Newspaper Page Text
JOURNAL & MESSENGER.
. wl i:s T. NISBET A3. HOSE, Editor*.
Tfrorn the Washington Republic at the \2th inaf.j
The Prometheus Affttlr.
The Speaker yes'.erJay hid Ufore the llousea mes
sage from the President of the United States, trans
mitting 3 copy of tiie instructions despatched by the
Department of State to the Minister of the United
State* at London, in reference to the attack on the
United States steamer Prometheus, in the liatbor of
g.nJuan de Nicaragua, bv rite British brig of war
Express,and also a copy of the despatches of .Mr.
Lawrence to that department, and of his correspon
dence with her Brittannic Mtyeaty'a principal Secreta
ry ot State for Foreign Affairs upon the same subject;
which was referred to the Committee on foreign At j
tails, and ordered to be printed.
The first despatch is dated December 3, 1551, from
Mr. Webster to Mr. Lawrence, detailing to him ‘he
particulars of the attack upon the Prometheus, and
repealing the directions of the President, that he will
lose no time in addressing a note upon the subject tn
Lord Palmerston, and inquire wheiher the captain
of the Express, aced pursuant to orders from his
Government, and whether that course is approved;
and tht .Mr. Lawrence would state, il these
questions should be answ-ered in the affirmative, the
President would consider the proceeding a viola
tion of the treaty of April !9, ISSO, by which Great
Britain has stipulated that she would not make use o,
any protection which she might afford Nicaragua, the
Mosquito coast, or any part of Central America, for
the purpose of assuming or exercising any dominion ■
over the same. “ This government,” Mr. Lawrence is
instructed, “ cannot consent to the collection ot pott
charges at San Juan by British ships ot war, or that
their collection should be enlorced by them. Tnr oc
currence above referred to has created equal surprise
and regret, and has caused the President to give itn
mediate orders for the despatch of an armed vessel to
San Juan.”
On the 19th of December, 1951, Mr. Lawrence ad
dressed a note to Mr. Webster, a movriro-aig the re
cetptol his despatch,and,in compliance with the in
structions, he on that day addressed a rto'e to Lord
Palmerston upon the subject, a copy of which heei.elo
ses.
Mr. Lawrence,on the26th c: Deeemt*-r, 195!, in
form? Mr. Webster of the withdrawal ot Lord Paffiier
ston irom the British Cabinet.
Lord Palmerston was succeeded in office, by 1. rd
Granville.
There are copies of oilier notes : ta!tmitred to Con
gress.
Eord Grtii.ciile to Mr. Late ten?.
Tne undersigned, her Britannic MajesV? Secretary
of State for Foreign Affairs, has the b*r.or to acquaint
Mr. Abbott Lawrence, envoy extraordinary ami nun
ister plenipotentiary from the United .Sales cl Ameri
ca, that Her Majesty’s government have ju.-i rtc ivvd
from the vice admiral, commanding Her Majesty’s na
val forces in the West Indie.?, a rejK.it upon the sub
ject ol the Prometheus , which i? :*> the following -t
---lect: that,on arriving at Si. Thoma?,tin arinniat re
ceived a despatch from the comm inner ot Her \l|es
ty’s sloop, Express, stating that, on the requisition ot
Mr. Janies Green, H r Majesty's consul at Grey town,
who i? also a principal officer ot the Alosq n o govern
ment at that place, lie had by force c-ainpeiied tite
America:i steamship Prometheus, to pay the pottdaes
demanded of her by the authoittieg ot Grey town, i.. i
tins despatch, Vice A limra.; Sn George Sevmr.iir
has immediately replied by eayiim that umber nr .nor.
to his knowledge, Her Majesty’s cousin had received
any orders to allow Her Majesty ‘s ships to be employed
iu ?u h a service, ot in eniorciug ;he tiscal reguiatums
of Mosquito ; the sole object ot tite presence ot British
shipsot war at Greymw.: bet. g to dehnd the town
and inhabitant* from aggressive attempts to. deprive
the Mosquito government ot posses*,on (.eliding a set
tlement by negotiation of the qoesiimi rriat ve to i;s
future position. , i
Sir George Seymour hsil turiher expressly iorbtuden
the cooiinander of the Express Iron. a*a.;i employing
force to compel the levy of duties tor the Mosquito
government.
The undersigned has now ... state s *lr. Aobott
Lawrence, tor the in form “trio ■ < hi* government, tha:
Her Majesty’s Government tuiiy approve ot the vice ,
admiral’s conduct in tlnstnaiter, and that .ii*-y entire.)
disavow the act of violence committed by the com
niauffer ol the Express, and a iso the rtqutsitio:. Iron,
lier Majesty's consul, under which tne command* r :.c- |
ted, so tar as he acted by any authority derived from !
the British crown.
Under these circumstances. Her Majesty * govern
ment ;.ave no hesitation in offering an ample apology
lor that which they consider to have been an infraction
of treaty engagements: iii.d her M ijt-sty * government j
doso without loss of time, and immediately upon the
receipt of the official iiiu-digence above s.. uJed to, in
asnmch as,in their opinion, it would be unworthy i t
the government of a great nation to a* .-nute about mi
king due reparation w hen the acts of their subordinate
authorities had been such as not to admit >t justifica
tion.
As Her Majesty's government have fan confidence
that the government ot the f tilted tes is actuated
by a similar feeling, they hope tea: this mutual confi
dence will induce each nation to refer n? once to each
other in all cases ot such disputes ; ami, until due time
has elapsed tor the necessary explanation* to be receiv
ed, to deter taking any steps which might i- ad to col
lision?, and thu? much aggravate tiie original dtffi
ealty.
The undersigned reques‘3 Mr. A -i.ott Lawrence to
accept the assurances o! his highest conshferanon.
Signed, GRANVILLE.
Foreign Oitice, January 10, 1 52.
Mr. Lawrence to Lord Granville.
The undersigned, ervoy extraordinary and minister
plenipotentiary ot the United Stat*s,ha? the honor to
acknowledge the receipt of the nee which Lari Gran
ville. Her Majesty.? principal Secretary’ <‘t State tot
Foreign Affairs, addressed to h m on the 10th rfjnnun
ry, on the subject of ti,<* course <t the commander *>t
the British sloop Express, towards the Prometheus.
Tiie undersigned is gratified at tin* promutne s vs ith
which Her Majesty’- government itn? disavowed tlii*
act, after receiving a report of the transaction from
the admiral commanding on the station ;and he doubts
not that the apology offered tor it w: I be received ba
the government of the United State? in the smite spirit
which has dictated it on the part of Her Majesty's gov
ernment.
The undersigned hopes that the question under ne
gotiation alluded to in Lord Grunvilie’a note out oi
which this difficulty grew, may be speedky settled;
and that hereafterthere may be no cause of misunder
standing between the government ot the Unhcd States
and her -Majesty'sGovernment.ei'lier in Central Amer
ica, or any other part of the wo*ld.
The undersigned renewsto Earl Granvii.e the insu
rance of his most distingu:*he<! consideration.
Signed, ABBOTT LAWRENCE.
