they had the power and knew best how to apply
the remedy. I did not conceive that Congress bad any
pow'er over it, or was in any way responsible for ns con
tinuance in the several States wbeie it existed. 1 have
entertained no other seniinieuts on ibis subject, since 1
examined it sufficiently to form an opinion, and I doub
not, that all my acts, public and private, will be found
in accordance with this view.
1 have the honor to he, your obedient servant,
MILLARD FILLMORF.
More Grape from Cnpt. lira™.
At a recent dinner given to this gallant officer in
New Yotk, Phillip Hone Esq. President of ff e Lav
loaned the brave guest and referred at lei,g;i, ii ’
services under Gen Taylor. Col. Bragg responds “
The following imperfect sketch ofhis remarks we eo .
from the New York Express. ’
“Col. Bragg modestly rising, and in some emha era*,
ment said it was well known, that he was only a soiJe-7
and that therefore no fitting speech couij be i
from hint in reply. For whatever merit gentlemen
chose to award him, or whatever reputation it a *
lie had undeservedly, the whole of ii was d ue t | ie jj a ?
lant General under whom he served, and to the sold, *
in the set vice he commanded ; nay more for th,< b n “
liancy of that service, he was indebted to the tr , ,
ing of the lamented Ringgold and Ridgely, from w ;,
hand he had received the corps, in that fu l e ff r
| that enabled it to immortalize itself on the peril,. J j
bloody field of Buena Vista.
1 o the General-in-Chief his acknowledcruur •
were especially due. He inspired the whole army w-'7
valor and confidence by his presence, not only at P, ‘
Vista, but. from the opening of the war on the fr
Grande. It is almost impossible for you,
he said, to understand the chiuacter of that
eorujnander of an army. There is a resolution,?,
ness, a determination in manner, and iu his p' u , 7
that go a great ways in leadiug men to va-tory j!
was never better illustrated than on the field of p-.
Alto. He told Major Brown, when he left him *7
his small force opposite Matamoros, “ Maintain voa
position.” I may not be back to-morrow ; 1 shah j’.
be back, but I will be back on the 10th. Expect' 7°
then, and maintain your position.” Every body tha
knew him, knew he would be back it aii’ve toeJineJ
The army returned to Point Isabel, as you know -
On the Bth, they fought at Palo Alto, and when nDh’
came on, they bivouacked in the open field ; aj)d
amid the grass with not a tent over them, the General
himself wrapped in his blaiuiet.and many, 1 can a- I
you, in not a little doubt and gloom. Our little an v
did not feel sure then that they could whip three vine
their number, and those the best troops in Mex.coJ
We had not tried our mettle, or measured weapons
wjtli them. Many an .eye did not close that ni di
Rmggolil had beensiain. A bloody day was before
them, and many, if the army went on, were sure t 0
bitfe the dust. But nobody knew or could find out
wiiat the General intended to do. There he lay
wrapped in his blanket, and sleeping, except when
| disturbed by officers asking for orders. Some were
| anxious to ascertain ins intentions. His on[y answer
was, i ell the men to sleep. Keep quiet. Sleep is
the main tning necessary.*•’ Two or three offie-R
were particularly anxious to know whether he intend-
I 10 g 0 0,1 ’ or iwld h “ Position. Rut the only satis
faction that could be got was, to “sleep.” He disclosed
to none ot them _hia mtemkms. There was a prevail
mg opinion that it was too perilous a march to go on -
But Gen. Taylor toward morning disturbed by some
person demanding orders, replied” allow the men to
rest. It ts tune ehough at sunrise.” Then t rnn
over in his blanket, he said to an officer near “My
mind is made up, my mind is made up,”_bm nobody
knew how his mind was made up,—and vet tuey who
knew him, knew ii bis mind was made up, it was no
use to try to change it.
“ In the morning a council of war was summoned and
j there were eleven officers present, three only of whom
advised advance. Mind, I cast no censure upon any
one. A difference of opinion, under such circumstan
ces, might have been expected. But they who knew
’ the power of the Light Artillery, and had seen it play
1 that day, had confidence that it could clear a way for
the army back to Fort Brown. “ Old Zack,”—mr that
is the name we call him.repuedafter the consultation
had broken up, we will advance in fifteen minutes—
and forward they inarched to Resaca de la Palma, the
result of which you all know. Old Zack kept his word
io Maj. Brown,—but alas, the brave and lamented
Major had received his death wound.
“So at Buena Vista the personal character oi Gen.
Taylor had a like influence on the army. When the
War Department deemed it necessary,in order to form
a cokmin to invade Mexico via Vera Cruz to take hi.
