Newspaper Page Text
JOURNAL AND MESSENGER.
s. T.CHAPXABi Ar S. ItOSE.Editor*.
jrem from the Keport of the Secretary of
Vt ar.
The aggregate strength of the Array, as established
by law,is 1*2,927 officers and men. It is estimated,
however, that the number actually in service and fit
for duty, usually falls short of the legal organization
on an average of from 39 to 40 per cent. t
All the means at the disposal of the Department have
been employed for the protection of Texas and New
Mexico against the Indians in their vicinity. From
the reports of the officer in command, however, the
department is satisfied that the force stationed on that
frontier will be entirely insufficient for its protection
The regiment of mounted riflemen reached Oregon
in safety, after establishing a line of military stations
along the route.
The surrey of the Delta of the Mississippi, with a
view to the deepening of the channel at its mouth, has
been confided to Maj. Long and Captain Humphreys,
of the topographical corps. Mr. Charles Eilet, Jr ,
has been also employed io examine the subject and re
port to the Department.
To pot an end to the conflict of authorities in New
Mexico, the officer imeonimnnd there haslteen instruct
ed to abstain from all further interference in tiie civil
and political affairs of the country.
A retired list of officere is recommended, also the es
tablishment of an asylum for disabled and destitute sol
diers.
Items from the Report of the Secretory of the
Navy. —The two brigantines composing the expedi
tion in search of Sir John Franklin, at the date of their
last report to the Department, had advanced to the 75th
degree of North latitude, and about the 60th degree o
West longitude.
The vessels of the Navy of the United States consist
®f 7 ships of the line ; 1 razee ; 12 frigites ; 21 sloops
of-war; 4 brigs; 2 schooners; 5 steam frigates; 3
steamers of the Ist class ; 6 steamers less than Ist class;
and 5 store ships.
Os thee there are in commission. 1 razee ; 6 frigates;
15 sloops cf WMr; 4 brigs : 2 schooner (coast survey;)
2 steam friga es ; 1 steamer of the let class ; 3 stcam
era less than Ist class ; 3 ships o! the iine, as receiving
ships ; 1 steamer do.; and 1 sloop do.
There are also on the stocks and in progress of con
struction 4 ships of the line and 2 frigates.
The personnel of the navy comprises 63 captains, 97
commanders, 327 lieutenants, 63 surgeons, 37 passed
assistant surgeons, 43 assistant surgeons, 64 pursers, 21
chaplains, 12 piofessors of mathematics, II masters in
the line of promotion, and 464 passed and other mid
shipmen ; to which is to be added, besides other war
rant officers, according to the annual appropriation for
pay and subsistance, 7.500 petty officers, seamen, or
dinary seamen, landsmen, and boys.
The Secretary proposes that in all future promotions
to a captaincy or to a higher rank, if such shall be es
; bli-hed, senioritv shall not he regarded, and merit
si.ail be esteemed the only criterion of selection.
T"e recommendation of the Secretary is, that the
office of Commodore, (a title now given merely by
courtesy to offices who have commanded squadrons,)
be recogtrsed by law, and that at least two officers be
created of the rank >• rear-admiral.
The sum total of appropriations required for nil ob
jects under the supervision o’ the Department is §B,lll ,-
600. Os this sum the amount required for tlie naval
service and marine corps lor the year is $5.900 021
The above aggregate is less by more than a million of
dollars than were the estimates for the present year.
The expenditure of the Departments durmg the year
ending June 30, 1850, were §7,891,891 94, of which
sum the amount expended for the support of the navy
and marine corps, was §5.523,725 83 The unexpect
ed balance of appropriations, at the d-rie last mention
ed, was $5,839,259 84, ail of which will be required to
meet outstanding obligations for that year.
Items from the Report of the Post Master-Gen
eral.—The increase of this service for the Inst fisc.-j
year, over the year preceding, was about 9 4-lo;>er
cent,, and the increase in the total cost was about 12
7-10 percent. The whole number of Post Offices in
the United States at the end of the last fiscal year was
18,417. The gross revenue of the Department for the
year ending June 30,1850, was $5,552,971 48 ; the ex
penditure were $5,212,953 43; leaving, as the excess
of the gross revenue over the expenditures, the sum of
§310,018 05. The nett balance to the creditor the rev
enue of the Department, at the date last mentioned,
was §1,132,015 82. The estimated revenues for the
current year are $6,166 616 29, and the estimated ex
penditures $6,019,809 90 ; leaving an excess of revenue
at $146,806 38, which is to be considered, of course,
only as a reasonable approximation to the actual re
sult.
Sixteen steam ships are now in actual service in con
veying the maiis to foreign countries and to our posses
sions on the Pacific. Four more are to be added under
existing contracts.
On the subject of the reduction of postage, the recom
mendations of the Post Master Genera! nre substantial
ly as follows: That the inland letter postage be fixed
st three cents the single letter when prepaid, and five
cents when not prepaid ; the prepaid rate robe reduced
to two cents the single letter whenever it shall be as
certained that the revenues of the Department, after
the reductions now rr commended, shall have exceeded
its expenditures by more than five per cent., for two
consecutive fiscal years ; twenty cents the single letter
to be charged on all correspondence to and from the
Pacific coast, South America, the eastern continent
and its islands, and point? beyond either ; and ten cents
the single letter on ail other sea going fetters, (where
the postage has not been adjusted by treaty,) wiihou 1
the superaddition of inland postage in any case.
It is recommended that the uniform inland postage
on newspapers, sent to subscribers fiom the office of
publication be fixed at one cent each ; on pamphlets,
periodicals, and all other printed matter, (except news
papers,) two cents for the weight of two ounces or less,
and one cent ior every additional ounce or fraction of
an ouacc ; ior the sen-going charges on all printed
matter, twice the inland rate where the letter postage
between the same points is ten cents, and four times
the inland rate where the letter postage is twenty cents.
It is suggested that the term newspaper is not so
fully defined by the existing laws as is desirable to re
lieve the Department from perplexing q cations.
Depaetmint of the Interior — The Report of the
Secretary of the Interior is an elaborate document, pref
aenting a full exhibit of the condition and operations <>
the new department and the multifarious interests o
the Land service. Indian affaire, the Pension office, Ac.
&.C., over which it has charge.
The estimates for the various branches of the public
service within its jurisdiction, for the approaching year,
reach the iarge amount of §7,132,013 47 ; being an ex
cess over the estimates for the current year of §1,729,-
S7O 63. The increase aritw s principally from the en
larged expense of Indian aflaira and ’he pension list!
for which the estimates are, respectively, $1,441,472 66
and §2 644 726 31.
The number of claims for warrants under the late
bounty land law, up to Nov. sth, was 9,418, and it is
rapiuiy increasing. The whole number of persons
who, if living, would be entitled to the benefit of the
law, the Secretary aays, would exceed half a million ;
and he estimates that the number of claimants will be
about 250.000.
Os the public lands there were disposed 0f,5,184,410.
91 acres; of which 1.320,962 77 were sold,and 3 405.-
520 00 located on bounty land warrants. For the three
quarters of 1850. the quantity ditposed of has been 2,-
815,366.42 acres ; 869,082.32 sold, and 1,520,120.00 lo
oated on warrants.
The Secretary urges the importance of a national
highway to the Pacific, within our own territory, from
the valley of the Mississippi to the western coast, and
the necessity of obtaining full and accurate information
aa to he shortest and best route, having reference not
only to distance, but also to the soil, climate, and adap
tation to agricultural purposes of the intermediate
country.