Lecutiox of tbs Usitfd States. January 13, 1952
Kinkelisci.
Professor Kinkel, Ado.pit Gyurman, ami the med
dlers of their class, have mistaken their genius, and
abused hospitality, by their impruJeut ami it soiei.:
courses in this country. They have conic hither t>
preach conceptions of democracy and aristocracy,
founded onconditionsof society of which we have no
likeness nor example, and with notions of a republic
auchas those conditions,but not the facts in our case,
might reasonably instigate. From demi-serfdom.they
have emerged at once into a perfect liberty, and the
sudden re-action naturally carries them to the extreme
of lawlessness, and they are as intent on upsetting and
remodeling our Constitution and Government—of
which they know comparatively nothing—as they are
on putting down Austrian and Prussian rova'ty.
Since the advent of Kinkie in this country, w?
have had a German Socialist Democratic Association
in the city of Richmond, Virginia, resolving, among
other things, the abolition of the Presidency and Sen
ate ; the abolition of neutrality-, the abolition of
laics for the observance ot the. Sabbath; abolition of
prayer in Congress, and of oaths upon the Bible
The society above named has its ramifications with
similar societies in all parts of the Union, and they
pledge themselves to work united) to carry out the
above resolutions.
We have also hadfrom asimilar German political
association in Cleveland, Ohio, in r. spouse to the rra
olutiou of the negroes of that ci'y to aid site Kittk*:
fund, a resolution to thiseffect : Phut when the battle
of the German European Democracy is over, and
their victory won, they (the German Democrat* of
Cleveland and elsewhere) will turn their attention to
abolishing negro slavery in the South. They have
pledged themselves to this as essential to the claims of
their Democratic faith.
Then we have had Mr. Adolph Gyurman, formerly a
newspaper co laborer with Kossuth, declare in his
German paper—the Voelkirbund, just started in this
city—as a part of his creed, that, with reaard to sla
very: 9
“ We consider the Compromise no settled solution,
but a provisional law ; for the abrogation of which, at i
least as far as the extradition of slaves is concerned,
we will employ all the means which a public organ ;
can command.” *
These are some of the lessons end ~rosp*ctiye re*o
'utions conjured up for the reform of our Government
aad institutions oy men who can scarcely speak our
language, who are not yet citizens. We do not mean
to imply that all Germans in our country take part in
this crusade on cur Republic ; there are large and hon
orable exceptions; but we do include all that larger
k. cl®-** who are least fitted to judge in the matter. We
are not of those who fear foreign influence, save as used
H b 7 native politicians. In the bands of such, there are
W , m enie in our midst to be dreaded. We may have
Indicated where they lie.-Afic York Mirror.
I MACON, GEORGIA.
WEDNESDAY, FEB. 35.
Union Meeting in Jlilib.
The Union Party of Bibb county is requested to
meet at the Court House in this city. <>n ihe Ist ‘1 ues
day ol March next. at 11 o’clock. A. M , lor ihe pu -
pose of considering and determining what action is
necessary,in view of .he appioaching Ptcsideniial cam
paign. A general attendance ol the ‘rank a; and the’ ol
the party, from city and county, is earne.ty requested.
ORDINARY iJLANKS.
We have on hand a complete assortment of legal
Blanks —those to be used by Ordinaries having been
carefully revised and adapted to the l ew organization
of our Courts ol Ordinary.
S I'Ll.I AI. SU i ILL.
Tile pnirons ot the Journal and Messenger, who
are in arrears tor Advertizing, Subscription and Job
Work, prior ro the first of January, are informed ihar
their accounts will Ire forwarded by mail timing the
present week, and fliat immediate payment is expect
ed. This notice is intended lor all, ut:d we hope that
it may be universally and promptly uitetuied to. Ji
will bo impossible I rthe old proprn mis or iheir agents
to wait upon each prison. Ii is, ihereloie, mipoiiarit
ilrat ilic response should be made by mail, and thai
payment should be made ai least, by the liist of April.
V N'hiiigit/ii’s Kirth-Day.
The arniveisan of liie birth-day of Washington,
was celebrated by the 31.c0n Volunteers, Cara. Bivins,
and by ihe rfoyd R fir?, Capt. Ross, upon the 21ai
iand 23J inst , respectively, by a parade. W e hope that
| we shall see, upon iheir nexi parade, liie ranks ol ihes
handsome and well-driiled corps, belter fiiied—evrden
i cii g removed int. ist on the part ol the members, in
[the pro-perity ol their companies.
Col. F. V. K. Mace.
This-gentleman is now in otir city, with the design
.if forming u Class for instructions in Fencing. Oui
Philadelphia exchanges, speak ve;y favourably id'Col.
M.ice, as a teacher. He v/iil give a short lecture this
Evening, at the Armory ol the Floyd Rifles, upon his
system <d mstiuction. All ilesiring lo enter Ins class,
are rnjn sted to ait'-nd.
\hv
Man, his BkotiiEßs Keeper—We have received
Ifoni \V. Thorne Williams, publisher. Savannah, an
iddress w i.ii the above Uile, delivered by the Rev S.
. K. Taimage, liefore several female Seminaries of this
State and Alabama. Every thing which Dr. Talmnge
publishes is worth reading.
Plank Koatls.
We take pleasure in calling the attention of our
readers to tii- notiee, published by the Mayor in to
day's paper,-! a meeting on the 25th of M irch, in the
citv of Macon, to take steps to organize the Macon &
Albany and Macon JcCiinton Plank Rond Companies
• The subject of Piank Ronds is one in which the citi
zens of Macon are, or sfaetdo be deeply interested.—
Macon ha?, by assenting :o the junction of the Rail
roads, which terminated here, sacrificed to the interest
of the whole Btnte a feme amount of her cotton trade.
! Cotton ha? been the basis of her prosperity ; and unless
; it can be drawn hither by Piank Roads, or some other
‘means, we must expect to see grass growing in its
1 principal thoroughfare?—men of capita! and enterprise
removing, and the vaiue of her real estate, and the
■mount of her retrs, gradually decreasing. The
.unction ot the Railroads has changed the businers re
lations cl a targe extent of country. We must be up
and doing, or ;ne active rivalry ot Oglethorpe, Griffin
and Savannah will seriously and permanently injure
our city. In our issues preceding the meeting we
“.'.all furnish our readers with all the information we
can collect upon the subject of Plank Roads, and
particularly upon the influences of Piank Roads to
Cffntori and Albany, upon the business relations of
1 Macon.
Cent ml Jockey Club.
I The annual Spting meeting ot this Club will com
mence ott Wednesday, the 3j of March, at the Central
Course, near this city. The track is owned by two ot
our most enterprising citizen*, who having thoroughly
repuii-J it, togetnef wiih the buildings, stables and
grounds attached, have placed it under the entire con
trol and management of the Club. The Club, with a
view’ to its i ontmuancr and permanence, have adopted
the stringent rules of the South Carolina Jockey Club,
■ and are determined to enforce them, stricly and im
partial y, so that strangers and visitors may rely upon
: naving good older and (air play. The Club already
numb* is one hundred members among our citizens ;
and will no doubt ire increased by large addit.ons from
the adjoining counties. The purse? offered hy the Club
i amount in the aggregate to $1,750. There will be
■ more than twenty entries of thoroughbred racers to
j contend for these purses—some of them (Julia Dean,
Nat Pope and Marengo) of considerable repute on the
Turf.
