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JOURNAL and messenger.
s . T.CHAPMAN * 8. rtOSi:.Editor*.
MACON, GEORGIA.
WEDNESDAY. DECEMBER 4.
BY MAGNETIC TELEGRAPH!
PRESIDENT^MESSAGE!
Doth Houses of Congress were organized in Wash
ington on Monday last, at 12 o’clock. President Fil
more sent in his annual Message, a telegrahic summa
ry of which will be found below, at half past 2, P. M.
It is pronounced to be an able and business like docu
ment. The message, entire, will reach us in day or two,
when it will be issued in an Extra. It will be seen
that President Fillmore bolaly ‘plants himself upon
platform of the Union, and sustains the peace meas
ures adopted by the last Congress.
The President commences by saying that the cir
cumstances under which he entered upon the ■ uties of
his office, fsrbade him from making any declan.t on of
principles. This declaration, he therefore, now pro
ceeds to make.
In regard to Foreign policy he says, we should refrain
from all aggression and interference. This position is
enforced with great power and ability.
In domestic matters he holds that the Constitution
is the guide—the Judiciary its interpreter, and that all
its injunctions are of co-equal importance. Expedien
cy should never justify the exercise of power not grant
ed.
He will veto only such acts as are unconstitutional,
or as are encroachments on the Constitution. ll is
sense ot propriety and respect for the National Legis
lature, forbid him from going farther than this.
The powers of the General Government should be
confined to what is expressly granted and what is ne
cessary to carry these grants into effect.
Every citizen who loves the’Constitution wiil resist
all interference wiih the domestic affairs of ihe States.
The beauty of our sys'em, consists in the fact that
while each State revolves in its own sphere, mutual
collision may be avoided.
The Constitaiion makes it the duty of the President
to cause the laws to be faithfully executed. lie, there
fore pledges hintseif to shrink from no responsibility,
but to meet events as they arise, with firmness.
No unfavorable change has taken place in our For
eign rotations, since the beginning of the last Ccngiess
The President reviews treaties—speaks hopefully of a
rail road across Tehuantepec—hopes to reconcile
Mexico to it.
Refers to Secretary Treasury’s Report—receipts in
to Treasury year, ending June 30;h, forty seven mil
lions — expenditures,same period, forty-three millions,
two thousand one hundred sixty-eight.
Public debt reduced since last annual report, four
hundred, ninety-five thousand two hundred seventy
six dollars—portion pablic debt eight millions srventy
five thousand nine hundred and eighty-six doitais.musi
be provided for next two fiscal years—should be met
without new loans.
Experience demonstrates wisdom of raising large
portion of revenue from import duties—recommends
discrimination in duties—a high tariff cannot be perma
nent, therefore, should not be enacted—recommends
specific duties —advalorum have originated extensive
frauds.
As there is no mint in California, recommends au
thorizing gold bullion assayed and stamped be received
in payment of Government dues—recommends estab
lishing Agricultural Bureau—also, employment ,ot
mineralogist and chemists.
Appropriation already made for census is sufficient—
recommends openina line ol communication between
the valley of the Mississippi a ”9 Pacific,• recommen
ded by predecessor—recommends provisions for ap
pointing commissioners to examine land titles in Cali
fornia—extending our system land laws, with necessary
modifications over California, Utah and New Mexico.
Recommends a division of the mineral lands into
small parcels—in such manner as to guard against
monopolies.
Indian relations have increased in importance—
military force in Texas and .Mexican Fronuets inade
quate—Congress should provide for one or more regi
ments mounted cavalry.
Recommends, Asylum for disabled and destitute
soldiers —w.ik aaiisiaction of Navy—constantly
prepared for duty— evety where met with respect—
recommends certain improvements with the naval
policy recommended by Secretary Navy for security o
Pacific roast, and protection and extension of cur com
merce with Eastern Asia.
Recommends a law authorizing officers, army and
navy to retire from service when incompetent making
suitable provisions for the support of faithful servants.
Estimates for expenses of navy ensuing year, less by
one million than ihe present except for erection of Dock
on Pacific coast—also, recommends revision code for
Government of Navy.
Post Master General’s report presents satisfactory
views—recommends reducuuu inland letter postage to
three cents prepaid—five cents when not—with firther
reduction to two cents prepaid, when receipts exceed
expenses five per centum. California postage much re
duced, also all other mailable matter, particularly in
report department.
Congress his power to make appropriations for in
ternal improv-inents—recommends appropriations to
complete what are already begun, and to commence
others.
Recommends provision for the appointment of com
missioners to settle private claims against United
Statas, and the appointment of a Solicitor, whose duty
it shall be to protect the Government against illegal,
fraudulent or unjust claims.
Os the agitation and compromise, he says ; all
mutual concession in the nature of a compromise, must
necessarily be unwelcome to men of extreme opinions—
it would be strange if these measures had been receiv
ed with immediate approbation by the people and
States, prejudiced and heated by the existing co itro
versies of their Representatives.
1 recommend your adherence to the adjustment es
tablished by those measures,until time and experience
shall demonstrate *<- necessity ot further legUlation to
guard against evasion or abuses.
By that adjustment, we have been rescusd from the
wide aud unboatuiless agitations that surrounded us,
and have a firm, dist.net and legal rround to rest upon;
aud the occasion, I trust, will justny me in exhorting
my countrymen to rally upon, and maintain that
ground as the best, if not the only means of restoring
peace and quiet to the coumry, and of maintaining in
violate the integrity of the Union.
ilibb—Otfiicial Returns.
As there were some errors in our statement of last
week, we publish the official vote as consolidated by
the managers of the several polls:
CMOS. Town Ruilaiu. Hazard Warrior Total.
R. Collins,... ..572... .78 49 10 709.
W. Pae r 560... .76 50 7 693.
A. P. P0wer5,..554... .73 48 6 681.
Wm. Scott, 533....74 47 7 661.
Disunion.
L. Napier,... ..319... .54 23 115 511.
C. Collins,... ..336 60 24 121 541.
ft. Smith, 349 56 23 120 518.
J. Rutherford,.339. ...56 21 120 536.
Tle majority of Dr. Collins, the highest Union can
didate, over Mr Napier the lowest of the opposition,
it will be seen, is 193 votes, and over Mr. Smith the high
est, 161 votes.
Fine Pictures.
The ioversof fine pictures, and of fine arts general
ly, are referred to the notice of the American Art
Union in another column, for a statement ol the in
ducements offered to subscribers the present year.
Those who desire toavail themselves of so favorable,an
opportunity to obtain a rich prize, will please call at Mr.
Richards’ Book Store without delay.
Painter’* Companion.
Tbs Messrs Richards have handed us a very neat
and useful little volume,entitled the “Painter, Gilder
nr.d l arnieker’s Companion.” It is from the press of
Huixy C. Baird, successor to E L. Carey of Phila
delphia, and contains a great mass of practical infbr
naatioit, wh,ch cannot fail to be valuable to persons en
gaged tn the pursuits of which it treats. It will be
found useful also to planters and house-keepers gene
rally, as it contains many important auggesuona which
we have not seen in any work of the kind.
A reply to William Mason of the Telegraph
has been received, aud will appear in our next.
THE UNION SAVED.
SOUTHERN RIGHTS TRIUMPHANT!
Georgia has “led off'’—Mill
South-larolina follow ?
‘Tis the star-spangled banner! oh ! long may it wave
O’er the land of the free, an ! the home of the brave.
GEORGIA ELECTION!
Below will be found the returns of the late election in
this state, as far as they have come to hand. The tri
umph of the Union is complete, and the recent impor
tation of Yankees and Foreigners into Georgia seems
to have been very extensive.