He renews the recommendation of his ptedecessor
for the establishment of an Agricultural bureau ; and
advises the institution of a model form at Mount Ver
non,” whose soil was once tilled by the hands, and is
bow consecrated by the dust of the Father of bis Coun
try.”
Tbi Siamese Twins, who were,some time ago re
ported to be dead, although the story was immediately
contradicted, have thought proper to express their own
doubts in the matter in the following letter, dated Mt.
Airy, N. C., Nov. 22:
“ We aee by the papers that we are dead—died in
£ngtand; but we don’t believe a word of it. Teii
—• that our last boy isn’t named for him— we call hint
Patrick Henry. Three others are Jamea Mjdison,
Christopher W ren and Stephen Decatur.”
MACON, GEORGIA.
WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 18.
The Union Convention.
Having been absent nearly the whole of last week
in atteudance upon the Convention, and having occu
pied sojmuch of our space with the detailed proceed
ings, we of course have neither space nor opportunity
for extended comment. The Convention was a truly
dignified and talented body. Its proceeding were
masked w ith great propriety and regard for order and
decorum. The committees and sub committees were
composed of men of business tact, and hence, the mat
ter for the action of the body was promptly and judi
ciously prepared.
Ot the nature of the proceedings, ( have spoken
elsewhere. One thing struck us with peculiar force:
Georgia, through the Convention, acted as a unit,and
upon her ow n responsibility. There was no attempt
to cast censure upon any one—no effort toendotse the
platform of the Nashville Convention—no proposition
90 co-ojterate with South Carolina in getting up a
Southern Congress. Indeed, h.was a singular lact,
that the name of that State was scarcely mentioned in
■he whole deli iterations and proceedings, oi-e seem H
to have fallen so far below the standard of true proprie
ty, as to have been entirely forgotten-
Hit them Again.
We nre pleased to notice that the Collector of New
Voik lias seat to Washington the names of 120 offi
cers in the Custom-House, who are to he removed.—
They are said to be all the friends of Senator Seward,
and advocates of the “higher law doctrine.’’ This
is the way to treat the abolition’-:s, and Mr. Fillmore
s just the man for the emergency. Let the faclionists
North and South once understand that they can have
neither part or lot in administering the affairs of the
< Jovernment, and it will soon bi ing them to their senses.
Messrs. Jemee Ac Miller.
We owe these gentlemen an apology for not having
called attention to their advertisement a fortnight since-
We advise all who desire to see the art of writing
reducett to a perfect science to give them a call. Their
specimens of handy work nre truly wonderful, and
goth rs issustained by the
•H-.ist sinking evidence of improvement in their pupils.
Mr. Jenree has now in his possession, a beautiful silver
cap, presented to him by his class recently instructed
in Savannah.
The Merchants Magazine.
The December number of Hunt’s Merchants Maga
zine, is upon our table. It opens with an able article
upon the cotton trade from 1825 to 1850, by professor
Charles T. McCay, ol Georgia. This article is evi
dently the result of much profound study and careful
investigation, and we regret that the size and number
of the tables accompanying, it will probably prevent
us from re-publishing it. The other articles are also
able and well written, and we feel that we cannot too
frequently or too urgently press upon our friends the
importance of patronizing the work. There is scarcely
a single copy of it which is not worth the entire annual
su ascription price.
Jenny Lind in Charleston.
We nre m receipt of a letter from Albert Case, Esq.,
of Cha i lesion, Agent of Jenny Lind, from which it ap
peals that she will iirobably not come nearer to Macon
than the city of Charleston. We advise our people
not to loose their senses entirely upon the occasion.—
Jenny is certainly a delicious warbler, and seems to
have the most unbounded influence over the tninds and
nearts and feeiings of all who hear her. The proceeds
of her four concerts in Baltimore last week, were over
§50,000! As the planters of Georgia appear to have
an abundance of surplus cash at the present time, it is
truly a pity that she cannot afford to come utter it. —
Her first concert takes place in Charleston on the 26th
in-tt., and site cannot sing more titan three or four
nights, as she sails for Havanna positively on the Ist
proximo. .Mr. Case states that he confidently expects
to effect an arrangement by which passengers can pass
from Macon to Charleston and return at half the
customary rates.
EDITORIAL CORRESPONDENCE.
Mili.edgeville, Dec. lOtli, 1850.
Gentlemen: The Convention organized this morn
ing, Judge Edward Y. Hill in the Chair and R. S.
Lanier, Esq., Secretary. A list of delegates was pre
sented from the Executive Department. Upon exam
ination, it was found tiiat returns had not been receiv
ed front Appling and Clinch. The delegates, howev
er, were in attendance—presented their certificates
and were admitted to seats. Every county, therefore,
was represented and every delegate was in his seat!
The Hon. THOMAS SPALDING, the only survi
ving signer of the Constitution of the State, was cho
sen President of the Convention by acclamation. The
Hon. \V r . B. Wofford of Habersham, and the Hon.
Andrew J. Miller of Richmond were chosen Vice
Presidents and Robert S. Lanier, Esq., of Bibb, Sec
retary 1 . The President was conducted to the Chair by
a committee composed of Messrs. Stapleton, Hull and
Ridly.
Upon assuming the Chair, Mr. Spalding made a
brief but appropriate speech. He said that he was
grateful for the compliment bestowed ; and would en
deavor to perform the arduous duties, though extreme
age and feeble health admonished him that he would
need much forbearance on the part of the Convention
As the last surviving signer of the Constitution, he felt
that there was perhaps an appropriateness in tendering
him the place—it would at feast be a graceful termina
tion of a long lire. Twenty five y ars ago he had re
ifirred from the turmoii of political life to the quiet of
his own family circle. Nothing could have induced
itim to quit that retirement hut the conviction that the
Union and the cause of Republican liberty were in dan
ger. He spoke the honest conviction ot his heart, when
he declared that sooner than see this Union broken up
and witness the bloodshed and civil strife which would
follow, he would prefer that he and his should perish
in tlie common ruin.
The speech was received with every demonstration
of delight by the Convention. Upon motion of Mr.
Robinson of Macon, the President was requested to em
ploy some reverend gentleman to open the Convention
each morning with prayer.
On motion of Mr. Jenkins of Richmond, the presi
ding officers were requested to appoint a Committee of
Titree front each Judicial District, to report business
for the Convention. The body then adjourned till 10
o’clock to-morrow.
In glancing over this Convention, I was particularly
struck w th the superior intelligence and gentility of its
membership. Out of 264 delegates, more than half are
slaveholders—owning from 30 to 400 negroes each.—
They are not only men of property, but men of edu
cation and high respectability. There is, also, a large
proportion of grey heads in the assembly, which, at
least, must be regarded as prima facie evidence of ex
perience and prudence. These are the men, who, ac
cording to ‘he Fire-Eating organs, have been elected
by a combination of “ Yankees, Foreigners,and Trai
torsßeally, one scarcely knows which most to
wonder a:—the want of sense or the want of principle
manifested by tbeenemiesofthe Union. What a con
trast between the genileinen compoing this Conven
tion and their assailants. Would that every voter in
Georgia could be present and witness the deliberations
of those who have been entrusted with the honor and
interests of the State. They would then be able to ap
preciate th** character of the assaults which have been
made upon the friends of the Union by the petty polit
ical tricksters, who have attempted to hatch treason
inour midst. Yours, &.c., S. T. C.
Mili.edgeville, Dec. 11, 1850.