Tiie Ciuh propose to have Fall raers, to conte off
during the week preceedmg our State Fair in Octo
ber, of which due notice will be given.
Meeting of the < on?titnfon;il Union Party.
The meeting oft he CuiiMitutional Union Party,cod
ed tor the 2nd ot March, we hope will be generally at
tenJ< d.both from the city and county. This is not a
l me lor Union men to relax their efforts, or become
n gligent and indifferent to the interests of their Party,
when the Southern Right? Party are organizing and ar
raying against it ft formidable opposition. Our oppo
nent? have been convinced ih it attachment to the Union
■ s tire strongest sentiment of the people of Georgia.
They must now be convinced that tiie people have no
regard tor a patty name, when it ceases to be the index
of the principles of the Party, arid that they will not
unite with either ol the National Parties w ho encourage
o r permit the agitation of questions which endanger
; the perpetuity ot Union. They must now be conviced
that their recent profession of Democracy is mistrust
ed by the people, as much as their late loud-mouthed
adyo<-acy of Southern Rights. Tlu-y must now be
convinced that there is a mode of resistance to nn
i 6.avery agitation, wi'hin the Constitution, which
does not commit us to Disunion or Secession ; but
simply to a maintenance of the principles of the Geor
gia Platform. They must now he convinced that
the Union Patty is the true Southern Rights Part) ot
the State, occupying the true Constitutional ground,
with no admixture ot bravudoing qnioxti*in— no fre
ernity with Kree-Suiier*, and r.o t-mrll ol fire upon
; its gaiinenti*. They must be convinced that there is
a virtue n ihe people which will not permit the sacri
fice of ptinciple tor poiitical power. Such is the mis
siorf of the Constitutional Union Party of Georgia in
the approaching Presidential Campaign. ll<>w shall
, it be accomplished !
We an-wer, by maintaining our principles—by re
fusing to unite withany party which does not recognise
them, and by sending delegates to the Washington
City Convention, if, before our Siate Convention nteetr,
we do not have from some reliable source, the stronges
guarantee that the Wing or Demecratto Conventions
will adopt and assert the principles of tiie Georgia
Platform. This we cannot expect. The door of the
Democratic Convention is closed against uj by the ac
tion ot the Democratic Congressional Caucus. The
Wing Caucus adopted the finality of the Compromise,
as the busts of Whig National organization. But the
action of that Caucus cannot he regarded as an index
.of the action ot a Whig National Convention. Ifwe
ate true to our principles then, we cannot, in the pre*.
ent position ot the two great parties, unite with either
ot tliem in Convention, for tit- nomination of President
and V ice President. Ihe only reason which iias been
urged, why the Union Party of Georgia shouid go into
Convention with either the Whig or Democratic
! parties, is, that this course w;il give us“ political p iw
er,” and secure to us the majority in the State. We
already have the majority in the State, ard can retain
it only by a firm and unwavering maintenance ot m r
principles. The great mas* of the Party do not want
“ political power” nta sacrifice of principle, and do
not care to be identified with any party, simply be
cause jit is the dominant party, and disperse* ti c
patronnge of Government
J The two great Parties of the country are, in tie
: language of Air. Stephen*, “effete and corrupt."—
J Their names are no longer the index of their print*.-
pies. There is no principle which binds together either
of these Parties bnt political expediency. There is : o
sympathy—no agreement in principle—among the dif
ferent portions of these Parties, North, .South, Eo-t
and West. They are bound together only “by the
cohesive power of public plunder.” What other bond
of Union is there between Free-Soilers and Southern
‘Rights men; between Secessionists and Jackson
[Democrats; between Union men and Higher Law
j men ; between Interventionists and those who adhere
Ito the settled foreign policy of the Government l The
issues upon which the Whig and Democratic Parlies
were formed are obsolete. There is no vitality in
them. The question of the annexation of Texas,
eU-cteu 3lr. Polk in 1844. Military eclat elected Lien.
Taylor in 1848. Neither of jhe two last Presidential
Campaigns were fought or decided upon any issue
dividing the uld Whig and Democratic Patties. Tie?
are now field together by I fie seltfon ambit on of P iv
leaders ; arid their presi nt organization cannot be con
tinued itryond the next Presidential election. New
issues, which have vhalny, and are of present moment,
must lr..d to die formation of new Parties. The
questions connected with the rnstitu ion of slavery—
the annexation ot foreign territory, and the fuiure
foreign policy \ I the Government, ore the issues which
must hereafter divide Parties. Why should we con
ned ourselves with either of these old and loitering
Parties, which have no common platform of principles
—no common bond of Union, except the sccureiueni
of the patronage ot tiie Government. F.vhv good
Union man should attend the meeting ot the 2nd or
March, deieniiined to mntrrnin the integrity and inde
pendence of his Party—determined to rucrifice n
principle to expediency—determined to send delegates
to the National Convention of no Parly which does not
recognise nml assert the principles upon which hi
Party was loiined.
Letters of .Messrs, Stephens atid Murphy -
Gov. Gobt* and the Telegraph,
We have heard very often of iaie that the Constitu
tional Union Party was a failure, ami that it was dis
organiz'd and disbonded. We are very much indebted
to the opposition Press tor the interest it manifests in
the condition and prospects of our Parly, but hope that
it w ill defer the announcement ot its fa lure until the
Union Parly meets in Convention, and does what (us
indicated by the Resolutions of the recent Southern
Rights meeting in this county,) the Southern Rights
Party in a re-organizing Convention will do—r-pudi
nte iis principles by not daring to assert them. Then,
and not until then, will we admit that the Constitution
al Union Party is disbanded as a failure.
The Telegraph of the Grit inst., has a short para
graph devoted to Governor Cobb, in which the Cover
nor is glorified is nothing else ‘‘but a Democrat, a
- lotlie old faith ill which he was nurtured, and
ot which he has been so dii-iinguighed an advocate.” —
We would like to know, if, it is to Governor Cobb’s
distinguished advocacy of the Compiomisc measures,
that our neighbor of i lie Telegraph rel< is? or, whether
he considers the Southern Address, ond the letter of
Gov. Cobb during the recent Gubernatorial canvass,
as harmonious expressions of the same ” old faith.’
Bui, perhaps our worthy contemporary has repented
ofhisiibuse of Mr. Cobb—or, perhaps he has forgotten
the Southern Address—or, pel haps he is a convert to
Mr. Cobbs’ views upon ihe Compromise and upon Se
c-ssion—nr, perhaps he wants rlie influence of Mr.
Cobb in bit re organizing movements —or, perhaps fie
penned the paragraph referred to, in the spirit ot uni
versal charily and forgiveness towards Ins enemies
North and South, East and West, which has lately
possessed him.