The delegations from Dooly, Thomas, and Teifair,
it will be seen, are divided. The opposition members
chosen in those counties, we are informed, prolessed to
be quite as strong, if not stronger, Union men than
the regular Union nominees. Indeed, this was the
case with scarcely a single exception in *-very county
in ike state. Had our opponents honestly adhered to
the doctrines proclaimed at the Macon meeting, and
by their press generally, in the early part of the cam
paign, they could not have elected a single delegate in
the state. As it is, they will no nave over 30 members
in th- convention, while f.he p >pu,ar majority will be
very large—say, 30,000 voice.
Summary of Returns.
Talbot, Union 213 mnj.
Monroe, “ 210 “
Biob. “ 160
Crawford, “ 39 “
Houston, ** 175 “
Dooly, “ tie
Sumter, “ 480 “
Macon, “ 200 **
DeKalb, “ 1131
Cobb, “ 116 “
Cherokee. “ 585 “
Walker, “ 600
Floyd, “ 820
Cass. u 530 “
Pike, “ 150 “
Goidon, “ 170 **
Merriwether, “ 64 “
Richmond, “ 400 “
Baldwin, “ 45 “
Wilkinson, “ 50 “
Hams, “ 400 “
Marion, “ 150 “
Washington, “ 610 “
Fayette, “ 463 “
Stewart, “ 342 M
Newton, “ 811 “
Walton, “ 448
Wilkes, “ 40
Oglethorpe, “ 200 “
Upson, “ 350 “
Gwinnett, ** 350 “
Clarke, “ 180
Forsyth, “ 330 “
Muscogee, “ 170 **
Henry, “ 630 “
Mclntosh, “ 123 “
Troup. “ 520 M
Greene, “ 500 “
Morgan, “ 259 “
Lumpk.n, “ 300 “
Pumain, “ 300 “
Coweta, “ 120 ‘*
Hancock, “ 275
Cliaibnni, ** 160 **
Walton, 44 443 M
Talliaferro, “ 200 “
Liberty, “ 105 “
. Tatnail, “ 150 “
Bulloch, “ 250 “
Jackson, ‘* 300 *•
Hall, “ 400 “
Columbia, “ no opposition.
W arren, “ “
Pulaski,
Decatur, ** 11
Jefferson, “ “
Biyan, “ “
Effingham, “ “
Jelforsoii, “ “
Bullock,
Madison, “ **
Scrivm, Disunion, 150 rnaj.
Murray, ** 112 “
Jones, ** 20 “
Twiggs, “ 160 “
Butts. “ 150 “
Jasper, “ 75 “
Early, “ 74 “
UNION DELEGATES ELECTED.
Bibb. —Robert Collin*, Wm. Scott, A. P. Powe rs
W. Poe.—l6l m.
Richmond. —Robert F. Poe, Chas. J. Jenkins, Thos.
Skinner, Andrew J. Miller.—32o tn.
Washington. —R. W. Flournoy, Wm. Hall, E. S.
Langmade, Johu Duggan.—6lo m.
Cobb. —David Irwin, A. J. Hansel, M. G. Slaughter,
N. M. Caulder.—ll6 m.
DeKalb. —John Collier, Charles -Murphy, William
Ezzard, James M. Calhoun.—ll3l m.
Hirns. —G. Gran berry, Geo. Osborn, G . W. Cobb
Leonard Pratt. —400 in.
Morion. —Thomas Bivins, John G. Stokes.—l 63 m.
Clark. —Asbury Hail, John Calvin Johnson, B. S.
Sheats, Abram S. Hill.—lßo m.
Monroe. —A. M. D. King, Meade Lesueur, James S
Pinckard, Hiram P.nuazec.—2lo in.
Pike. —Richard White, John R. Jenkins, Andrew J.
Beckorn, Henry Smith.—lso m.
Muscogee. —Alex. M’Dougald, Thomas F. Woold
ridge, N. L. Hi-varJ, Alex. C. Morton.—l7o m.
Cass. —Col. L. Johnson, L. Tomlin, W. Aikin. J.
vVoflord.—sso rn.
Floyd. —J. Waters, E. Ware.—32o in.
Hancock. —Eli Baxter, James Tnoma3.—27s m.
Baldwin. —A. 11. Kenan, J.to. W. SuiforJ.—ls m.
Fayette —W. B. Fuller, John O. Dickinson.—46s ni
Green- —W. C. Dawson, T. N. Paullain W. D. Wea
ver, R.H. Ward.—sso m.
Henry. — L J. Glenn, B Petit, L. T. Doyal, D. L.
Duffey.—63o in.
Sumter. —W. H Crawford, E. R. Brown.—43o in.
Macon. —Nathan Bryan, W. 11. Robinson.—2oo m.
Upson. —Thomas Fiewellen, A. J. McAfee, Thotn
is Beall, Divenp rt Evans.—33J rn.
Crawford —W A Matthews, D dp. Davis—3s m.
Decatur. —Rich'd Sims, J. P.Dickinson.—Vote 336
Chatham. —lt. D. Arnold, R R Cuyler, John E.
Ward, F. S. Bartow.—l6o m.
Mclntosh. —Tnos. Spalding, John Deniere.—l23 ni.
Glynn. —F. M- Scarlett, James Hamilton Couper.—
No oppos-lion.
Pulaski. —VV. B. Reeves, Norman McDuffie.—No
opposition.
Cherokee, — Allen Lawhon, S. C. Dyer, M. Keith,
J. R. Wik’e.—soo in.
Lee. —Willis A liiwkins, Samuel D. Irvin.
Laurens —C. B. Guyton, E. J. Blackshear.
Oglethorpe —George R. Gilmer, P. W. Hutchinson,
namuel Glenn, W. Willingham.—2os m.
Houston. —Hugh Lawson, J. J. Hampton, Creed T.
Woodson, Jacob Fudge.—l 37 ni.
Merriwether. —Dr. Stephenson, W. P. Burke, W.
A. J. Philips, P. Ogletree.—sl in.
Morgan. —Augustut Reese, I. S. Fannin.—26l m.
Wilkes. —SJw.irJ R. Anderson, John 11. Dyso i,
Robert Tooinbs, I. T. Irwin, Jr.
Dooly. —David J. Bothwell.
Bryan. —Cyrus Byrd, Charles H. Starr.—No oppo.
Talliaferro— A. H. Stephens, S. Harris —250 m.
Gordon —Thomas Bird, J. R. Parrot.—>7o m.
Stewart. —James Clark, John Williford, Daniel At
kinson, Sampson 8e1i.—312 m.
Gwinnett. —J. P. Simmons, Levi Loveless, T. W.
Alexander, 11. D. Winn.—3so m.
Newton. —(Jen. J. N. Williamson, Dr. J. B. Hen
drick, John Bass, John Harris. —300 in.
Wilkinson —James Ross, James Jackson.—so m.
Talbot. —Win. T. Holmes, Stephen Harvey, Terrel
Barksdale, James W. Castens.—2l3 m.
Putnam. —J. A. Merriwether, E. Callaway, Jeffer
son Adams, Henry Branham—no opposition —3OO m
Bulloch. — Peter Cone, Allen Rawls.—Vote 312.
Liberty — J. S. Br-dwell, Enoch Daniel —lO5 m.
Lumpkin. — H. W. Riley, A. M. Russell, Santuel
Hymer, RH. Pearc > —3OO ni.
Coweta —George 1. Giass, J. W. Powell, R. E
Hackney, R. W. Simms.—l2o m.
Walton —Junius llillyer, VV. J. Hill, P. G. Morrow
F. Colley—44B m.
Randolph. —Wm. Taylor, 11. G. Johnson, John
Hendrick, B. H. Rice.—2oo m.
Tatnail. —Strickland, Collins.—lso m.
Effingham. —A. G. Porter, Geo. Boston —V ote 149.
Jackson. —G. Mitchell, S. P. Thurmond —350 m.
Hall. —E. Johnson, VV. J. Peeples—4oo m.
Madison. — R. H. Bullock, J. Long—No opposition
Lincoln — B F. Tatom, B. B. Moore —1 5 m.