Gentlemen —There was not much business of impor
tance transacted in the Convention to-day. After
the reading of the Journal of yesterday’s proceedings,
the venerable President announced the names of the
gentlemen selected to prepare the Report.
Mr. Spalding temarked that the duty devolved upon
the presiding offiers was a delicate and responsib:eone ;
that it did not consist, however, in any scarcity ol gen
tlemen of distinction and ability. On the contrary, it
consisted in making a choice between men who were
•qually distinguished for character, intellect and patri
ttism.
He had endeavored in the appointment, to represent
•very section ot the State, and every shade of opinion-
Je would only remind the Convention, and the Com
nittee, that “ in moderation there was wisdom”—that
since Congress had now, for the first time, in thirty
years, shown a disposition to respect the rights of
the South, he thought it was the part of wisdom and
patriotism to acquiesce in its action. Unanimity and
annony were always desirable—but never more so
3 than in the present crisis. He trusted in God that the
eliberations of this Convention might show to the
country and the world, that “ while our hands were a
thousand, our hearts were but one “
The Committee consists of the following gentlemen:
1. Middle Circuit .—Jenkins, Lawton, Flournoy.
2. Eastern Circuit.— Couper, Smith, and Bartow.
3. Southern Circuit. —Blackshear, Geo. Wilcox and
Gatlin.
4 South- Western Circuit. —Crawford, Taylor and
Irwin.
5. Chattahoochee Circuit. —MeDougald, Bivins and
Clarke.
6. Coweta Circuit —E.Y. Hill, Murphy, Slaughter.
7. Cherokee Circuit. —Tumlin, Lawhon, Chastain.
8. Western Circuit —\V. J. Hill, Hull ami Knox.
9. Northern Circuit. —Gilmer, Baxter and Long.
10. Ocinulgce Circuit —Sanford, Meriwether, and
Kenan.
11. Flint Circuit. —King, Williamson, and Collins.
The Committee were ordered to have their Report
printed previous to its presentation.
The Convention then took up the resolutions of Mr.
Ward, admitting reporters to seats on the floor, and
authorizing the appointment of a Committee of Three,
to employ a Stenographic Reporter and make tlie ne
cessary preparations for tlie publication of the entire
proceedings of the Convention under the supervision of
the presiding officers.
A long discussion ensued, in which, Judges Hill and
Meriwether, and Messrs. Poe, Ward, Flournoy, and
others, participated. Mr. Ward advocated his resolu
tions, upon the plea,that it was proper that every thing
which was said or done in the Convention, ought to be
placed before the people. Mr. Flournoy thought that
it was unjust to tax tlie people with the expense of pub
lishing tiie speeches of members. This fund ought to
be raised by private contributions,among the members,
i(c. The matter was finally settled by the rejection of
:he proposition to employ a Reporter, and the adop
tion of an amendment ordering 5,000 copies of the
Journals of the Convention to be printed under the su
perintendance of the officers.
The truth of this whole matter is this : The Editor
of the Federal Union had succeeded in employing a
Reporter, and wished the Convention to pay the ex
pense of preparing and printing the Report. Whoev
er knows that veracious Editor, must know that such
a report would be a one sided affair. Every little re
mark or occurrence, calculated to prejudice the public
mind, would have been carefully noted and published,
unless the officers should exercise their authority to
strike out the offensive matter. In that event, tiie Ed
itor hoped to cry persecution and make capital. The
Convention,therefore, decided correctly. If Mr. Camp
bell employs a Reporter for the purpose ot a private
speculation, let hint pay the expenses himself. He has
slandered the members of the Convention, misrepre
sented their views, opinions and motives, during the
canvass, and therefore deserves nothing at their hands.
A motion providing for the call of the counties, and
allowing each delegate to present any resolutions whielt
lie might think proper, passed. Three or four dele
gates, only, embraced the opportunity to make any
display. The resolutions were received, and refer
red to the Committee of Thirty-Three, who will
probably report to-morrow.
The Convention adjourned at an early hour, and the
Committee convened immediately thereafter. I un
derstand that after a full interchange of views, there
appeared to be great unanimity in their sentiments.—
Mr. Lawton, the leading Fire-E: ter on the Commit
tee, proposed a partial divorce from tiie North in the
business of President making. This is a portion of the
Nashville Platform, and is intended to defeat the or
ganization of a great National Union Party. This,
however, cannot be done. I have not yet seen or con
versed with a single Union man here, who is not open
ly in iavorof a complete and thorough re-organization
of parties—not only in tlie State, but in tlie Union.—
There was an overwhelming meeting to-night in the
Representative Hall for this purpose. Gen. Sanford
presided. Speeches were made by Messrs. Toombs, t’oe
and Stephens, and resolutions were passed preparatory
to a more thorough organization, to take place to-mor
row Evening. 1 will speak more particularly of this
meeting in iny next. The Convention will adjourn
probably on Saturday. Yours, tike. S. T. C.
Milledgevili.e, Dec. 12th, 1850.
Gentlemen —Contrary to all expectation, yesterday,
the committee of Thirty-Three failed to agree as
promptly ns was anticipated. The preamble which
was prepared by Mr. Jenkins, I understand, was unan
imously and highly approved of by the Committee.
The Report I have not yet seen. It was finally adop
ted, however, at about 5 o’clock, P. M.. and placed at
once into the hands of the printer. I am informed’
that it is all, or nearly all,any reasonable man could ex
pect. For myself, I am inclined to think, that it may
meet the approbation of even some of the Fire Eaters.
A few of them manifest no little contrition. They
have evidently made a mistake,and seleeted the weak
side. Well, let them show “their faith by their works,
let them pass quarantine, and w e may permit them to
come among us. At present, no man can occupy the
Union platform, who has the smell of brimstone upon
his garments.
As tiie committee did not report according to ex
pectation yesterday, the Convention indulged some
of the Fire Eaters in letting ofi'a little steam. Mr Sew
ard of Thomas, opened the ball by offering a reso'u
tion laudatory of Judge Berrien, and approbatory of
his votes upon the California Bill. Upon a motion to
take up, the “ayes and noe9” were sounded. Judging
iront tlie response the noes were about five to one. At
the suggestion of a well known old political fox from
Putnam, the mover consented to let his motion lie on
the table ! This was lor the same reason that the fox
did noteat the grapes. There is no disposition here to
insult Judge Berrien—just the contrary—but the mem
bers were not dtsyosed to applaud any one who even
seemed to play into the hands ot the enemy in the iate
campaign.
Foiled in this attempt, Mr. S. next offered a series of
resolutions, prefaced by a prentable which reflected up
on tlie consistency and conduct of Mr. Toombs. Like
most partizans, Mr. S. “remembered to forget” Mr
Toombs’ fetter to Governor Towns, in which he plain
ly defined his position, and explained what he meant,
when he exclaimed “ let discord reign eternal.” It
was truly amusing to witness the scene. Seward read
in an excited —almost tremulous tone, while Toombs—
half turned in his seat —gazed upon him with all
the dignity and nobleness of the lion. There was
an air of superiority,of ineffable contempt and scorn
about him, which attracted universal observation The
half self complacent smile which occasionally played
upon his face, indicated but too truly his purposes and
feelings. What giants have failed to accomplish, pig
mies need scarce attempt. Mr. Seward may gain no
toriety—he can never make reputation by assault ng
such men as Toombs. The Convention refused by an
overwhelming majority, even to take up his resolu
tions.