The Washington Union has intimated to our Fire
Eating contemporaries throughout the State, that it is
willing to ovei look iheir little delinquencies and slight
aberrations from tile path of Democracy, and graci
ously to receive them along wiih the Free Soilers ot the
North, into the capacious bosom ol ns Convention—
the Baltimore Convention. All of them have eagerly
and gratefully accepted the terms of the Union, except,
ihe Tunes and lire Federal Union , and one or two
others, who it seems, are s'u wlo understand thar they
are jeoparding the harmony of the national Democra
cy, hy s-.il! discussing liie “obsolete issues”of the Com
promise, ihe d< cl! me of Secession, and the claims of
Foote, Clemens and Cobb, to b- considered orthodox
Democrats, with the Washington organ ul ihe party. —
Ferha,is the spasm of charitableness under winch the
Telegraph labors, is ow ing to the deep sense of grati
tude w hich it has lor tile unmerited and unexpected
leniency with which it has been treated. It has heard
and obeyed ihe injunction, ‘‘Go thou and do likewise,”
ill pulling forth a feeler, delicately and cautiously, to
ascertain if his Excellency, our wi nhy Chief Magis
trate, is ready foi an armistice, or a permanent treaty.
The Telegraph of the iTth, also contains some
strictures upon the discussion in the House of Repre
sentntives, on the 3td inst., between Mr. Cabell, ol
Florida, and Mr M irpliy, ol our State, in which ii as
sumes that Mr. Murphy admitted that the Constitu
tional Union Parly was an “ exploded humbug.” Mr.
Murphy has deemed it necessary, in order to counter
act the efi’ct cf such ini-representr.iions, to write a
letter lo ihe Editor of the Washington Republic
Tins letter, which speaks for i;self, we publish to-day,
s niply lemm king, that the Tel<graph was 100 last in
identifying Mr. .Murphy wnh the re-organizing move
ment. This our colemporary admits in his issue of
yesterday .though at the same time, lie pretends lie can
not understand Mr. .Murphj’s Inter. How, then, did
he ascertain that he was mistaken in die inferences
which he first drew from the discussion referred to :
31r. Stephens lias also published a letter, which we
copy fiom the Chronicle and Sentinel, m which he
dec ares that the two great parties of the country are
effete and corrupt ; and boldly and decidedly urges
the continuance ol the present independent organiza
tion of the Constitutional Union Party.
Be si ces these, we hnve been favored with the perusal
of letters from almost every one ol our delegation in
Cdnxrees, which indicate that there is no wavering
there—no abandonment of the position of the Consti
tutional Union Party—no treachery meditated hy
Union representatives towards the Union constituen
cies which elected them. There ore no evidences in
Congress, or elsew here, that the Union Party is disor
ga ized or demoralized. This charge is simply “ a
cunning invention of the enemy ”
Judge Sharkey at Havana—Our new Consul at
Havana, Judge ,Sharkey, received, on the fitti inst..
his exequatur from the Spanish Government. A let
ter ol the lOili, states that the Judge has made, during
his short slay there, a very favorable impression, and
is considered the man for the post. His lady and her
niece are with him, and th? letter adds;
“ Ai a grand lever, the other day, nt the palace,
when nil the great tfficers oi sia;e were in the full
blaze ol their magnificent uniforms, it was a sight
worth seeing to behold our Consul, Judge Sharkey, in
the midst of that crowd of gold luce and tinsel, dressed
m a plain sun of black, licking so self-possessed, and
so much the gentleman. He is a very and gnified looking
person, without any appearance of pomposity, and is
about fifty years of age.”
KusMiihN Plan.
In a late speech, giving his reason for tire formation
of Hungarian Associations, Kossuth says:
“ M v second reason for forming these association*
is , that the cheers of the people are not recorded in
Washington city, but when I ran show the records o
these associations —when they have joined together
and ad in unison—when the consist ol hundreds of
thousands, perhaps millions of people—when out ot
the small drops of individual sympathy a vast ocean
has been formed then indeed, though their cheers may
not be weighed, their names and ft flurnce will be.”
[Loud and long-continued applause.]
It is scarcely becoming in a mail in Kossuih’s posi
lion to endeavor lo excite ill will between the “people’
and “ Washington Citu,’’ by which he means the gov
ernment. But it is in keeping with h;s whole course
from the first —repaying the hospitality and kindness
of the I lined States with efforts to embroil it in foreign
war and civil discord.
The State Road VVr are pleased to announce to
our friends at a distance, that Mr. Wadley, the Super- j
Attendant ol the State Road, has taken the helm, and
as soon as the nature of the case will admit, everything
will be in order. He is an efficient man, and will
discharge ihe duties of his station with honor to the
State, as well as to himself.
We have heard of but one appointment by Mr.
Wadley, which i. ihnt r.f A. (J. Ware, to be Agent at
Atlanta, vice E. B. Reynolds, removed. This is a
good appointment, as we know friend Ware cannot
fail to make an excellent Agent. He is n clever man,
and a typo, and we like lo see such men elevated.
[Cassville Standard.
KJ- In. England an eitnorial notice of half a dozen
lines, is ehargefi at the rate of about twenty tin e< the ,
price <4 the advertisement lo which it refers. Mere ii
is demanded as a something lo be thrown into ihe hai-
Kin. -
Pomticae Indication- I .— Tue Thiboiiaux (Laforche
Interior) Minereu, one of the staunchest Whig pnpei?
in the Slate, hnshoisted the naineaof Millard Fillmore
and Willie P. Mangutn,as its favorite candidates for
the Presidency and Vice Presidency. A glorious
ticket, and one ihui would be hard to best .—N. O.
Commercial Bulletin.
car A petition is before the Maine Legislature to :
prohibit the use ol tobacco.
Letter from the linn. A. H. Stephens.
! The following letter, which we find in the Chronicle
and Sentinel, was written by Mr. Stephens to a friend:
Washington Citv, Feb. 7ih, 1802.
My Dear Sir:— Yur esteemed favor of the 2nd
inst. was received yesterday. You ask what 1 think
of the late movement of our friends in M.liedgeviile.
I reply. J -ay. briefly and plainly, that so far as i: may
■>e considered as intimating tlle expression ui an <>tno
ion in favor ot *■■■ ding delegates to the Baltimore
Convention, / am utierly opposed to it.
The first and s-cond ul the lit solutions o! that meet
ing have my cordial approval. 1 lie first re-sffii ins the
principles of the Consulutional Union Parly, and re
iterates a determination to adhere to them. Ihe
second provides for the call ot a Convention in the
.'tatefai some suitable time Iteret Iter, totake in’ocon
si,.eration the subject ot tlie Presidential elec ion, and
to adopt such course m relation to it as duty and patri
dism utny then dictate as proper. ‘J his is all right.
And v\ hiie I cannot concur withsomein believing that
: the third resolution was intended by those who adopted
1 t to bear the construction which has been put upon
it, to wit: that its object was to commit the Party, in
advance, to semi Delegates to the Baltimore Conven
tion,—i’ll, 1 meat; simply to say, that il such was the
mteni on, [ nm unqualifiedly opposed to it.