Elbert —T. VV. Thomas, Thomas Heard, 11. R. (
Deadwyler, Alfred Hammond.
Forsyth —Arthur Erwin, J. D. Garner. —350 m.
Troup.— E. Y. Hill, R. A. T. Ridley, J. Culberson,
H. Dennis.—s2o in.
Jrffersun Geo. Stapleton, P. B. Connelly.—No op.
Heard —C. VV. Mabry, VV. F. Wright.
Irwin. —Wilcox, Henderson.—No cp.
Baker. —Jno. Colley, G. W. Collier.
Telfair. —VV. VV. Paine.
Campbell. — Butts, Cochran — No opposition.
Paulding — R. .McGregor, W. F. James. — lßo m.
Thomas. — Thomas M. Gatlin.
TUavne.—S. Clay King, S. O’Bryan.—No op.
Camden. —J. Mongin Smith, Ed. Atkinson.—l2o tn.
DISUNION DELEGATES ELECTED.
Butts. —David J. Bailey, R. W. McCune.—lso ui.
Jones. —J. B. Holland, Humphries —3O in.
Twiggs. —B. B. Smith, Henry E. Wimberly—l6o m.
Scriven. —VV. J. Lawton, S. A. Jones.
Muri ay. —.Morris, Gordon—ll 2 ni.
Jasper. —T. J Coiner. Burney, Robinson,
Early. —Speight, Vinson—74 in.
Dooly —B. B. Hamilton.
Lowndes. —W. L. Mo rgan, W. Ashle y.
Thomas. —James L.Seward.
Telfair. — Mark Wilcox.
Burke. —ln this county, Messrs. Whitehead,
Hughes, Palmer and Portiiress—elect< and without op
position. They were nominated upon the Berrien plat
form, and cannot, therefore, be classified with either
party.
Thoughts upon the Election.
The result ot the recent election affords a most strik
ing commentary upon the aspirations of certain fiie
eaters in the state.
1. McDonald, Colquitt, Towns, Iverson, Haralson
and nearly all the other prominent leaders of the party
have been defeated in their own counties, and in all
the counties where they were supposed to possess uny
influence.
2. The counties in which the second rate fire-eaters
who figured in the last legislature, resided have, with
only twoor three exceptions, returned Union delegates
by large majorities. Jones, of Paulding, Gartreil, of
Wilks, Ramsey, of Harris, Tucker ot Stewart, How
ard, of Crawford, and a host of small fry politicians
have all been consigned to their political tombs by
the people.
3. Governor Towns thought proper to send the fol
lowing named gentlemen us delegates to the Nashville
Convention, viz: Charles J. McDonald, of Cobb,
John A. Jones, of Paulding, J. D. Steil,of Fayette, W.
B. Parker, of Bibb, Geo. R. Hunter, of Crawford,
Robt. Bledsoe, of Futmm, James N. Bcthune, of
Muscogee. J. G. McVV horter, of Richmond, John C.
Sneed, of Richmond, Henry L. Benning, of Muscogee,
Win C. Daniel, of Chatham.
All the counties, thus represented, or rather misrep
resented in the above convention,have returned Union
delegates by decided majorities. These factr will fur
nish food for reflection for the honest and patriotic of
all parties. Politicians, especially, ought to he very
careful how they dig pits or erect gallows’ for others
lest they meet the fate of certain distinguished charac
ters who figured in ancient times.
The Carolina Hanks.
A correspondent wishes to Know, “what effect the
action of the Carolina Legislature, will be likely to
have upon the credit of the Charleston Banks ?”
Our candid opinion is, that if she persists in the
course of folly and niadn-ss indicated by the action of
her Legislature in another column, that every Bank
in the State will be crushed in less than six months In
deed as matters stand, even now, the less Carolina
our planters. Paper credits in revolutionary times, are
of but little value.
What will Georgia do?
A correspondent informs us that South Carolina
will, in alt probability, secede and asks ; in that event
what wili Georgia do ?
The answer we think is plain. Georgians owe al'e
giance only to the General Government and to their
own State. They owe no allegiance to South Caroli
na. Our line of duty then, cannot be mistaken. VVe
must either go out of the Union ourselves ; or, if a con
flict of arms does come, we must stand by the general
Government. Even individuals could not co-operate
without subjecting themselves to the charge of trea
son. We are almost sorry that such is the fact, ns a
conflict between Carolina and the General Govern
ment, would afford an admirable opportunity to test the
sincerity, as well as the pluck of certain fire-eating ed
itors and orators in Georgia, who have threatened to
shoulder their coffins, and perform sundry deeds of
wondrous daring. In the name of Quattlebum, and
all the Gods of War, it is to be deplored that saltpetre
is liable to spontaneous explosion, only under peculiar
circumstances.
“ Georgia has surrendered.”
These are the words in which the Charleston Mer
cury, and other disunion prints in Carolina, announce
the result of the recent election in this State. The
very same papers a few weeks back, were filled with
editorials and communications from Georgia, declar
ing in the most positive manner, that the State would
determine in favor of resistance by an overwhelming
majority. If our cotemporaries could not tell the truth
a fortnight ago ; it is scarcely to be supposed that they
will be likely to hesitate in making a inis statement
now.
The f.ict is, South Carolina politicians have shown
themselves to be exceedingly stupid or exceedingly un
scrupulous in this whole affair. Her emissaries have
traversed Georgia in swarms, preaching disunion and
circulating the Trescott pamphlet and other docu
ments equally treasonable in their import and designs’
They have endeavored to flatternnd foolourpeople in
to acts of indiscretion and madness. They have argu
ed that Georgia was a great and powerful and popular
State; and that, therefore, she ought to cast her moral
an I physical weight into the scale, in favor of disunion.
They have affirmed that we were committed by the
foolish action of the Governor and the last legislature
to resort to some immediate means of resistance or
revolution.
Georgia has moved forward in the even tenor of her
way, regardless ot the combined influence of flutteiy
and threats; ot argument and money. Disunion doc
uments and disunion funds have been alike impotent
to swerve her people from their integrity,or to implant
treason in their hearts. It is not likely, now, that
taunts will accomplish what flattery and gold have
failed to perform. “ Georgia surrendered, indeed !”
Such language would come with a better grace from
any other quarter than South Carolina. Georgia has
not been in the habit of nullifying by resolution, or of
receding from positions deliberately taken. She has
never embarked in a sugar speculation, and, therefore
never fell it necessary to surrender.
The action of our lost Legislature, so far from hav
ing any binding force, was an usurpation of power. It
was at most a reference of the whole question to the peo
ple,v/ho alone have the right to net in such emergencies.
Notwithstanding every possible attempt to forestall
and mislead public sentiment was made, the people of
Georgia have decided for themselves that the main
tenance of Southern rights is not inconsistent with
their allegience to the Union. They have chosen wise
and well tried men—patriots of character and reputa
tion —to assemble, und mark out a line of policy for
the State. That Convention wiil not be composed of
either disunionists or subtnissionists. It will consist of
gentlemen who will think for themselves, and act for
themselves. They will enter into no league or com
bination with either South Carolina or Massachusetts.
They will hold communion neither with the abolition
ists, nor with the men who dodged among the pillars
in Washington, to enable the abolitionists to pass the
Wilmot Proviso, and thereby defeat the Comprom
ise Bills, then pending before Congress. They will
plant Georgia first apon her constitutional rights;and
it these are not respected und conceded—then upon her
individual sovereignty ! When that time comes, if
come it must, the word surrender, and the word
“ Sugar'’ will not be found in any Georgia vocabulary-
In the mean time, we advise our Carolina friends to
attend to their own affairs and protect their own hon
or. It they feel oppressed under the government
this Union, for God’s sake let them quit it. If they are
tired of living under our republican institutions, let
them repair to Great Britain, to France, to Spain, to
Austria, to Germany, to Russia, to Mexico, to South
America, or if they please, to China, and see if they
cannot obtain relief from their sufferings.