Regulars from him, he was sure that Su:a Anna
would attack him. “1 am the weak point,” he often
said,“ I know he will attack me.” Hut he determined
to defend hw , position and ill order L the best way to
defend it, to advance. Gen. Seott has taken a hun
dred said he ; I shall save a thousand. Gen. Taylor
kept well informed of the approach of the enemy by
Gen. Wool’s scouts,moved on to Saltillo, then on to
Agua Nueva. It fc r as proposed at one time to meet
the enemy in advance of Agua Nueva, but ascertaining
by his engineers that their position could be turned, he
resolved to sass back to Buena Vista, as the enemy ap
proached him. Buena Vista, is a military position that
any soldier’s eye would select for a defence. To no
paiticular person is the credit of its selection doe—for
it has been said, that even a woman picked it out as a
place to repulse an enemy. Various officers have had
the credit ol tbe selection but whatever particular credit
is due, is certainly due to the Comrnaiider-in-Chiei,
who fought the battle. The Mexicans themselves had
fought a battle there. Santa Anna knew tbe ground
so well that he ordered Gen. Minontoget into our rear.
Minon did as ordered; hut when he reached Bticra
Vista he found us in possession of it. The 22:1 Feb
with 4,500 men, mo6tlj-raw troops, opposed to 20,000
of the enemy, was certainly not a very encouraging and y.
We did not feel quite so happy or so well as over this
bountiful table to-night. We thought ofhome.andof
families and friends, and our chance of death was much
better, than shat we thought, ofeverseeing them again.
For several days previous, Gen. Taylor was constantly
engaged in making his arrangements, and in writing
home. It is said also that he made his will. But he
never shrank fromhis duty. “ I may perish,” was his
thought“ bull will perish in maintaining the honor
of my country! I have to run a terrible risk iii assu
ming the responsibility of making this onward march,
but it is the only course that will save my army. To
stay in Monterey was to be sacrificed by the overwhelm
ing force of the enemy. To save all, I must here risk
all!”
‘‘The battle was fought—you know the result,—bat
you never can know the influence that the presence of
General Taylor had upon the army. He alone, so it
seemed to me could have inspired by his presence, every
soldier in the army, as the Volunteers were inspired
The confidence in him was complete. He had never
surrendered. He had never been whipped; and d#
idea got abroad, that he never could be. When roan
oeuvering my pieces athwart the gullies, I cite this as an
example of that confidence, I saw clouds ofdusi a!x>ot
two inries from me. I was painfully anxious. I thong!::
that Gen Mi non had (a'len upon our rear and attacked
our depots, and to meet him was my first thought A
man came galloping up through the dust into sight,
screaming, “Old Zack’s coming!” Every soldier ga' e
invo lun tary utterance to his feelings. Old Zock came
and in fifteen minutes the tide of battle turned.
thousand five hundred men repulsed twenty thousand.
—and to the influence of that presence, under God. 1
think I am alive here to dine with you this day. ’
A Gentleman. How oiten did you dtscherge your
pieces that day ?
Col. Bragg.— r About 250 rounds to each gnru
Another Gentleman. —How near was the enemy t* s
your pieces at any one time ?
Col. Bragg —Within fifty yards at time, *&**
we moved them down.
Another. —Where was General Ta . r
Col. Bragg. —Within forty yards.
“ Col. Bragg closed his remarks with saying ; ‘
derstand me, gentleman. I aiu a soldier, and nopo •
cian. I know Gen. Taylor only as a toldier *
man. I speak ofliim only as the Commander-in*- “
of our army iu Mexico. I have nothing to d° w!l ‘.
politics, or yonrs. It is the duty of a soldier cheery,
to obey whomsoever yon put into power. I COl,u
help speaking of my Commander when thus
1 have been by you, for services under him*
nothing to do with politics.”
The Detainer of W ashinston.
Can any true American vote for the nisu “” #
fames Gen. Washington; or who attempts ,
single leaf from the wreath that surroum > : * s #B( j
Surely not. The people loved him while
they love to revere his memory. Ceu ‘ wr c>te
playing sycophant at the court ol Louis i ll P (
a Book eulogistic ot the King and Cl ’"' t en,fcio
wh:ch contained the following assault upon
ry of the Father of his Country : efnir in
“ The great error— and it is eonw
Europe —has been to assign to 11 ash’.r.Jon
ant a part, and to ‘he body ol the pci’ *
cant a o:i<*, in our great political diaina. ,jj a i
Lewis Cass seems to have had a >'■’ t i __ one , wfco
theie might arise a second \V ashing
like the first, would embody the sent in u ,). a i be
ihe hearts of the people. We have no . ■-
thinks of Taylor as he did ol W ashing sto
lon tliat Poik and not old Zaek won
ties iu Mexico!