The new organization in Georgia was called into ex
sience upon an extraordinary crisis in our public af
fairs. That crisis has not yetpasssed hv. Those who
think so draw different conclusions from the signs ot
the times from what Ido ‘I he present (apparent)
calm is but a temporary suspension of the dangerous
elements which then raged so furiously. That Party
! was formed upon the principles set forth and embodied
I in the action of the Stute Gonvention in December,
1 1350. Timse principles I need not repeat to you
I They were such as a large majority of the people o
Georgia then thought, and as I still think, essential
:to the maintenance of ‘be rights of her per,pie and the
I union of the States. They were, moreover, not sec
’ tioual, either in their character or objects. They were,
’ and are, us broad as the Union, mid as w ide ns the
j limits ot the jurisdiction ot the Constitution —and in
I the very organization of that Party, which wits formed
jby an abjuration and renunciation ot nil old party
, names and affiliations by all who entered into it, we ot
• sered to unite withany and all men, irrespective ot past
| party dis motions, in every section ot the country,
whether in the South or North, who would make these
! principles a cardinal point in their creed. The same
position we stiff hold. As yet, no party at the North
iha< given any such assurance. !he Baltimore Con
vention has not been called with any such view or
object; so tar Irom it, many of our bitterest assailants,
it the Smith, as well ns ai tlit* North, have already
been duly appointed members of it. Could any ideu
be more preposterous than the project ot sending dele
gates to a Convention ol our opponents, lor fear that
ihey may not conduct their proceedings according to
our liking l Such would certainly he a novel couise
in political tactics.
It t hose members of that Convention fom the South,
who were lately so loud in their denunciation of ali
men at the Noun, and who were particularly censor!
ous ot our position at home, shall acknowledge their
errors, and put themselves upon our principles, and
; shall purge that body ot its tree'Soil dements —and
shall, also, present to the country a good candidate lor
the Presidency—it will be lime enough tor us to con
i nei t ourselves w ith their action alter they shall have
; given us these evidences of their being entitled to our
! confidence and co- opera lion. A good candidate, stand
ing on out principles, and put forward by an organiza
tion standing upon the sine principles, is alt we want.
Whether tiu>: Convention will come up to these te
quisitions, is one of the problems that tuture develop
ments only cans Ive. My appiehen.-ion is, that it will
not. Upon what indications orir is found more lavor
able expectations, I am at a I, ss to conjeeure. Is it
ir- m ilie tact that Col. Polk’s resolution was rejected
m the Congressional caucus, at the beginning of the
present session l Is it from the tact that Mr. Bartlett,
: whose name appears as one of tiie committee who
leaded that Convention, was elected to the seat lie now
1 Indds m tli- House ol Representatives as an open and
j avowed Free-Sailer ] Is it from the tact that Mr.
I llantoul. the champion and defender of that most un
, pnncip'ed of all coalitions in the annals of political
profligacy in Massachusetts, is one of the members of
jihnt Convention ? Or.is it trom the fact that the Union
| newspaper in this city puts down the most ultra men
ot the South, and the most rabid Free-Soilers nt ilie
j North, now m Congress, as all good Democrats, arid
■ equally entitled to men beiship and fellowship in the
! great Party of which it professes to be the sole organ ?
It so, I have only to say, that these,and other indi
i canons which 1 might mention, have quite a contrary
j effect mi me. That Convention, iherfbie, so-called
j and so constituted, as weil as all oilier National Con
| vemions, whether Democratic or Whig, must he put
light on ihe record as a condition precedent, belore
looking to me for any support or countenance. 1 speak
only for myself. The Constitutional Union Party can
‘"p-ak lor itself when its Convention assembles. But
jean any one doubt that the moral power and influence
‘ ! our position upon the action ot the Baltimore Con
vention would be much greater outside than inside of
its deliberations ? Would they tie less likely to comply
with our demands from tear of our defiance in case of
a relu-nl, than to be controlled by our wishes after a
voluntary surrender ? It we go into their organization
■ without the condition precedent ot a recognition and
endorsement of our principles, shall we not be in the
| condition ol veteran troops,beguiled aim betrnyeff, un
1 a mi and into ;he camp of me enemy ! The idea ot men
! thus situated insisting on terms is simply ridiculous—
i captives may be allowed to brg Un quarter but who
■ ver heard ot them demanding concessions l And is
tiiis the time for our party to put itseli in such a humili
ating position ? ‘Pfie extraordinary < libit that is now
being made to inculcate the opinion that in thing can
be done by a separate organization upon the principles
ol that formed in Georgia, 1 am perfectly aware of.—
But does it not come with a bad grace from those who,
in thus speaking, are hut repeating their croaking? ot
twelve months ago ? Then we arc told, as now, that
tiie new organization was a failure, because it did not
meet whh favor from the political intriguers of this
city. Some went so far as to say that tiie party was
dead, and could not be galcanized into existence.
But what have we not accomplished since then 1 —
Georgia his spoken with a majority never before
jkno-vii. So has Mississippi. And Alabama has shown
that Iter people are not to be bound by the shackles of
pariy when principles are at stake, lias a single election
neeti lost where the issue was made ! But riot only
this—last winter the Georgia organization met with
nothing but opposition tiom the two gr at parties, as
they are called here. These parties have since both
;been brought to n pause. They want nothing now so
| much ns a truce. Their opposition lifts been changed
■ to a modest request, that “ by gone may be by-gone.”
Shall we gram them even a truce.’ ’Will they not
j thereby he enabled to rally their disorganised forces l
Is tins tiie time then h.r us to disband ? Should we de
sert out standard when the enemy every s\ here is in
| flight before us ! Should we not rather ho'd our ground
! until our triumph is complete in forcing an acknow
j iedginent of our principles ! This attempt to create the
I impression that the new organization lias failed it? its
I objec's, and that everybody must full back into one
or the other of the former lm< sot division, is but the
] last appeal ot tiie old Priests ot the defiled temples ol
i Party, who feel that they are about to lose their liveli
-1 hood in making images of false deities lor the people *o
j worship. Hence their lusty shouts ul “Gtent is Di-
I ana of tiie Ephesians;” ‘‘Great is the powrr ol Par
.ty and great is the virtue ot old issues!
j ‘i bis cry lias been unavailing in the past, and it will
I be unavailing in the future, wherever the question shall
|be made and met. Let our friends not doubt too soon,
j No occasion liasyei arisen tor an appeal to the whole
people ot the United States upon the principles of our
j organization. Whether such an occasion shall arise,
J may depend upon the action ot this Baltimore Conven
] lion. Alabama has already called a National Conven
j tioo on our principles, to assemble in this city after the
Baltimore Convention. To this latter Convention, we
should not tail to send delegates. Should such a sinte
>1 tilings then exist as to render anew n ional organi
zation necessary and proper, to eat ry out our principles,
1 fee. assured that theiute results in Georgia, A'abuma
and Mississippi, are but proofs ot what may he expect
ed in other sections of tiie coumiy, when similar ef
forts may be made lor similar objects. And, in this
connection, 1 will add that the idea of reorganizing
either ol the o'd parties in this country, upon sound na
tional principles, is, in my opinion, a result not be look
!e J foi with much confidence. As organ.zations, these
j parties arc both effete and corrupt. They both make
professions in “platforms” which they hi v-r entry out
in practice. These platforms, or programmes, have
become nothing but artlul devices, by which dema
gogues are enabled to delude and cheat .lie people.—
“New wine is not to be put into old bottles, else they
buist.” And if the effort to infuse new and sound prin
ciples into either ol those worn out parties should be
i suc.-es-lul, a like result may lie expected- It is quite
Improbable dial it should be otherwise; tor the elements
’ m each are discordant,conflicting and hostile.