More Fine Flour.
We are indebted to .Messrs. Scott, Carliart is
ng-nts for the Atlanta Steam Mills, for a sack of A,
No. 1, choice, premium, Family Flour, which has been
tested and pronounced a little superior to anything of
the kind ever yet offered in market. In these days of
practical non-intercouise, we hope the true friends of
Southern Rights will prove their faith by their works,
and patronize our own manufacture?, especially as they
are the best and cheapest.
Mississippi and Senator Foote.
The House of Representatives of the Mississippi
Legislature, have passed a series of tesolutions by a
vote of 36 to 50 disapproving of the action of Mr.
Foote on the Compromise Bills, and declaring that
they do not consider the honor and rights of Mississip
pi safe in his hands. It is understood that they will
also pass a Bill calling a convention alter the example
of Georgia. If so, Mr. Foote need give himself no
trouble, as the people of Mississippi have too much
good sense to be guilty of any such folly as to dissolve
the Union. By the way, the Fire Eaters in that State,
are honest and open. They avow their purpose to be
disunion. They are entitled, of course, to respect, for
their honesty; but they will, on that account, be mote
easily beaten even than in Georgia.
Movements in South Carolina.
Our neighbours in Carolina seem to be resolved up a
“ shindy ” with Uncle Sam, upon their own hook. In
the legislature now assembled at Columbia, there are
evidently some rare and fiery spirits, hi the House of
Representatives on the 23th ult.
Mr. Middleton offered a resolution declaring that the
General Assembly will not electa senator of the U.
States, to fill the vacancy caused by the death of Hon.
J. C. Calhoun.
Mr. J. B- Perry, offered resolutions declaring it de
grading to the southern states to hold further connec
tion with the north, and that it is their duty to take the
necessiry tteps to dissolve the connection; that the
Hon. A. P. Butler and the Representatives in Congress
from this state, be instructed not to occupy their seats
until further Instructed.
In the House on the 29 th Mr. Wilkinson, offered a
resolution that the Governor be requested to ascertain
from the Federal Government, the purpose of sending
additional troops to Charleston, and whether they
were to remain at that port. The resolution was adop
ted.
Mr. Perry offered a preamble and resolutions, thai
the legislature heartily concur in the proposition of the
Nashville convention to convene a southern congress—
that the judiciary committee report a bill for the elec
tion of Representatives to such convenlion —that ill
case of any southern stale refusing or neglecting to
appoint delegates,that it will be the duty of the Gov
ernor to appoint delegates to such slates to urge the
people and legislature thereof to unite other states
in a congress of the whole south—ordered to be printed.
These proceedings certainly need no comment
Carolina seems to have fallen from her high estate, and
needs only the assistance of a southern Abby Kelly, in
order to take the palm from Massachusetts.
The Spirit of the Enemy.
The editor of the Columbus Times in giving an ac
count of the recent election says:
The Southern cause has been overborne by
the ambition of demagogues, the union cry of igno
rant infatuation, and tiie votes of yankees, foreigners
and traitors.” .£3
Father Ritchie, some time since, announced his de
termination to apply for a “writ of lunacy” for the ed
itor of the Times. We give place to the above ex
tract, merely for the purpose of furnishing our ancient
cotemporary with an additional item of testimony to
aid bim in making out his case- We cannot suppose
for a moment, that the editor of the Times can possi
bly be in his right mind. We cannot suppose that any
sane man could have deliberately uttered such a gross
slander upon the 70,000 freemen ol Georgia, who have
voted the Union Ticket. Yankees. Foreigners and
Traitors; indeed! What an association! What a
compliment to the yeomanry of Georgia! The “South
ern cause overborne by demagogues, yankees, foreign
ers and traitors!” Verily, the editor of the Times,
must have lost all sense of shame ! We really think
he had better “lift that affidavit ” at once, and suffer it
not to disturb his waking thoughts, or to haunt his
slumbers. It is useless to use hard words in regard to
it. His own conscience will rebuke him sufficiently
for uttering such a slander upon his fellow-citizens, na
tive and adopted.
The Editor of the Times is a professed disunionist.
In the very article before us, he boasts of the tact, that
his secession flag still float? at the mast head ; and yet,
he coolly turns round and denounces all who will not
join hint i' executing his traitorous purposes! If he
has no sense of patriotism in his own bosotn, why
should he denounce others because they, choose to
cherish that noble virtue ? Why should he insult the
poor, but industrious and liberty-loving foreigners, who
have fled from the real oppressions of the Old World
to seek an asylum in this country ? Does he propose
that these men shall falsify the plighted faith of their
friends, and perjure themselves in order to follow him
in his career of folly and madness? Is he aware of
the obligation which every foreigner assumes when he
becomes a citizen of these United States ? If not, we
will refiesh his recollection.
Ist. Every foreigner before he is allowed to take the
oath of allegience, is compelled to declare his inten
tion to become a citizen, and to obtain a certificate
from some resident citizen, declaring that he is “ at
tached to the Government and Constitution of the
United States, and wot thy the rights and privileges
of an American citizen.”
2nd. He is required to take the following oath :
’’ I do solemnly swear, that I do hereby entirely, ab
solutely and forever, renounce and abjure all allegiance
and fidelity to any any foieign Prience, Potentate,
Sim® v sovereignty whatever, and particularly to the
the Constitution of the United States.”
The Editor of the Times, it seems, would have these
men destroy the Constitution and Government to
which they have solemnly pledged their allegiance!
He would have thew perjure themselves in order to
carry out his purposes. Verily, such sentiments will
need no farther reproof from the voters of Georgia than
their silence and contempt. Our cotemporary of the
Times should learn to exercise more philosophy in his
misfortunes.
The Marshal of Massachusetts District.
Learning that certain papers, relating to the conduct
of the Marshal of the Massachusetts District had been
placed in the hands of me Attorney General for his
examination, and that he had given his views on the
subject in writing to the President.we applied for a copy
of hisopinion lor publication. It will be seen, that in Mr.
Crittenden’s judgment, there is no satisfactory evidence
of the neglect or evasion of duty by Mr. Devens or his
deputy.— Washington Republic.
Office of Attorney General.
November 25, 1850.
To the President :—As requested by you, I have
carefully examined all the papers placed in my hands
relating to complaints made against Charles Devens,
Esq., the Marshal of the Massachusetts district, for al
ledged neglect, and dereliction of duty in failing to ex
ecute a warrant which came to his hands for the arrest
of William Craft, a fugitive slave.
These papers, consisting chiefly of the affidavits of
Mr. Devens, the marshal, his deputy, Mr. P. Riley,
James Dickson, George T. Curtis, E=q , and Willis H.
Hughes, agent for the owner of the slave, with
letters from Mr. Fay and Mr. Curtis, are herewith
returned. Having perused them with care, and cer
tainly without any bias or preposession in favor of the
marshal or his deputy, I must say that, though I can
see no evidence of any particular activity and energy
on their part, it seems to nte there does not sufficiently
appear any cause for the censure of their conduct,
or the removal of the Marshal from office. A more
commendable activijy and energy might probably have
been exerted by them ; but they seem to have acted,
ton considerable extent, upon consultation, nnd in con
cert with Mr. Hughes, the agent for the owner of the
fugiiive, and, what might otherwise appear to be
bfatneable in them, may have been the result of that
consultation and concert. In this uncertain state of
the case, the declaration made by Mr. Hughes, at the
conclusion of the transaction, that he “ had no com
plaints to make against them,” or words to that effect,
is entitled to, and has had some influence on my judg
ment.
‘lf I could have discovered any satisfactory evidence
of the neglect or evasion of duty by these officers, in
this case, it would have been no less consonant with
my feelings than with my judgment.to have recom
mended their instant dismission from public service.
I have the honor to be, very respectfully, yours, &c.
J. J. CRITTENDEN.
PENNSYLVANIA EKECT!