The Convention met at 3o’clock, and passed a res
olution fixing the pay of officers, members, clerks, &c.
The members have the same pay as taken by the last
Legislature. The Clerk gets SIOO and $lO per diem,
the assistants §lO per diem, and the Door-keeper and
Messenger §6
There was another glorious Union rally to-night,
Gen. Wofford was chosen President, Andrew J. Mil
ler, Vice President, and Messrs. Ilolsey and Grieve,
Secretaries. Gen. Wofford upon taking the Chair,
made a few plain, but common sense remarks explan
atory of his position. He declared that in tiie Sen
ate last year, he told his democratic friends that
they were rushing ujon ihe vortex of nullification and
disunion. They refused to listen to the warning, and
what was the result? Look at the Nashv’lle Conven
tion and the Macon Mass Meeting! Who were the
leading spirits in each ? Disunionists—open, avowed
disunionists from the other side ol tlie Savannah. lie
proclaimed that this would be the result last winter—
and told his friends that whenever ihntday came, he
stood ready to wash his hands ofall party alliances, and
to rally his friends under the flag of the Union! He
w as happy of an opporiunity to redeem his pledge, and
therefore accepted with pleasure, the arduous and hon
orable post assigned him by his Union friends.
The President announced tiiat the committee had
just been notified ot their appointment, and begged
further time, which was grained. Patriotic and spirit
ed speeches were made by Jl/essrs. Janies Johnson,
Washington Poe, Judge Hill, Thomas of E;bert and
others. The very best spirit seemed to prevail. The
Union party of Georgia may now be considered a unit.
Union Whigs and Union Democrats are now more
cordially together, than I have ever seen the members
of either the old parties. The fusion is complete, and
Georgia is emjdiatically, and for a quarter of a centu
ry, a Union Slate! The race of demagogues is al
most extinct. Yours, &.c , S. T. C.
Milledgeville, Dec. 13th, 1850.
Gentlemen: At eleven o’clock this morning, Mr.
Jenkins from the Committee of Thirty-Three present
ed the enclosed Report. The reading was listened to
with much attention, not only by the Convention, but
by a very large coucoutse of strangers. It i9 indeed a
model document—remarkable for its dignity and puri
ty of style and sentiment. It sets forth the rights of the
South and the action of Congress in plain, bold nod
distinct terms. It breathe a sjrtrii of patriotism, which
reminds one of the earlier und purer days of the Re
public. One of the oldest and most intelligent mem
bers of the Convention remarked, that the preamble
would have been worthy of Jefferson himself,and would
rank only second to the Declaration of Independence.
After the reading was completed, much gratification
was manifested by all present. One or two Fire Eat
ers remarked to their personal friends, that they were
entirely satisfied with the Report. One only was heard
to condt mn it. He was a distinguished Judicial func
tionary of the vicinage. During the reading, gave
utterance to at least one groan —whether voluntary or
involuntary, I pretend not to say. After the applause
had ceased, however, a gentleman approached him and
enquired “ what he thought ofthesubmissionislsnow?”
His reply was: “ I have a most thorough contempt for
Ihe whole pack!” I give nearly, if not precisely, his
words, and beg you to place them on record, because I
think it altogether probable that in less than four years
this name distinguished official will he asking a renew
al of his commission from the very pack whom he now
professes to conteinnt. It is indeed unfortunate that
the countenances oi some men so fully indicate the
shade of feeling which darkens the inner man. If the
face of this judicial bison wras any index to his henrt,
then the ermine has Iteen sadly misplaced, and the idea
of the whited sepulehre has been fully realized.
Tlie Convention adjourned until three o’clock, in or
der to give the members an opporiunity to examine the
Report and Resolutions, At that hour, Mr. Seward
opened tiie ball by moving to strike out the following
sentence:
“ The result is, that partizans occupying extreme
local positions in the country and holding diametrical
ly opposite opinions on the slavery question, have vied
with each other in clamorous denunciations of the set
tlement ”
Mr. Seward odjected to the association of the Resis
tance Men of the South with the abolitionists.
Mr. Jenkins reminded hitn that the sentence stated
a fact which was incontrovertible. The motion was
rejected. Yeas 23—Nays 237.
Mr. McCune next moved to insert nfter the above
sentence, the following in substance:
“ Another result is, that Southern slaveholders unite
with Northern Abolitionists in approving of four out of
fire of the compromise measures.”
Mr. Stephens asked him to name the four measures
alluded to. Mr. McCune remarked all of them,except
the fugitive slave law. Mr. Stephens contended, that
ihe rec ords in Washington did not warrant the asser
tions, and that every Abolitionist in Congress had op
posed the adjustment as a whole, and most of them
had resisted the measures in detail.
Mr. McCune proposed to withdraw the
Mr. Meriwether suggested that it was the property o’
the Convention, and as it cast a serious rtdfection upon
the members of the convention, and the people of
Georgia general'y. he thought it due to them, that a
vote should be taken.
After some further discussion, tiie amendment was
slightly modified, when Mr. Bailey,of Butts,reminded
his colleague that there was evidently a large majority
of tlie convention opposed to any proposition wltich he
might make, and hoped that his respect for that ma
jority, and for the constituency which they represented,
would induce him to withdraw further opposition to
rite report. The suggestion was adopted, and the
preamble and the three first resolutions were agreed to
without any materia) alteration. The convention then
adjourned until to-morrow.
There was another great rally of the friends of the
Union to night, when speeches were made by Messrs.
Arnold of Chatham. 11 nJ.. i ofUuUciohniii, oicnu
of Henry, Flournoy of Washington, Murphy De-
Kalb, Taylor of Randolph and Senator Dawson.
The committee of twenty-tsvo appointed to prepare
a declaration of principles, reported iesolutions de
claring that as the tdd party issues were subordinate in
importance to the great question of saving the Union,
the old party lines should be obliterated, and anew
party organized, adopting as its platform, the report
adopted by the Convention. They also named the
! second Wednesday in June, as the day far the assem
bling of a Convention, to nominate a Union candidate
tor Governor, and authorized the President to appoint
n delegation of one hundred to attend the great Un on
Convention, to assemble in Washington City, on the
22nd of February.
The meeting was very enthusiastic, and the speak
ing continued til! a late hour. Yours, &c.,
S. T. C.
Mili.edgeville, Dec. 14,1850.
Gentlemen —It would be impossible lor me to give
in detail, the proceedings of the Convention to-day.—
The fourth Resolution was the battleground. It was
assailed by the ultra fire-eaters on the one hand, and
by the ultra moderate nten on the other. Amend
ments were offered, and propositions made to strength
en and to weaken it.