How, for instance, can those men in Georgia who
j looked upon the eighteen thousand majority against
! them in their own State nt the la:e elecii n as unti u t
j worthy upon the question ol Southern Right*, be cx
j peeled to act in harmony with the Wdmots, the Ran
touls, the Preston Kings and the Van Burens at the
North ! The very idea of-uch a possibility is suggrs
live ot infamy. 1 take it for granted then, that tinr
j moiiious avion amongst tnen holding such nntagoms
iiical opinions and principles, is out ol the question
| And it should he borne in mind that Mr. Rantoul de
-1 dared the cither day in the House, that if lie were not
a good Democrat, there was not one ii New Eng
land! But apart from considerations growing out of
the present condition ot the slavery question,and other
questions cl domestic policy, on which there is equally
as wide a difference ofopinion between the two great
wings of these old parties, there are still other and new
I'tesitons arising, upon which most probably still wider
btlerences of opinion will exist. The question ot in
erleting with and taking part in European politics,
vdl soon l>e upon us. “ Coming events cast then
shadows belore.” At this time we see a man of
in usual address and great ability, traversing the North
■rn States ot tit- Union, and urging upon the people
he abandonment of those principle? which have been
oeval with the existence ot our government in our re*
ations with the various monarchies and dynast ei of
he old world. His object, evidently, is to implant in
he pub ic mi.id, the princip'e, that it is our duty to join
n a general crus ide lor the liberties ot mankind.—
These wild and disorganizing doctrines have been em
>o.lied in resolutions and adopted with enthusiasm by
arge and respectable meetings in divers places. The
lay is not distant when the questions involv-d in these
’outlines will become practical issues They will pre
<em subjects of vast magnitude and momentous itnpor
mice lor the consideration ol the American people.—
\ml upon them, as well as upon those other kindred
questions to which I have alluded, men in all sections
who think alike, must organize and net together with
out respect tc past differences ot opinion on other points,
•r an early doom will lie our destiny, instead ot that
lull measure of true greatness which ilis our real “mis
sion” to attain, and which nothing short of the united
patriotism of the whole country can secure.
‘Thisis no time [therefore, to look to old issues with
a prospect of reorganizing parties upon them But I
have said much more than 1 intended. In conclusion,
l will add that our policy is to hold our position. We
should unite with no party that tail* as a condition
precedent to incorporate m its creed those principled
which we consider as essential to the maintenance o,
our rights and the preservation of the Union ot th*
States. YVe should stand aloof from all parties hat
Jo not purge themselves from all affiliation and asso
ciation with Freesoilism. Whatever may be the
course of future events we should si and L>y our princi*
pies wherever they may lead us, ‘’through woe” a
well as “ through weal, and maintain them now and
always if need he until they,and we, and the Republic,
perish together in a common ruin.
Yours Kes(>ect uily.
ALEXANDER II STEPHENS.
Letter from Mr. Murphy, of Georgia.
Washington, Feb. 11, 1552
To the Edit ”/• a} the Washington Republic :
Sir : —I discover that the reply which I made to th*
question propounded to rne in the House ot Representa
tives on the 3J instant, by tlie gentleman from F'orida,
( \lr. Cabell,) has been construed to mean that I won!-’
not vote fora Whig for President, who placed htinse,
upon the Georgia platfoim in preference to a Democra
who did not do so. If I said any thing capable of such
n construction, I did great injustice to myself; for I
would not vote for any man who was not in favor .
that platform, and pledged to cn*ry it out in good faitk
and maintain the fimiiity of the Compromise, and the
settlement of the vexed question of slavery. From the
mann-r in which the question was propounded, I could
not answer in the affirmative directly, without repudi
ating the resolutions of the Baltimore Convention ot
1848 as vague and unmeaning. This I could not do,
as they met my approbation at the lime. I said I could
not give my vote for a Whig who was, in substance,
on the Compromise. These words, in substance,
compose an ambiguous term, and admit of varioua
cops ruction? ; and to this 1 objected, and only intended
to say, that he mast, under the circumstances I men
tioned, put himself, in substance and in fact, upon that
platform, and pledge hitnsrlf to carry it out in good
faith, and for such a Whig, and against a Democrat
who did opt assume the same position before the
country, I would vote ; and not only vote, but us*
every efliirt in my power to secure his election.
And this, I think, is clearly ihe meaning of what I
then said ; but, as 1 have since learned in conversation
:ht it was not so c nstrued, by one man, at least,}
desire to remove that impression; tor I could not find
it in my heart to retain the seat 1 have the honor to
hold in the Iloue one moment longer than I use ever)
effort in my power to sustain the position of the Union
Party of Georgia.
And again, sir, I desiie to say that I did not under
stand the gentleman from Florida, in specifying hi
particular preference for the Presidency. I understoo
him to say he preferred for that office Gen. Scott toal
others; but, upon reading bis remarks. I find his pre
fererice was for Mr. Fillmore, and i gainst whose
administration I have not a word to say upon the Com
promise question. He has done well,and deserves tli
approbation of the country ; and my remarks, whic!
appear to apply to him, were intended to apply to Gen
Scott, who may be said to be, in substance, on thr
Compromise or not, just as may suit the limes, and
which drew forth my rematks. As 1 may not have at:
oppot tunity to place myself right in the House lor som*
time, 1 desiie to do so through your columns.
I have the honor to be, very respectfully, vour obedi
ent servant, C. MURPHY.
Letter to 11. V. M. Miller.
Dr. Miller, of Augusta, a short time since, wrote*
ietter to the Hon. John H. Lumpkin, of Rome, in
which he approved ot the action of the Legislation
caucus of the Constitutional Union Union Party, in re
commending to the patty, to send delegates to the
Bui iinore Convention. The following letter, short
and pointed in its irony, isa good reply to the Dr. and
to all others, w ho desire to go to Baltimore for “politi
cal power,” for the majority.
For the Chronicle and Sentinel.
To 11. V. M. Miller.
Aly Dear Sir I have read with much interest and
instruction, your valuable letter of the 30th ult., to the
Hon John H. Lumpkin ; and though it was not “ in
tended for publication,” Judge Lumpkin had the good
sense to make it public, and thus to confer upon the
people of Georgia a lesson of your wisdom which yout
modesty would have torever excluded from the light.