GME.iTUSIOSMEF.TIXG iy PHILADELPHIA! ! ,
Mr. Buchanan’s Letter.
The great Union Meeting held in the Chinese Hall,
Philadelphia, on the night of the 21st inst., was the |
largest, the most harmonious and most patriotic ever
convened in this country. The papers say that there
were ten thousand persons within the Hall, which is
the largest in the world, and that there could not have
been less than 33,000 in the meeting during the eve
ning.
Letters were received horn Messrs. Clny, Buchanan,
Cass, Webster, Dickinson, Robert J. Walker, Richard
Rush and a host of other distinguished men ; speech
es were made by Messrs. Joseph R. Ingersoll, Geo ge
M. Dallas, Chas. J. Ingersoll, James Page and oth
ers. The meeting was called to order by the appoint
ment of John Sakgeant, as President. After ex
plaining the object of the meeting in a brief, eloquent
and appropriate address, a series of resolutions were
adopted, as follows:
1. Resolved, That the constitution of the United
States, which was wisely trained for the purpose of
establishing a “more perfect Union” and to ‘secure
the blessings ot liberty” to unborn generations, has
fulfilled the objects ol the patriots who assembled in
convention in the name, and on behalfof the people of
the United Stales, and is entitled to tite veneration and
support of their “posterity.”
2. That in succeeding to the guardianship of Liber
ty and the Union, which were achieved by the blood ol
our lathers, we have inherited an obligation to pre
serve them untarnished together: arid it would be
equally base to forfeit the National Independence, and
to tuil in allegiance to the National Union.
3. That the care of the Union is a sanctified trust,
and ought to be dear to every American; but those
Citizens are especially its guardians, who, standing on
the spot where Independence was declared—w here the
Constitution was framed, and where the Union was
rendered more perfect, are stimulated to its preserva
tion, anil find additional motives for the exercise
of that pious duty, in surrounding memorials of the
past; and here, on the very ground upon which our
heroic ancestors devoted themselves to their country,
we renew to ilie same cause, the pledges which they
once gave and gloriously redeemed, of “our lives, our
fortunes and our sacred honor.”
4. That the Constitution provides that persons “held
to service or labor in one State under the laws thereof,
escaping into another, shall be delivered up on claim of
the party to whom such service or labor may be
due.” For many years, State legislation contributed
means to carry this constitutional provison into effect.
When State legislation was repealed, a duty devolved
upon Congress to supply its place, and it has been dis
charged in conformity to fundamental law ; and ilie
enactments it has adopted, are entitled to ihe support of
the whole nation.
5. l'hat our countrymen are a law-abiding people.
They delegate to chosen representatives in the Con
gress ot the United States, powers ol legislation limit
led by the Constitution ; and they repose confidence
in the acts ol a majority, commensurate with the char
acter of a republican government. When individuals
array themselves against the execution of laws thusen
acted.and by so doing, trample upon the rights ol the
whole people, they are guilty of at least moral treason ;
and it is the solemn duty of the, people to rise up in
their majesty, and by carrying out the regular pro
ceedings of their representatives, to vindicate the
SUPREMACY AND THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE LAW.
G. That so much of the net of Assembly of Penn
sylvania, as forbids any officers of the Commonwealth,
from giving effect to any act of Congress, respecting
persons escaping from service into other States,and pro
vides penalties for taking cognizance or juiisdiction of
the case of any such fugitive, ought to be at the ear
liest possible moment, repealed.
7. That further agitation of the subject of slavery
which was heretofore promoted neiilier the welfare of
the slave, nor the cause oi emancipation, can be pro
ductive of nothing but evil. It has been adjusted by
Congress, and with that adjustment, it should be per
mitted, in our estimation, to rest.
8. That the permanence and stability of the Union
are endangered by the officious interference ol fanati
cal and disloyal spirits in the North with concerns that
do not belong to them—and by the counteracting vio
lence ol disloyal spirits in the South. Mutual denun
ciations resound from those opposite quarters, and
threaten undiscriminating injury and wrong to the
whole country. We believe these denunciations to be
wititout adequate cause, to be prompted byangryfeel
ings, rather than due reflection ; to manifest by their
<‘OlljllOfiuir nrcnUllPntH to tU anmo fatal results
oi dissolution and anarchy, that truth resides with nei
ther; and that hostility to the execution of existing
iaw, must be at variance with enlightened reason.—
We believe that the series of statuses enacted at the
late session ot Congress, for the sake of peace, were
passed in a spirit of patriotism and judicious compro
mise, that they are in no respect a departute from the
constitution, and that as it is the obligation, so it ou<dii
to be the desire of every citizen of the Republic, man
fully to sustain them.
MR. BUCHANAN’S LETTER.
Lancaster, Nov. 19, 1850.
Gentlemen : —1 have been honored by ‘he receipt of
your very kind invitation, “in behalt ol the friends of
the Constitution and the Union, without distinction of
party, resident in the city and county ot Philadel
phia,” to attend a public meeting, to be held on the
21st instant nt the Chinese Museum. 1 regret that en
gagements, which 1 need not specify, will deprive me
ot the pleasure and privilege of uniting with the great,
patriotic and enlightened community of your city and’
county in manifesting their attachment tor the Consti
tution and the Union, in the present alarming crisis in
our public affairs.
On a recent occasion, at the celebration of the open
ing of the Eastern portion of oar great Central Rail
road from Philadelphia to Pittsburg, I said that the
cordial support of that magnificent improvement was a
plattorm on which all Pennsylvanians of every political
denomination, could stand together in harmony. The
sentiment elicited an enthusiastic response from ail
present, whether Democrats or Whigs. I now say, that
the platform of our blessed Union is strong enough and
broad enough, to sustain all true hearted Americans.
It is an elevated, a gloiious platform, on which the
down-trodden nations of the earth, gaze with hope and
desire, with admiration and astonishment. Our Union
is the Star in the West, whose genial and steadily in
creasing influence will at last, should we remain a uni
ted people, dispel the glootn of despot sm from the an
cient nations of the wotld. Its moral power will prove
to be more potent, than millions of armed mercenaries.
And shall this glorious siar set in darkness, before it has
accomplished half its mission l Heaven forbid ! Let
us all exclaim with the heroic Jackson, “ The Union
must, and shall be preserved.”
And what a Union has this been ! The history of
Ihe human race pre.-enis no parallel to it. The bit of
striped bunting which was to be swiftly swept Irorn the
ocean, by the British Navy, according to the prediction
of a British statesman, previous to the war of 1812 is
now displayed in every sea, and in every port of the
habitable globe. Our gloiious stars and stripes the
flag ot our country, now piotects Americans in every
clime. “ I atn a Roman citizen !” was once the proud
exclamation which everywhere shielded an ancient
Roman from insult and injustice. “1 am an American
citizen!” is now an exclamation of almost equal potency
throughout the civilized world. This is a tribute due’
to the power and the resources of these thirty-one
United States. In a |ust cause, we may defy the world
in arms. We have lately presented a spectacle which
has astonished even the greatest captain of the age. At
the call of their country, an irresistible host of armed
men, and men, too, skilled in ihe use of arms, sprung
up like the soldiers ol Cadmus, from the mountains anil
valleys ot our great confederacy. The struggle amoii.r
them was not who should remain at home; but who
should enjoy the privilige ol braving ihe dangers and
privations of a foreign war, in defenee ot theTr coun
try’s rights. Heaven forbid that the question ot sla
very should ever prove to be the stone thrown into
their midst by Cadmus to make them turn their arms
against each other, and perish in mutual conflict!
Whilst our power as a united people secures us
against the injustice and assaults of foreign enemies,
what has been our condition at home ? Here every
citizen stands erect in the proud proportions bestowed
upon him by his Maker,and feels himself equal to h.s
fellow-man. He is protected by a government ot just
laws in the enjoyment ot life, liberty and property
He sits down under his own vine and his own fig tree,
and there is none to make liirn afraid. A vast conled
erncy of thirty sovereign and independent Slates is
open before him, in which he feels himself to he every
whereat home, and may everywhere, throughout its
extended limits, seek his own prosperity and happiness
in his own way. The most perfect freedom of inter
course prevails among all the States.