Gen. Mansell, of Coob, finally offered an amend
ment, which was adopted, and which I think cannot
tail to give universal satisfaction. 1 send you a copy
of the Report as corrected for publication. Tlie whole
was finally adopted by the following vote :
Yeas —. Messrs. Akin, Arnold, Adams, of Elbert,
Adams, ot Putnam, Alexander, Ashley, Adkins, An
derson, Bird, of Bryan, Bird, of Gordon, Buit, Baiiow,
Bothweil, Boston, Baxter, Blnckshear, Btadwell, Bry
an,of Macon, Bullock, Bivins, Burkes, Bass, Branham,
Blalock. Beil, Stewart, Brown, Barksdale, Beall, ot
Upson, Bryant, of Wayne, Colley of Baker, Colley ol
Walton, Collier of Baker, Collier of Collins
of Bbb, Collins ot Tattnall. Chandler, Cuvier,
Calder,Calhoun. —>'” <* Gilmer Chastain o Uni
on Couper, Connelly, Conner, Cox, Calloway, Clarke,
caste ns, Culberson, Dyer, Davis, Dickinson, of Deca
tur, Dickerson ol Walker, Dickson, Dawson, Dutfey,
Doyul, Daniel, Dernere, Dennis, Duggan, Dyson, Ez
z trd, Et win of Forsyth, Evans, Fuller, Fudge, Fannin,
Flewellen, Fulwood Flournoy, Glass, Garner GunneiS,
Gudger, Cranberry, Glenn of Henry, Glenn of Ogle
thorpe, Guyton,Gilmer, Gatlin, Hughes, Hull, Hill of
Clark, Hill of Troup, Hill of Walton, Hansel!, Harri
son Hackney, Hamilton, Heard, Hampton, Hawkins,
Hyiner, Hopps, Howard, Hendrix of Newton, Hendrick
ot Randolph, Harris of New ton, Harris of Taliaferro,
Hutchison, Harvey, Holmes, Hall, Irwin of Cos b, Irvin
ot Lee, Irvin ot Wilkes, Johnson ol Cass, Johnson of
Clake, Johnson of Hall, Johnson oi Randolph, Janes,
Jenkins of Pike, Jenkins of Richmond, Jones of War
ren, Jamison, Jackson, Kennun, Keith, Knox, King of
Monroe, Ktngol Wayne, Lawhon, Lane, Little, Love
less, Logan, Law-son, Long, Lesnere, Latnn-r, Laug
made, Montgomery, Marlin, Mathews, McKaig, Mur
phey, Mabry, Mitchell, Moody, Moore, McDougald,
Morton, McGregor, McDuffie Meriwether, Miller,
Mathison, McAtee. McFarland, Morrow, Moon, Neal.
O-born, Oufi tree, Poe of Bibb, Poe of Richmond, Pow
ers, Palmer, Poythress, Powell Porter,Payne of Frank
lin, Paine of Telfair,Parrott, Poullain, Peeples, Pratt,
Petit, Pearce, Phillips, Phmizee, Pincknard,
Rawls, Rice of Carroll, Rice ol Randolph, Roebuck,
Robinson of Macon, Riley, Russell, Reese, Reeves,
Ridley, Ross, Sanford, Starr, Smith ot Pike, Smith of
Twiggs, Shears, Sermans, Staton, Slaughter, Suns of
Cow eta, Sims of Decatur, Stephens of Dade, Stephens
of Taliaferro, Swain, Scarlett, Simmons, Stapleton,
Stokes, Stephenson, Skinner, Strickland, Tumlin,
Thomas of Elbert, Thomas of Hancock, Thurmond,
Tatum, Taylor, Toombs, J W II Underwood, Joseph
Underwood, Whitehead, Wofford of Habersham,
Ward of Chatham, Wootten, Wikle, Watters, Ware,
Weaver, Winn, Wright, Woodson, Geo. Wilcox, Jas.
L. Wilcox, Wilcox ol Telfair, Wooldridge, William
son, Willingham, Whits, Wail, Williford, Wimberly,
Walker, Ward of Green—237.
Nays— Messrs Atkinson, Bailey, Burney, Cochran.
Comer, Crawford,Gordon, Holland, Humphries, Jones
of Scriven, Lawton, Morgan, Mcßea, Morris, Pitts,
Robinson of Jasper, Smith of Camden, Speight, Vin
son—l 9.
Absent, or not Voting.— Messrs. Spalding, Prest
dent, Belt, Collins of Columbia, Cobb of Harris, Mc-
Cune of Butts, Scott of Bibb, (sick) Seward of Thomas,
and Wofford of Cass.
Messrs. Crawford and Mcßea, are Union tnen —but
deemed the fourth Resolution to be too strong. Messrs.
Seward and McCune 6eem to have taken “ one step
backward.” The fire eating phalanx has grown
“ small by degrees, and beautifully less,” until it has lit
erally “fizzled out,’ 1 like the Nashville Convention.
One result only, is to be feared, and that is, that cer
tain deserters from the coffin regiment may now at
tempt to find a place on tlie great Union platform. One
member ol the convention stated ibis evening, that
te was more than hall inclined to offer a resolution re
questing the Editor ol th o Federal Union, especially,
;o keep at a distance, and providing for the opening o*
he books only in extreme cases, and then upon tu>o
years probation !
After the passage of a resolution of thanks to the of
icers, the Convention adjourned ; not however, until
hey had ra : sed a handsome fund for the purpose of
.urnishinga block ol marble for the Washington Monu
ment, with an appropriate inscription. This was, in
deed, a graceful termination of its labors,and a digni
fied rebuke to the Chief Magistrate.
Georgia now occupies the proudest position of any
State in the Union. Though the last to join in the old
revolution, she is the first to throw herself in the breach
for the safety and honor of the Constitution and th
Union. She has spoken in moderation, and will re-
gard her honor and her character in the strict fulfillment
of every pledge which she has made.
Yours, &.c. S. T. C.
REPORT
OF COMMITTEE OF THIRTY-THREE.
The Committee appointed to prepare and report for
the consideration of the Convention, action appropriate
to the occasion on which they have assembled, having
carefully considered the papers relerted to them, and
freely interchanged opinions, respectfully submit the
following
REPORT!
The people of Georgia, responding to a Proclamation
of their Chief Magistrate, have met in Convention for
the immediate purpose of deliberating upon a law en
acted by the Congress of the United Stat s, entitled
“ Anact lor the admission of California into the Union.”
Were the action of this b°dy limited to the considera
tion of that act, its duty would be easily discharged.—
Put a more extended survey of Congressional legisla
tion and of our Federal position, is not only allowable,
but necessary to a just conclusion. We regard the act
under consideration as one in a series of measures,
each capable of an independent existence, but all, di
rectly or indirectly affecting the institution of slavery;
each deriving from that circumstance its cardinal in
terest, and all in a crisis of fearful import, connected in
ascheme of pacific adjustment.
Two of the acts in the series had for their object the
organization of Territorial governments for portions of
the vast domain recently acquired from Mexico. With
them the slavery question became connected by two
opposite movements, the one proposing to prohibit, the
other to establish slavery in those territories by express
enactment ; the advocates of these extreme.measures,
being alike reluctant ‘o leave the result dependent upon
the future adjudication of the Courts. A distinct phase
of the subject was presented by the application of the
people inhabiting one of those territories to be admit
ted into the Union as a S ate, under a constitution
formed by themselves, in which, for themselves, they
had assumed the settlement of the slavery question
The acquisition ofthis territory, moreover, had involv
ed the Government of the United Slates in a contro
versy of boundary, pre-existing between Mexico and
the Stale of Texas, with which also the slavery ques
tion was unhappily complicated. Thusfar.it will be
perceived.no one of the pending measures was wanton
ly or gratuitously obtruded upon the national legisla
ture for the purpose of agitation. 1 hey resulted inev
itably from antecedent measures, in which both the
North and the South were participant.