You are tight, sir, in saying that the Constitutions
Union Party, without a union with one ot the “ gre*’
National parties,” will be “contemptible in size.” i
am with you with all my heart. What is the use o
having a party unless it has “ size “ enough to con let
“ political power,” and to enable us to rule the country
and fill all the offices? None at all, sir, none at all
It is true that you and I have talked loudly about the
pi inciples of the Union party ; and I was silly enough
to think that they were of some importance ; but on
reading your letter, I saw at once that it i3 perfect folly
to be making a noise about principles, lor they are <
no sort of consequence—it is the “ size ” of the part.,
that makes :t respectable, not its principles. Let U‘
therefore, “issue orders” at once to “disband” th
Union party, and unite with the free-soilers and aboli
litionists North, and the secessionists and disunionis)
South, and “ send delegates to the Baltimore Conven
tion,” and if we do not then have a party with ‘ size’
sufficient to satisfy the most grasping for “ politics
power,” I am greatly deceived. Y\ r hen we do this
what a large party w will have! Ought we not t
form the union at once ? “ And as a mere question t
political power there cannot be ad übt of its propriety
It is not the quality of ihe party that is to be admired
but it is the quantity that is to be sought, for it alon<-
can give “ political power.” You, doctor, are a physic
ian, and understand these things. When you ar
c-tiled to sec u patient your are not so “ stupid ” as i
trouble your brain about ilie quality o! the medicine I
be administered. If you can gel your patients to tak
a dose large enough, to swallow a pill of sufficiei.
“ size,” you have no fears about the result. The princi
pies of the Union parly! Aay with priucip'e, giv
me quantity —give me ’* size,” anti I sin content.-
With these, I can have enough “ political power.”
1 thank you, Professor, for writing to Judge Lump
kin. And surely the members of the Union Party wi
thank you most heartily lor your teaching them tl >
importance of “ size ”in party organizations. It th
Nashville Conventionists had only so managed it as t
have prevented their party from being “ contemptib!
in size,” many gentlemen might have taken their seat
in that distingu'shed assemblage who refused toatten
it or treat it even with decent respect. So much t<
the want of “ size.” Henceforth, 1 hope to uuderstan
the importance of your principles. All my life 1 hav
been kept from the exercise of “ political power,” b
acting with a party wanting m “ size.” If your lett*
had been published ten years ago, ! might now hav
been occupying a high political position. Certain
am, that 1 should have been in Congress long since
the p rty I have been foolish enough to act with ha
posseessed “ size ’ sufficient.
Y’ery respectfully, SHORT.
The I moil Parly in the South.
The force of political exigencies compelled, ns is
j .veil known, the formation of a special Union organ*
i izalion in several of the leading Slates at the South
last fall There were adversaries to he opposed in that
quarter by those who lovtd the Union, and were de
voted 10 the maintenance ol tlie Constitution in its
supremacy—adversaries so active, energetic, amt
powerful, that nothing hut a decided concentration o*
all the conservative elements that could be brought t<*
tledefU ’Ce oi the Union and the Constitution, were
hkely to be available in the contest. The Secession
isis and enemies of the Compromise being made up
from the ranks ol the Whig and Democmtic parties in
the Siatis referred to, it was a matter ol course that
the Unionists and \he friends of the Compromise, in
both of those parties, should combine lor the purpose
ol making head signin’ t the common adversary.
In (lie Stales ol Georgia, Alabama, mid Mississippi,
the Union pariy, composed, as we have said, was ni
umphnnt. The particular occasion presented by the
fall elections having passed, although the distinctive
issue then involved, lias not ceased to exist, nor has
lost any portion of its forceful meaning, the momentary
lull of political excitement, now prevailing, is seized
upon by some active partisans lor the purpose of over
shug’ning the whole question upon which the late
political contests turned in the States we have named*
and ol converting to the usesof the Baltimore platform
and its framers the elements of political strength inhe- (
rent in the Union organization of the South. The
nullifiersand secessionists are expect* and to come upon
the same pintlorm by virtue of the ortiioJox retention
ol their Democratic name; and the Unionists are
urged to come for the purpose of counteracting them. !
Such is ihe proffered inducement.
We pass over the singularity of the invitation which
thus solicits a victorious party, or any party, to a meet
ing in convention with its adversaries for the purpose
of nominating a candidate in common to represent a
common principle, the design of mutual counteraction
ii the convention, beingurged as a reason for the incon- !
gruous conjunction. Those who give utterance to
this notable idea—as insidious in purpose as it is pre
posterous in its own nature—may have, for their own
part, a principle in common, which they would be glad
to see carried cut by the election of any nominee who
would conform to their views in the distribution of the
spoils of a political p-:rtv. But these tiisu we pass bv.
Oji reader* have noted the course puisueii by tiie
convention of the Union party ol Alabama, recently
assembled, by which it was determined to send no
delegates to either the Whig or the Democratic
National Conventions. We have not observed that
any thing in litis regard has yet come under the con
sideration of the same parly in Mississippi or Georgia
I he course of the Alabama Convention, however, is
censured, we notice, by a Whig paper of Tennessee—
the Nashville Banner — which, speaking of it, says:
“ It implies that neither the Whig or Democmiic
party i to be trusted to sustain the Union, which is a
gross delusion. It is really a sectional organization, or,
if not, its tendency is int vitality to get up a counter
sectional organization ; ami from such a division of the
conntiy great danger is to be apprehended. A Union
party will get up a disunion party. A Union Piesi
den'ial nomination in the South will be followed by an
Abolition Presidential nomination in ihe North, and
the State Rights <-r secession men will not be behind
in naming a separate candidate for the Presidency.—
What will be the consequence ? The Whigs will have
a Presidential ticket, (he Detmerats one, the Union
men one, the Abolitionists one, the Secessionists one,
and perhaps, in that event, there wiil be one or two as
pirants on their own hook—a ‘political hoise race,-
such as took plac-- in 1824, and an election by the
House of Representatives. We are opposed to it. We
are for an election by the people. We are for meeting
the Democracy in an open field. YVe want no jug
gling in the House of Representatives. W'e desire
tiiat both the YV’iiig and Democratic parties shall be
held to their interests to sustain the Union. And we
tell the Union men that they can accomplish much by
holding their strength in reserve for the party which,
by its acts, proves itself soundest on the question of
the Union.”
Now, the twoconcludingsentcnces of thisparagraph
express the very idea, as we understand it, which origi
nates and controls the course ot the Alabama Union
ists. They, too, desire, as we certainly do, “ that both
the YVliig and the Democratic parties shall be hel .’ to
their interests to sustain the Union,” and we not only
admit that the Union men of Alabama and the South
“ can accomplish much by holding their strength in re
serve for the party vrhich, by its acts, proves itself
i soundest on the question of the Union.” but we main
tain that they are doing the very thing here recom
mended, and in a manner the best adapted to insure
its being done effectively. We gather from the speech
| ot Mr. Cabell, of Florida, in the House of Representa
tives some days ago, that his own views and the views
of those for whom lie speaks, aie analogous to these.
Let the South hold her strength in reserve; but to
make it available in reserve, orinaction.it must be
concentrated. Unity for the sane of the Union is the
I first indispensable prerequisite.— Balt. American.
! Presentation ot Credentials by the New
Kritlsh Minister.