Here the blessings of tree trade have been realized
under the Constitution of the United States, and by
the consent of all, to a greater extent than the world
has ever witnessed. Our domestic tonnage and capi
tal employed in this trade, exceed, beyond all compar
ison, that employed in our trade wiih all the rest ol the
world. The mariner ol Maine, after braving the dan
gers of the passage around Cape Horn, finds himself
at home in Ins own country, when entering the distant
port ot San Francisco, on the other side of the world.
Heaven seems to have bound these Stales together
by adamantine bonds of powerful interests They are
mutually dependent on each other—mutually necessa
ry to each other’s welfare. The numerous and power
ful commonwealths which are spread over the valley of
t/ie Mississippi must seek the markets of the world tor
their productions, through the mouth of that father of
rivers. A strong naval power is necessary to keep tins
channel always tree in time of war ; and an immense
commercial marine is required to carry their produc
tions to the markets of the world, and bring hack their
returns. The same remark applies with almost equal
force to ihe cotton growing and planting States on the
Gulf of Mexico, and ihe Atlantic. VVno is to supp'y
this naval power and this commercial marine ! The
haidy ami enterprising sons of ihe North, whose home
has always been on ihe mountain wave. Neither ihe
pursuits, nor the habits of the people ot the Western
and the Southern States, fit them for such an employ
ment. They pre naturally the producers, whilst tile
Northern people are the carriers. This establishes a
mutual and profitable dependence upon each other,
which is one ol the strongest bonds of our Union.
Th- common sufferings and common glories ot the
past, the prosperiry of the present, and the brilliant
hopes of the future, must impress every patriotic heart
wiih deep love and devotion for the Union. Who
that is now a citizen of ihis vast Republic, extending
from St. Lawrence to the Rio Grande, and troin the
Atlantic to the Pacific, does not shudder at the idea of
being transformed into a citizen of one of its broken,
Jjealous and hostile fragments] What patriot would
1 not rather shed the last drop o! his blood, than see the
t thiriy-one brilliant stars, which now fl o it prou Jly np n
Jour country’s flag, ainid tti battle and the breeze, rudt -
ly torn f;o n the national banner,and scattered m con-
If inon ov r the face of the earth ?
Rest assured that all the patriotic emotic ns of rvery
’.rue-hearted Pennsylv. ni in, in favor of the Union
and th° Consiituion, are shared by the Southern peo
ple What ba li-field has not been illust aed by tiuir
gallant deeds; and, w ei, in our history, have they
ever shrunk from sacrifices and sufferings in the cause
of their country ? Wliat then means the muttering
thunder which we hear fiointhe South? The signs of
the times are truly portentous. Whilst many in the
South openly advocate the cause ot secession and dis
union, a large majority, as I firmly believe, still fondly
cting to the Union, awaiting -.v :n and *ep anxiety the ac
tion of the North on she Compiomisc lately affected in
G mgress. Should this be disregarded and nullified by
thf citizens of the North, the Southern people may be
ef ne united, and then farewell, a long lareweil to our
bijessed Union. lam no alarmist ; but a biave and
wise man looks danger steadily in the lace. This is
ihe best means of avoiding it. Ia in deeply impressed
with the conviction that the North neither sufficiently
understands nor appreciates the danger. For my own
part, I have been steadily watching its approach lor the
last fifteen years. During that period, 1 have often
sounded the alarm ; but my feeble warnings have been
disregarded. 1 now solemnly declare, as the deliberate
conviction of my judgment, that two things are nee s
-‘ary to preserve this Union from the most imminent
danger;—
1. Agitation in the North on the subject of Southern
slavery must be rebuked and put down by a strong, en
ergetic, and enlightened public opinion.
2. The fugitive slave law must be executed in its let
ter and in its spirit.
On each of these points I shall offer a few observa
tions.
Those are greatly mistaken who suppose that the
tempest which is now raging in the South has been
raised solely by the acts, or omissions,ot the present
Congress. The minds of the Sou them people have
been gradually prepared for this explosion by the events
of the last fifteen years. Much, and devotedly as they
love the Union, many of them are now taught to be
lieve that the peace ol their own firesides, and the se
curity ol their families,cannot be preserved without
separation from us. The crusade ot the üboiiiionists
against their domestic peace and the security commen
ced 1835. General Jackson,in his annual message to
Congress, in December of that year, speaks of it in the
lollowing emphatic language: “I must also, invite
your attention to the painful excitement produced in
the South by attempts to circulate through the mails
inflammatory appeals, addressed to the passions ot the
slaves, in prints and various sons of publications, cal
culated to stimulate them to insurrections,and produce
all the horrors ofa servile war.”
From that period the agitatiou in the North against
Southern slavery has been incessant, by means ol the
Press, of State L-gislatures, State and County Conven
tions, Abolition Lectures, and every other method
which fanatics and demagogues could devise. The
time of Congress has been wasted in violent har
rangues on the subject of slavery. Inflammatory ap
peals have been sent forth from the central point
throughout the c< untrv, the inevitable effect of which
has been to create geographical parties, so niucii dread
ed by theFatherof his Country, and to enstrange the
Northern and Southern divisions of the Union from
each other.
Before the Wilmot Proviso was interposed, the abo
lition of slavery in the District of Columbia had been
the chief theme of agitation. Petitions for this purpose,
by thousands troin men, women and children, poured
into Congress session after session. The rightsand ihe
wishes of the owners of slaves within the District, were
boldly disregarded. Slavery was denounced as a na
lionalsin and a national disgrace, w hich the laws of
God and the laws of man ought to abolish, cost what it
might. It mattered not to the fanatics that ihe aboli
tion ol slavery in the District would convert it into a
citadel, in the midst of two slaveholding States, from
which the abolitionists could securely scatter arrows,
firebiands and death, ail around. It mattered not toihe
fanatics that the abolition of slavery in the District
would be a violation of the spirit of the constitution and
of the implied faith pledged to Maryland and Virginia ;
because the whole world knows that those States would
never have cednf it to the Union, had they imagined it
could ever be converted by Congress into a place from
which their domestic peace andsecuiity might be as
sailed by fanatics and ab( litionisis. Nay, the abolition
ists went even stiil further. They agiiated for the pur
pose of abolishing slavery in the torts, arsenals and na
vy yards which ihe Southern States had ceded to the
Union,un lerthe co stitu io i, for the protection and de
fence of the country.
Thus stood the question when the Wilmot Proviso
was interposed, to add fuel to the flame, and to excite
the Southern people to madness.
President Polk was anxious to bring the war with
Mexico to an honorahle conclusion with the least possi
ble delay. He deemed it highly probable that an ap
propriation by Congress of $>3,000,000, to be paid to the
Mexican Govemmem immediately alter the conclusion
of peace, might essentially aid him in accomplishing
this desirable object, lie sent a message to this effect
to Congress in August, 1816 ; and whilst the bill grant
ing the appropriation was pending before the House:
Mr. Wilmot offered his lainous proviso asand amend
ment, which was carried by a majority of nineteen
votes. This amendment, had it even been properm
itself, was out of time and out of place, because it had
not then been ascertained whether we should acquire
any territory from Mexico; and in point of fact, the
Treaty of Peace was not concluded until eighteen
months thereafter. Besides, the Proviso, by deleating
the appropriation, was caltu ated, though I cannot be
lieve it was intended, to proiong the war.
The Wilmot Proviso, until near the termination of
the last session of Congress, defeated every attempt to
form territorial governments lor our. Mexican acquisi
tions. Had such governments been established at the
proper time, Calitornia would have changed her terri
torial into a State government, and would have come
into the Union, as naturally as a young man entersupon
his civil rights at the age of twenty-one producing
scarcely a ripple upon the surface of public opinion.