But the difficulties that embarrassed the action of
Congress are not yet told. Just at this critical juncture,
certain Representatives from ihe non-slaveholding
States, impelled partly by appeals from the inhabitants
of the District of Columbia, and partly by the prompt
ings of their immediate constituents, pressed with in
creased urgency the suppression of the slave-trade in
the District. To this was superadded the proposition,
fraught with far greater excitement, to abolish slavery
in the District. Furthermore, the people of the South,
justly excited by the faithless and long continued denial
of their constitutional right 10 the extradition of fugi
tive slaves, demanded additional and efficient legisla
tion upon this vital subject-
This brief, but truthful statement of the many mo
mentous issues, all surcharged with this one peculiarly
exciting element, and crowded into a single session of
Congress, and a bare reference to the alarming agita
tion which, springing up in protracted debate, extended
beyond the halls of legislation, and pervaded the pub.
lie tnind, will serve to indicate the peril of the day, and
to suggest that the only escape was in that spirit of mu
tual concession, which gave birth to the Constitution,
m i.„,i ujjuaica more than one
controversy threatening dissolution.
It is not proposed, at this time, to re-open the ex
hausted argument, upon the merits of these questions
severally or collectively. The result is, that partizans
occupying extreme local positions in the country, and
holding diametrically opposite opinionsupon the slave
ry question, in all its phases, have vied with each other
in clamorous denunciation of the settlement. It may
well be doubted whether upon the broad territory of the
Republic, there dwells an intelligent citizen, whose
judgment approves every part of each link in this ex
tended chain of adjustment. Georgia, at least, finds
in it matter for objection, and matter for approval.
But such is likewise her opinion of our Federal and
State constitutions ; so is she accustomed to judge of
the leading measures of every Congress, and every Gen
eral Assembly, as each, in its turn, labors the difficult
problem of perfecting human Government, through the
instrumentality of imperfect and conflicting human
reason. It is not on this, more than on any other occa
sion, the part of wisdom, or of patriotism, to subject
legislative acts, under review, to the rigid test of yield
ing either the full measure of right, or the full fruition
of anticipated benefit. The practical questions pre
sented for consideration, are these : May Georgia, con
sistently with her honor, abide by the general scheme
of pacilication 1 If she may, then, does her interest
lie in adherence to it, or in resistance 1 A brief refer
ence to a tew facts of recent occurrence, will furnish
an affirmative answer to the first and most interesting
inquiry. The people of Georgia were fully apprised
that these great issues were pending before the national
Legislature. Their General Assembly being in ses
sion, and assuming to represent their opinions, took
them into consideration—gave a distinct expression of
theirown views,and virtually required of the Congress
of the United States, conformity to those views. Nu
merous primary assemblies ol the people, passed upon
the same questions, still ill advance of the action of
Congress, and whilst, in many of these, the requisi
tions of the General Assembly were qualified, in none,
(it is believed,) were they enlarged. These movements
belong to the history of the controversy ; and were in
tended to exert ail influence at the Capital. Whether
attributable in any degree to that influence or not, the
result has been strict conformity to the line of policy
thus indicated, save in one instance. That one is, the
admission of California into the Union. Upon the ex
pediency and unconstitutionality of this measure, sepa
rately considered, theFeople of Georgia are divided
in opinion. Surely, then, respect for the opinions
of the other parly to the controversy, who have so
largely conformed to our views, a proper allowance,
for disagreement among ourselves, on the latter branch
of this question, will enable even those, who hold the
act inexpedient and unconstitutional,ioabide by it hon
orably and gracefully.
The proposition, that, weighed in the scale of inter
est, the preponderance is vastly on the side of non-re
sistance, is too plain for argument. This act being in
its nature, unsusceptible of repeal, the only competent
measure of resistance is secession. This would not re
pair the loss sustained, viz; deprivation of the right to
introduce slavery into California. But it would sub
ject Georgia, first, to the additional lossol all she has
gained by the scheme of adjustment, e. g„ the provis
ion made for the reclamation of fugitive slaves ; and,
secondly, it would anninilate, forever, all the advanta
ges, foreign and domestic, derivable from her adher
ence to the confederacy. It may not be overlooked,
that, aside from the new issues presented by the late
territorial acquisitions, the position of the South upon
the Congressional record, is better this day, than ever
before.
Georgia, then, wiil abide by the recent action of Con
gress, herein, before referred to, in hopeful reliance
that the people of the non-slaveholding States will
yield acquiescence in, and faithful adherence 10, that
entire action. To this course she is impelled by an
earnest desire to perpetuate the American Union, and
to restore that peace and harmony, upon which its
value to herself, to her confederates, and to mankind,
essentially depends.
Here, it a sense of duty permitted, we would gladly
pause ; but the signs of the times invite to a more ex
tended review ol our Federal relations, and to a more
distinct avowal of the position we occupy. The coun
try requires repose. Vain, utterly vain, are all con
cessions that fail to terminate this sectional controver
sy. Through our Representatives in the Halls of Con
gress, we have long combatted the aggressive spirit of
Representatives of the non-slaveholding States. But
the sources of this turbid stream lie beyond ; they are
to be found in the midst of their several constituencies.
We deem this an appropriate occasion for the sovereign
people of Georgia, to commune with the sovereign
people of those States. We would address to them the
language of calm and frank remonstrance, rather than
oI defiance or menace. We would recall them to the
faithful discharge of their duty, as confederates, by an
appeal to their reason and their moral sense.
W'e would premise a few suggestions to the oppo
nents of slavery, which time does not permit us to elab
orate. Slavery was introduced into this country by
the enterprize of Old England and New England. It
was maintained in the latter during the days of her
greatest purity; when the spirit of an austere and un
compromising religious faith not only regulated social
intercourse, but controlled the opeiations of govern
ment. It was discontinued only when experience had
proven its want of adaptation to the soil and climate.
It has been retained at the South by reason of the fit
ness of our sod and climate to its employment. Un
der its auspices the Negro has been secured, beyond
contingency, in the enjoyment of physical comforts
unknown to his trans-Atlantic ancestors, and elevated
in the scale of being. Let any man wito questions the
truth of this nsertion, go to Liberia and compare the
Negro, trained under the influences of slavery, with ti e
Negro,of the same generation,reared in h s native bar
barism. The Southern slave, uninfluenced by the
promptings of mischievous interineddlers, is sincerely
attached to his owner,and happy in the condition us
signed him by an all-wise Providence. Familiarity
with the practical operations ol die institution would
satisfy any ingenuous mind that these things are so.
But apart from this abstract view, the South is enti
tled to absolute security and quiet on this subject.
The Constitution of the United States is, in its terms,
a bond ofpolitical union between seperate sovereign
ties, and involves a high moral obligation. The latter
is, indeed, the seal and sanction of the former. The
Southern States, upon entering into this compact,
brought with them as a part of their social system, as
the the substratum of their industrial pursuits, the in
stitution of slavery, and the Northern States, by the
compact recognized its existence, and guarantied its
secure enjoyment. Beyond the obligation thus crea
ted, the people of ihose States have no more concern
with it, than have the subjects of the British crown.—
The framers of the Constitution declared, in limine
the purjiosesto be accomplished by it in the following
terms; •* W T e, the people of the United States, mor
derto form a more perfect union, establish justice, en
sure domestic tranquility, provide for the common de
fence, promote the general welfare, and secure the
blessings ot liberty to ourselves and our posterity,do
ordain and establish this Constitution for the United
Slates ot America.” The people of each State, be
coming a party to that instrument, are entitled to all
the benefits therein distinctly enumerated, and are un
der the most solemn obligation to abstain from all prac
tices inconsistent with their enjoyment by the other
parties. “It is nominated in the bond ” that ihe peo
ple of no one State shall disturb the “ domestic Iran
quility ”ot any other. Georgia lays open the volume
ot her history, and proudly challenges, her confede
rates to the adduction of a single incident violative of
this obligation. She does more. In all kindness com
patible with the assertion of right, she charges upon
the non-slaveholding States infidelity to this stipula
tion in the compact. She instances the existence with
in their borders of organized societies, avowedly devo
ted to the annihilation of an institution inwrought with
the fiame work of her social system, and in no way
modifying or affecting theirow’n; societies employing
missionaries and subsidiz.ng the press to propagate
their destructive doctrines, and even to excite, w’ithin
her own limits, a spirit of disaffection among her citi
zens and of insubordination among her slaves—socie
ties which have boldly entered the political arena, seiz
ed upon the balance of power, and obtruded their fa
naiacism into the halls of our Federal Legislature.—
There, measures ot hostility are incessantly proposed
and discussed, to the interruption of the legitimate bu
siness of legislation ; denunciations, day by day, utter
ed against slavery and s'aveholders—against confede
rates and their institutions. In this slate of things, the
remedy to be applied by those States is apparent. It
was foreshadowed in the able and patriotic message
proceeding from the Executive to the Legislative De
partment of the State of New York, in the year 1836.