What consequences have resulted from the Proviso ?
It placed the two divisions of the Union in hos‘i!e ar
ray. The people ol each, instead of considering the
people of the other as brethren, began to view each oth
er as deadly enemies. Whilst Northern Legislatures
were passing resolutions instructing their Senators and
requesting their Representatives to vote for the Wilmot
Proviso, and for laws to abolish slavery in the District
of Columbia , Southern Legislatures and Conventions,
prompted and sustained by the indignant and united
voice of the Southern people, were passing resolutions
pledging themselves to measures ot resistance. The
spirit of fanaticism was in the ascendant. To such a
height had it mounted, that a bill introduced into the
House of Representatives, by Mr. Giddings, during the
, last session of the last. Congress, authorizing the slaves in
the District of Columbia to vote, on the question wheth
er they themselves should be freeman, was defeated on
the motion of my friend Mr. Brodhead, cf this State,
: by the slender majority of only twenty-six votes.
! Thus stood the question when the present Congress
[assembled. That body at first presented the appear
ance ofa Polish Diet,divided into hostile panics ; rather
than that of the Represema lives of a great and united
people, assembled in the land ot Washington, Jeffer
son and Jackson, to consult and,act together as brethren
in promoting the common good of the whole Republic.
ft would be the extreme of dangerous infatuation to
suppose that the Union was not then in serious danger.
Had the Wilmot Proviso become a law, or had slavery
been abolished in the District of Columbia, nothing
short of a special interposilion or Divine Providence
could have prevented the secession of most, if not all ot
the slaveholding States.
It was from this great and glorious old Common
wealth. rightly denominated the “Keystone of the
Arch,” that the first ray of light emanated to dispel the
glooin. She is notconcious of her own power. She
stands as the days man, between the North and the
South,and can lay her hand on either party, and say,
thus farshaltthou go,and no further. The wisdom,
moderation and firmness of her people, calculate her
eminently to act as the just and equitable umpire be
tween the extremes.
It was the vote in our State House of Representatives,
refusing to con.-idei the instructing reso'uiions in favor
of the Wilmot Proviso, which first cheered the hearts oi
j every patriot in the land. This was speedily lollow, and
j by a vote ot the House ot Representatives at Washing
ton, nailing the Wilmot Proviso itself to the table.-
I And here I ought not to forget the great meeting held
jin Philadelphia on the birth-dav ot the father of his
| country, in favor of the Union, which gave a happy and
•'irresistable impulse to public opinion throughout the
State,and 1 may add throughout the Union.
The honor of the South has been saved by the Com
promise. The WilmotProvisoisforeverdead.andsla
very will never be abolished in the District of Colum
bia whilst it continues to exist in Maryland. The re
ted ing storm iri the South still coniinues to dash with
violence, but it will gradually subside,should agitation
cease in the North. All that is necessary for us to do
is to execute the fugitive slave law, and to let the south
ern people alone, suffering them to manage their own
lomesiicconcerns in their own way. A Virginia far
mer once asked me if iheir were Iwo neighbors living
ogether, what would 1 think if one of them should be
- ternally interfering in the domestic concerns of the
other ? Could they possibly live together in peace ?
Without reference to the harmony and safety of ihe
Union, what a blessing would this policy of non-iuter
-I’erence b<, not only to ihe slaves and the free negroes,
out even to the cause of constitutionaUemancipation it
self.
Since the agitation commenced, the slave has been
deprived of many privileges which he lormily enjoyed,
because of the stern necessity thus imposed upon the
master to provide lor his presonol safety and that of his
family.
The free negro, for the same overruling reason,is
threatened with expulsion from the landol his nativity
in the south ; and there are strong indications in several
of the Northern States that they will refuse to aliord
him an n-y urn.
Tne cause of emancipation itself has greatly suffered
bv the agitation. If left to its constitutional and natu
ral course, laws ere th s would most probably have ex
ist - I for the gradual abolition of slavery in the States
of Maryland, Virginia. Kentucky and Missouri.
The current of publ c opinion was running strongly
in that direction belore the abolition excitement com
menced, especially in V irginin. There a measure hav
ing directlym view the gradual abolition of slavery,
offered too by the grandson of Thomas Jefferson, came
within one vote, ii my memory serves, ol passing the
House of Delegates. Throughout Virginia, as well 0
in the other three states which I hive mentioned, there
wa3 then a powerful, influential and glowing patty
in tavor of gradual emancipation, cheered on to exer
tion by the brightest hopes of success. What has now
become of this party 1 It is gone. It is numbered
with the things that have been. The interference of
Northern fanatics with the institution of slavery in the
south has so excited and exasperated the people that
there is no man in that region now bold enough to utter
a sentiment in favor of gradual emancipation. The ef
forts of the abolitionists have long, vety long postponed
the day of emancipation in these states. Throughout the
grain growingslave Slates,powerful causes were in op
r ration, which many years, have produced
gradual emancipation. These have been coumeiacte l
by the violence and folly of ihe abolitionists Tie
have done infinite mischief. They have not onl*
brought the Union into imminent peril, but they have
inflicted the greatest evils both on ihe slave and on the
free negro, tiie avowed objects of their regard. e
Let me then, call upon your powerful and it,fl u . a
ential meeting, as they value the union of these states
the greatest political blessing ever conferred by a ‘
bountiful providence upon man ; as they value the well
b--injj of tiie slave and free negro ; as they value e\en
the cau-e ol regular and constitutional emancipation
to exert nil their energies to put down the long eotit:n
ued agitation in the north against slavery h the south’
Is it unreasonable that tiie South should make this de
mand l The agitation has reached t-ucii a height ih o
the southern pe, fee, th. ;i : i . . j 1
involved. It has fii. and the nnnds oi the slaves Wl r!
v gue no!ions ol emancipation, and, in the language'< }
General Jackson, threatens “ io stimulate them to
surrection and produce all the honors of a servile war ”
Although any such attempt on their part wou'd L
easily and speedily *nppre=>sed, yet whar horrors mj 2 [, t
not in the mean time be perpetrated ! Many a in,, l ]’ er
now retires to test at night under dreadful apprehen
sions of what may befal herself and h r family before
the morning. Self-preservation is the first instinct of
nature; and, therefore, any stale oi society in wh; h
the sword of Damoc es is ah the time suspended over
the heads of the people, must,at last, become intolera
ble. To judge correctly of our relative duties toward*
the people of ihe south, we ought to place ourselves in
their position, and do unto them as we would they
should do unto us under s rndar circumstances. This
is the golden rule. It was under its benign influsnee
that our constitution ot mutual compromise and coi ces
sion was flamed, and by the same spirit alone can n be
maintained. Do the people of the North act in this
Christian spirit, whilst, stigmatising their brethren of
the south with the harshest epithets, and imputing to
them a high degree of moral guilt, because slavery has
been entailed upon them by their forelathers; and tins
too, with a knowledge that the cons< quenceh of these
assaults must be to place in peril their personal satety,
and that of all they hold most dear on earth. I repeat
that this constantagitatiou must be arrested by the firm
determination and resolute action of the vast majority
of the people of the north, who are known to disap
prove it,or the sacrifice of our glorious Union, tm.y
and probably will be at last the consequence.
2.1 sha’i now proceed to present to you some views up
on the subject ot the much misrepresented fugitive slave
law. It is now evident, from all the signs ot the times,
that this is destined to become the principal subject of
agitation at the next session of Congress and to tike
the place of the Wilmot Proviso. Its total repeal or
its material modification will hencefotward be the bat
tle cry of the agitators of the North.
And what is tiie character of this law ? It was pas
sed to carry into execution a plan,clear,and mandatory
provision of the constitution, requiring that fugitive
slaves, who fly from set vice in one state to another, shall
be delivered up to their masters. This provision is so
explicit that he who runs may read. No commentary
can present it in a stronger light than the plain words
ol the constitution. It is a well known historical fact,
that without this provision, the constitution itself could
never have existed. How could this have been otber
wise ! Is it possible lor a moment to believe that the
slave suites would have formed a union with the tree
states, it under it, their slaves by simply escaping actors
the boundary which separates them would acquire oil
ihe rights of freemen ? This would have been to offer
an irresistible temptation to all the slaves of the south,
to precipitate themselves upon the north. The lederal
constitution, therefore, recognises in the clearest and
most emphatic terms, the property in slaves and pro
tects this property by prohibiting any state into which
a slave might escape from discharging him from slavery,
and by requiring that he shall be delivtreJ ,up to
his master.
But, say the agitators, the fugitive slave law, framed
for the very purpose of carrying into effect an exprtss
i rovision of the constitution,is itself unconstitutional.
1 shall not stop to argue such a point at length, deem
ing this to be wholly unnecessary. The law, in every
one of its essential provisions is the very same law
which was passed in Feb , 1793, by a Congress, many
of whose members had come fresh from the convention
which framed the federal constitution, and was approv
ed by the Father of his country. If this be so, it may
be asked whence the necessity of passing the present
law ? Why not rest upon the Act ot 1793 ? This
queslion is easily answered. ‘The Act of L93had en
trusted its own execution not only to the Judges of the
circuit and district courts of the United States, but to
all state magistrates of any county, city, or town cor
porate. The decision of the supreme court of the U.
States, in the case cf Prigg rs. the commonwealth of
Pennsylvania, deprived these state magistrates of the
power of acting under the law. What was the conse
quence ? Let us take the state of Pennsylvania for an
example. There were but three individuals left in the
whole state who could judicially execute the provis
ions of the Act of 1793—the circuit Judge and the two
District Judges. Two of these Judges reside in Phila
delphia and one of them in Pittsburgh, a distance of
more than three hundred miles apart. It is maniiest,
therefore, that the law, in many, indeed in most cases,
could not have been executed for want of officers near
at hand It thus became absolutely necessary for Con
gress to provide United States officers to take the place
of the state magistrates who had been superseded.—
Without this n constitutional right could have existed
with no adequate means of enforcing it. The fugitive
sluve bill was passed chiefly to remedy this defect, and
to substitute such officers instead of the state magis
trates whose powers had been nullified under tiie decis
ion of the supreme court.
It is worthy of remark that several of our Northern
Legislatures, availing themselvesof the decision of ihe
supreme court, and under the deep excitement produ
ced by the agitation ot the Wilmot Proviso, passed
laws imposing obstacles to the execution of the pr =-
ions of the constitution for the restoration of tugiii e
slaves. lam sorry, very sorry, to state that Pennsyl
vania is among this number. By our Act of 3d March,
1847, even the use of our public jails is denied lor the
safe custody of the fugitive; and the jailer who shall of
fend against this provision, is deprived ol hisoffice,ad
is punishable with a heavy fine, and a disqualification
ever again to hold a similar office !
The two principal objections urged against the fugi
tive slave law are, that it will promote kidnappingjand
that it does not provide a trial byjury for the fugitive in
the state to which he has escaped.
The very same reasons may be urged r with equal
force,against the Act of .1793, and yet it existed tor
more than half a century without encountering any
such objections.
In regard to the kidnapping ;—the fears of the agita
tors are altogether groundless. The law requires that
the fugitive shall be taken before the judge or commis
sioner. The master must there prove, to the satisfac
tion of the magistrate the identity of the fugitive, that
he is the masters property and has escaped from his
service. Now I ask would a kidnapper ever undertake
such a task? Would hesubotn witnesses to commit
perjury and expose himself to detection before the
judge,or commissioner, and in presence ol the argus
eyes of a non-slaveholding community, w hose feelings
will always be in favor c>f the slave ? No, never. The
kidnapper seizes his victim in the silence of the night’
or in a remote atrd obscure place, and hurrieshim away.
He does not expose himself io the public gaze. He will
never bring the unfortunate object of his rapacity be
fore a commissioner or judge. Indeed, I have no re
collection of having heard or read of a case, in w hich a
freeman was kidnapped under the forms of law, during
the whole period oi more than half a century, 6ince the
act of 1793 was passed.
But it is objected to the law, that the fugitive is not
allowed a trial by jury in the State to which he has es
caped. So it has always been under the act ot 1793,
and so it is under the present law. A fugitive from la
bor is placed upon the very same footing, under the
constitution, with a fugitive from justice. Does a man,
charged with the commission of a crime in Maryland
fly into Pennsylvania, he is delivered up, upon proper
evidence, to the authorities of the State from which he
fled, there to Stand his trial. He has no rigid to de
mand a trial by jury in Pennsylvania. Nay more; un
der our extraordinary treaties with foreign powers, does
a man charged w ith a crime committed in England or
France fly to the Ur.i'ed S'ntes, he is delivered up to
the authorities < : the cour. :y ‘Vvtr which h<* fled, with
out a trial by jury in this country. Precisely the same
is the case in regard to a fugitive from labor. Upon
satisfactory proof, he is delivered up withtuta trial M
jury. In the Constitution he is placed upon the very
same footing with fugitives from justice from other
States; and by treaty, he is placed upon the very same
footing with fugitives from justice from foreign coun
tries. Surely the fugitive slave is not entitled to supe
riorprivilegesover the free wbiteman. When he returns
to the Slate from which he has escaped, he is there en
titled to a trial by jury, for the purpose ot deciding
whether he is a freeman. I believe every slave State
has made provisions by law for such a trial without ex
pense, upon the petiiion of the slave; and we have
heard it announced from the highest authority in the
Senate of the United States, that such trials are al
ways conducted in mercy, and with a rigid regard w
the rights of the slave.
Why should an act of Congress cast such a reflection
upon the judicial tribunals ofa sister state, as to say that
they shall not be trusted with the tuai of the question
whether an ind'vidual is entitled to his freedom under
the laws of the Suite from which he has fled ?
But to allow the fugitive slave a trial by jury in the
State where he is found, would in many instances,com
pletely nullify the provisions of the Constitution. There
are many, I fear, very many, in the Northern States,
who place their consciences above the Constitution of
their country, and who would, as jurors, rescue a fugi
tive slave from servitude against the clearest testimony,
thinking, at the same time, they were doing God’s ser
vice. The excited condition of public feelt gin many
portions of the North, would disqualify honest and re
spectable men from acting ns impartial jurois on such
a question. Besides, the delay, the trouble, and the
expense of a jury trial at such a distance from home,
would, in mo.-t cases, prevent the master from pursuing
his fugitive slave. He would know that shoidd he fa-j
to obtain a veidict, this would be his ruin. He would
then tie persecuted with actions of slander, of false im*
prisonment, and eveiy kind of prosecution which inge
nuity cou'd devise.
The d< feat of the Wilmot Proviso, and the passage
ofihe Fugitive Slave Law, are all ihat the South ha'e
obtained by the Compromise. T hey ask'd for the
Missouri Compromise, which it is known that for one,
1 was always willing to concede, believing this w< u
be the most just, eqmtab'e, and satisfactory strange*
ment of the Teriitcria I question between the North <‘ nii
the South. But that has passed away. California hn- !
been admitted as a Slate into the Union, with a po f: ‘
live pi ohibiiion of slavery in her constiiulion*and *<*’
therthe Mexican law abolishing slavety be iv jorenj
not in the remainder of our Territorial acquisition’
does any man believe that slavery will ever prevail *’
mongthe Mormons in Utah, or among the inhabii r,! _
of the snow-clad hills and mountain valleys of
Mexico ? Besides, the slave trade has been abo,m lcu
in the District of Columbia. ,
What then ol the compromise practically rem* 1
for the South but this fugitive slave law, passed to Cl *
ry out a clear constitutional provision ? It is the or
compensation which they have received tor what 1
believe to be the great injuries they have sustains