It i3 by the active interposition of a conservative pub
lic opinion, and it that be insufficeint, then by legisla
tive enactment. It the onward movement of this in
sane crusade is ever to be stayed, it is time that meas
ures of resistance be put in progress there.
Desiring to be distinctly understood, in order that in
calculable evils may be arrested by a timely return to
the early policy of the country, we rest not this remon
strance ujion generalities. The practical results aim
ed at by these agitators are First, abolition of slavery
in the District of Columbia. Maryland never would
have ceded a part of her territory, nor transferred the
jurisdiction over a portion of her citizens, had she
posed their social system would be revolutionized
against their will, and a state policy established in the
heart of her territory, materially variant from, and hos
tile to her own. Such an act, therefore, cannot be
consummated, without bad faith to her, and to Virgin
ia, whose territory is coterminous, in the determined
resistance of which they are entitled to the co opera
tion of their Southern confederates. Secondly, that
kindred measure, sometimes threatened, of abolishing
slavery in the military posts, dock yards and otherlrce
holds of the General Government, lying within the
boundaries of the slave-hoiding States. These posses
sions were ceded to the United Slates for purposes of
utility and convenience in the generous c* ntidence,
that they would not be used to the detriment of the ce
ding States. Thirdly, an amendment of the acts or
ganizing territorial governments for New Mexico and
Utah, whereby, slavery shall be prohibited in those ter
ritories. Fourthly, the passage of an act for the sup
pression of the slave trade between the people of the
slave holding States, which we regard as an officious
and unconstitutional interference with State policy.—
The rejection of some of those measures at the recent
session of Congress, comes within the scheme of ad
justment, and materially influences the decision of
Georgia.
One other subject challenges our especial notice. It
is the threatened repeal of the recent act for the recla
mation of fugitive slaves. That statute was demand
ed, as an unquestionable constitutional right, and as a
remedy for a grievous and growing evil, and therefore
can not be surrendered.
History bears testimony to the importance of this
subject. It mingled in the earliest discussions upon the
formationof the American Union. It commanded the
profound deliberation of the framers of the constitution,
who assigned it a prominent place in that instrument.—
They ordained, that “ no person held to service or la
bor in one state, unJer the laws thereof, ard escaping
into another, shall, in consequence of any law or reg
ulation therein.be discharged from such service or la
bor, but shall be delivered up, on claim of the party to
whom such service or labor may be due.”
It is universally conceded that this provision was inser
ted to meet the case of fugitive slaves, and that, without
it, the slave holding states would not have entered into
the Union. No candid reasoner will controvert the
proposition, that it is binding alike, ujion the states as
sovreigns.upon their officers, executive, judicial and
ministerial, upon voluntary associations of persons, and
upon each individual citizen of the United Stales
Hence any obstruction to the recovery of the fugitive
slaves,emiiiating front any one of those sources, in
volves its infraction. At an early period in the history
of the Confederation, the Congress of the United States
believing that the character of our people furnished
abundant guarantee of fidelity to the compact,enacted
a law devolving upon the several state authorities the
duty of carrying it into offect;and the event justified the
the confidence refused. Those were the purer days of the
Republic, when pattriotism was stronger than fanati
cism. Then, the constitution of the United States] as it
is in theory, the fundamental law ol the land, was recog
aized as the paramount obligation between siatesjand
individuals. But anew school of political ethics has aris
en in the land ; a school affecting a morality purer than
that of the Apostle Paul who sent back the absconding
Onesimusto his master ; a phlanthropy more sublima
ted than that of the Angel who, meeting the fhgitive
Hagar in the wilderness “ said unto her, return to thy
mistress, and submit thyself under her hand.” Under
the auspices of this school, new doctrines, have been
promulged, public opinion perverted or overawed, the
arm of the law paralyzed, and even the records of cer
tainstates hishonored by enactments prohibiting that to
be done, which the constitution commands.
The act of 1793,passed in good faith,has long ceased
tobe effectual. The South, patient under this grievous
wrong,and still with delerred hope clinging tojllhe
Union, was content to demand such additional legis'a
tion.as would devolve upon lederai officers and agents,
responsible to.federal authorities, the enforcement of her
right. The present Congress has responded to this de
mand in a tardy, but full measure of justice. At length
all of practical detail, and of penal sanction, necessary
to the execution of constitutional law, is to be found in
the statute-book. iVoir.is the grand test to be ap
plied, whether or not, in this age of advanced civiliza
tion, and in this boasted model Republic, law is potent
for the protection of right, clearly defined, and solemnly
guaranteed, by a written Constitution. If not, the ex
periment has failed.
We draw no hasty conclusions from the clamor raised
against this law, by the wicked authors ol the mischief
it wasintended to remedy, nor yet from their show of
forcible resistance to its execution. We will predi
cate no extreme action upon their menaces of repeal or
ot modification. From sacb sources we anticipated
such demonstrations. We hail, with I
sure, growing indications, that where the greatest I
siiioa exists,conservative men, worthy sons of
sires, are organizing against these contemners o jj - I
and order, are rallying to the rescue of ilv ,8 *’
Union. There extMs die real disaffection to n . ‘I I
there must the struggle for its preservation be ‘
Calmly awaiting the issue, its friends at the S lu : “
recognise as brethren, its true defenders at ihe\\! I
’ But let them give heed t>- the warning voice of • I
the 0/f/ Thirteen. She would say to ihem,"a a ‘ I
deceived—the destiny of the Union is in yenr *
Aw ake from your fatal dream of security. I n || ]B * I
tegrity of your patriotism, and the strength ofu n i lei j *’ I
lion, rise up against this disorganizing heresy.
bleinthe venerated hall wherein your forefathers on j
our forefathers together signed the Constntion anil
deem the CITY OF BROTHERLY LOVE from-*
reproach of nourishing its foe. Go up o Tamm
and the Tabernacle, and expel from the NATION v
EMPORIUM the genius of discord. Convene int i
honored Fanueil.and in the name of Washington ej
ercise the evil spirit from the CRADLE OF AMERj
CAN LIBERTY. Every where, Last, North, W*.
decree its banishment from the high pLcest-f ower
You owe the country this lush niton. As tor Georg ,
her choice is fraternity and Union, with constitution
rights—her alternative self preservation, by all the
means which a favoring Providence may piaceather
disposal.
To the end therdfore, that the position of this State
may be clearly apprehended by her confederates of the
South and of the North,and thatshe maybe blameless
of all future consequences—
Be it Resolved by the People of Georgia in Conrtn
lion assembled, Ist. That we hold the Angli
can Union, secondary in importance only to the rights
and priciples it was designed to pt-rpeiua e. That pas,
associations, present fruition, and (inure prospects, will
bind us to it so long as it continues to be ihe safeguard
of those rights and principles.
Secondly. That if the thirteen original parties loth*
contract, bordering the Atlantic in a narrow belt win e
their separate interests were in embryo, their peculiar
tendencies scarcely developed, their revolutionary tnais
and* triumphs,still green in memory,found Union im
possible wi hout Compromise, the thirty one of this
ilny.msy wellyield somewhat.in the conflict ofopinion
and policy to preserve that Union which has extended
ihe sway of republican government over a vast wiider
dess, to another ocean, and proportionally advanced
their civilization and national greatness.
Thirdly. That in this spirit, the State of Georgia
has maturely considered the actior of Congress,em
bracing a series of measures tor the admission of Cali
fornia into the Union;the organization of territoiial
Gov* rnmentslor Utah and New Mexico; the establish
ment of a boundary between tile latter and ihe State of
Texas, the suppression of the slave trade in the District
of Columbia, and the extradition of fugitive slaves; and
(connected with them) the rejection of propositions to
exclude slavery from Mexican lerritoriesatni to abolish
it in the District of Columbia ; and whilst she does not
w holly approve, will abide by it as a permanent adjust
ment ofm;s sectional controversy.
Fourthly, That the Slate of Georgia, in the judg
ment of this Convention, will and ought to resist,even
(us a last resort) to a disruption ot every tie which
binds her to the Union, any action of Congress, upon
ihe subject of slavery in tiie District of Columbia, or in
places subject to the jurisdic'ion of Congress, incom
patible with the safety,domestic tranquality, the nght9
and the honor of the slaveholding states; or any act
suppressing the save trade between slaveholding
states; or any refusal to admit asa state any territory
hereafter applying, because of the existence of siaveiv
therein; or any act prohibiting the introduction of
slaves into the territories ot .Utah and New Mexico;
or any act repealing or materially muddying the laws
now in force tor the recovery of fugitive slaves.
Fnthly, That it is the deliberate opinion of this Con
vention, that upon the faithful execution of the Fugi
tive Stare Law by the proper authorities depends the
preservation of our much loved Union.
Who Composed the Nashville Convention ?
The Knoxville Register, in reference to the Nash
ville Convention, has the following remarks:
“ As it may be important hereafter, to know who
composed the disunion conclave which assembled in
Nashville on the 11th ol November, 1850, under the
imposung name of “Southern Convention,” we have
thought it not amiss tc put their names upon record.—
The following is a complete list, as reported by the
Nashville True Whig.
Alabama. —R. Chapman, Geo. \V. Williams, C. C.
Clay, Sr., Jas. M Calhoun, .1. Buford.
Florida. —C II DuPont, Jean H. Yerdies, P. W.
White, Jno. E. MtGehee.
Mississippi. —J. M. Acker, J. J. Davenport, A.
Hutchinson, W. 11. Kilpatrick, Pearson Smith, Thoe.
J. Wharton, J. C. Thompson, C. McLaran.
Tennessee —A. V. Brown, G. J. Pillow, A. O. P.
Nicholson, A. J. Dona Ison, J B Clematis, T. Clai
borne, Dr. J. Essieman, W G. Harding, TANARUS, McGa
vock, Thos. Martin, W. H. Polk, F. McClarao, T.
Moseiy, L. P. Cheatham, Dr. Felix Robertson, and E.
W. Hickman.
South Carolina —Langdon Cheves, W. J. Hanna,
F. W. Pickens, W. C. Young, J. N. Whitner, James
Bradley, Sarn’l. Otterson, Dray ion Nance, D. F. Jan
nison, Maxev Gregg, G A. Trenholm, John S. Wil
son, Jas. Chesmit, Jr.,Wm. Dußose,R. W. Barnwell,
R. B. Rheit
Georgia —J. G. McWhorter, Jno. A. Jones, John
D. Stell.W. B. Parker, Geo. R Hunter, Robt. Bled
soe, James N. Bethune, Jno. C. Sneed, Chas. J. Mc-
Donald, H. L. Benning, Dr. W. C. Daniel.
Virginia. —Gen. W. F. Gordon.
Some of those who attended the first session of this
noted Convention refused to attend the second, on the
ground that they did not wish their names handed
down through all time to come, in the same light as
those who attended the famous Hartford Convention.
It is proper to state lhat some of the Tennessee dele
gation have repudiated the action of this convention
others seem desirous ol “ holding with the hare and
running with the hounds.” If they do not wish all
theo .ium of sanctioning the recommendations ot that
convention to auach to their skirts, they must state
the fact so distinctly that there can be no mistake
about it. There must be no mincing of the matter.
Mr. Speaker Cobb and the Fugitive Bill.—The
New York Express thus sketches the substance *.! a
portion of M r.Cobb’s rematksat the City Hall in New
York on the occasion of his reception with Messrs.
Cass and Dickinson, by the Union safety committee:
“ In substance he said, that in the opinion of large
masses of Southern men, the only one of the Compro
mise measures of any benefit to the South was
the fugitive bill ; but that bill was of no practical im
portance to most of the Southern neople, as from the
interior few or no slaves ever run away, or, when run
away, were worth recovering, or likely to be recover
ed. What was of importance to the South, however,
was the exj)erimeiit whether an express compact ottho
constitution could be executed in the Northern States.
The South saw and felt that if this express contract
was broken on the part of the North, and the friends
of it3 execution were in the minority, then, whenever
the power of the majority at the North was sufficiently
great to be exerted against the whole institution of sla
very, as it existed in the States, there was no power in
the constitution to protect the South from the blow.—
If once it was thus made clear to the South lhat an ex
press contract was broken up, and the friends of it were
in the minority, it could not be expected that the South
would continue under a government which gave her
no protection, no security, but which jeoparded the ex
istence of every interest the South had. Government
was instituted for the protection ot the pat ties to it, and
if that piotection was withdrawn, the Government was
dissolved. The South could not expect protection
where the constitution did not expressly recognize it,
if, in the North, the express contracts ol the constitu
tion were habitually violated.”
The Express well remarks:
“ This is a very forcible view ol the case. The pow
er of this government, both in the Senate and House,is
now in the free States; and if the free States violate
the constitution expressly, it is very certain slavery has
‘no protection whatsoever where there is no express
contract. Hence, the very same majority that violates
the fugitive principle may abolish slavery in the Dis
trict of Columbia, adverse to the wishes of Maryland,
or go on and abolish the commerce in slaves between
the States, or slavery in the States. The fugitive bill
is, then, if of no practical importance, a mark to test
how far the majority wi.l go in refusing to execute tne
constitution, and such a mark Mr. Cobb iooks upon it
to be. If Northern men cannot enforce that law
against Northern Nullifies, these very Northern Nul
lified can soon abolish slavery in the States, in spite of
the constitution, and in spite of our resistance to their
action.”
“ Mr. Cobb, though fresh from the Union battlefield
in Georgia, where, with Messrs. Toombs, Stephens*
and others, he has been working for the Union with ah
his might, did not hesitate to say that the repeal ol the
Fugitive Bill would be a blow at the Union from which
no effort of Southern Unionists could save the coun
try.”
The census returns from thirteen counties in
Texas, show the following result. Free inhabitants,
15,038; slave? 6,088.