We understand that on Saturday last John Fiei ne
| Crompton, Esq .presented to the President theletterof
j terall of Sir Henry L Bulwer. and his own credentials
as Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary
other Britannic Majesty to this Government, and that
! he made ihe following remarks on the occasion :
Mr President: —It is with sentiments of profound
respect that I place in your hands two letters bearing
the signature ot the Queen, my sovereign—the one noti
fying the recall of Bir Henry Lytton Bulwer, who has
tor some time resided with you as her Majesty’s envoy
extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary ; the oilier
accrediting me in that character to the government of
the United .Stairs in his place.
Ii is particularly grateful to me now to renew to you,
sir, on the part ot my august sovereign, the assurance of
her Majesty’s esteem and regard, and ot her hearty
wishes lor the prosperity of this republic. The oultiva-,
t;on and improvement of friendship and good under
standing between Great Britain and the United States
form. I need scarcely say, the most important part of
the duties which have now devolved upon me ; and it
is therefore w ith extreme satisfaction that I advert to
the tact, that while at no former period of their history
I has the subsistence of friendly relations between the
two countries been of more vital importance to the in
: terests of boih,so-nt no time have those relations ap
peared to rest upon a firmer foundation than at present.
Consanguinity—a common interest in a long line of
historical tradition—a common language—thejoint in
heritance ol those enduring nionuim nts of liteiary ge
nius, by which the lobkst sentiments and ti e wises
maxims are stamped indelibly upon the minds of na
tions—a great similarity in the spirit of the laws, and
even in Hie forms of the administration of justice in
boili countries—commercial relations ol unequalled ac
tivity and extern—and, above all, the common pursuit
of that great political object to which the best energies
of both nations seem ever to have been steadily direct
ed—l mean the attainment and preservation of that
temperate libeny which goes hand in hand with duty:
these,sir, constitute ties which I cannot persuade my
selt will be lightly broken. Their firm maintenance
conduces to the present happiness, and promises the fu
ture prospetity of millions ot our race : their violent dis
ruption would be at once the most disastrous el possi
ble events,and constitute a spectacle the most lament
able and discouraging that could be presented to the
world.
11l maybe permitted to allude to my personal feelings
on this occasion, permit me to say, sir, that no mark
ol the confidence or tavor of my sovereign could be
more entirely consonant to my wishes than that with
which I have now been honored. lam aware, indeed,
that a selection might have been inadeol a representa
tive whose experience and abilities would have better
fitted him for such a trust, but not ol one more deeply
sensible ot its importance and responsibility. If, how
ever, 1 have reason to be diffident in regard to the
qualifications which I bring to the task assigned to me,
i have still some ground for encouragement in a recol
lection ot the frank and cordial nature of the relations
which 1 have already had the honor of maintaining
with the government of the United States, and, let me
add. with every classof its citizens with whom 1 have
been brought into contact. While these demand my
respeet ul gratitude, they leave tne little to desire save
a continuance of the same indulgence ; and this, I can
not doubt, w ill be afforded to me by the members ol an
administration distinguished alike by n love of peace,
and by a constant exercise ot the principles ol justice
and good faith.
To which the President replied as follows:
Sir: — l receive the announcement of the recall of
your predecessor, and ol your appointment,with mingl
ed emotions of regret and satisfaction—with regret that
one so much esteemed and so universally admired as
Sir Henry L Bulwer is withdrawn from our political
and social circles, but with entire satisfaction that his
place is to be supplied by a successor whose long resi
dence Btnnng us has made him kimiiinr with our iilfti
tutions ind whose frank and manly bearing commands
out coutidi lice in advance, aad gives the strongest as
surance that it is the desire (.this government. a- 1
know it is of this, to draw still more closely tne bonds
ol friendship between our respective countries.
I reciprocate most cordially, to your august sover
eign, the sentiments ol esteem arid regard which, on
her bchall, you have so kindly expressed Our forms,
of government ditier; but, as you have weli said, we
ait- kindred nations,acknowledging u common ances
try, speaking a common language, and have a joint
iiinerttunce in those enduring monuments of literary
genius by winch the noblest sentiments and wisest
maxims—may 1 not add.ot law andliberiy— are indeli
bly stamped upon the minds of nations. We, sir, have
inherited lrom Great Britain the principles ol Magna
C/nirta, ilie uinl by jury, and the habeas corpus ; and
while we hope we have extended me principles ot lib
erty, 1 am tree to admit that its germs ate found in
those great principles ol the i ritish constitution
i'hese blessings are enjoyed in a higher degree by the
subjects and citizens ot our respective countries than by
tho>e of any other in the world. 1 irust that they may
never be hazarded by another conflict; 1 am hapuv
to assure you that nothing shall be wanting on my pa t
during the linle time lmay remain as the bead ot Hie
administration in tins country, to ntamtoin the most
cordial relut ois with your own. And in the perform
ance of tins duty,alike bentficial !<* both countries, 1
mn sure [shall have your cordial coopeiation.
[II asfiingtun Union, 16 th inst.
(( unespoudenct of the Baltimore Sun.)
WxsHiNuru.N, Feb. 13, 1832.
The presentation ol credential# hy the newly ap
pointed , litisli minister, Mr. Crumpton, was such as
became two tiieudiy nations, descended from the same
tttce ot men, and w hose history and progress, despite
ail declamations ot puny brawlets, will always run
parallel to one another. Whenever lliey shall Itegin
to converge, the institutions ot Great Binain will be
made to appiouch cuts, and they may, in lime, be
I ineigej into litem ; bui to suppose ityit, ss a nation,
I we mast iiecessauiy lie opposed to Gteat Britain, or
| that our destiny 1 i—t* iti an opposite direction, is simply
j betraying a total ignorance ol universal history.
Whaievei radical ditlrr nee there may exisi in the
j forms of Government of the United State# and Great
i Biitain, in their relations to the test ol the woild, they
occupy so nearly the same position, that they are
almost identical. .
Os the admirable person'l quaiitieations of Mr.
Crumpton fora British minister here in Washington, I
have already spoken, and am glad that tne I resident
himself, in his reply to Mr. t ramptoi) s speech, alluded
to them. He is distinguished for manliness und Irank
j ness—lw*o qual ll tes which tit him eminently ioi minis
ter to our Kepmbhc, and would diequolily him, in all
probability, tor minister to an European C ourt. The
difficulties into which Foreign ministers involved them
selves, from time to time, herein Washington, arose
from the absence of those qualities And it will not
be considen and uisiespectful here to add that Mr. Cramp
ton possesses those qualities even in a higher degree
limn his predecessor.
Sir Henry Lytum Bulwer had been too long en
gaged in the intrigues ot the Southern Courts of
Europe to suit our plain, straightforward, republican
manners. He always had an ariiere pensee, as the
French caii it—a thought kept back and not expressed—
w Iti oh caused all the difficulties iu the Clayton Bulwer
treaty; because Mr. Clayton was not pre “ I
and met it by counter stratagems oi an ln j\ ■ a ,<,r i; I
These difficulties may row be considered r I
Bir llr-ory. on the other hand, is in h , s prot-r - 1
*t r iorei.ee, v*hr:e the most cunning miner, lM . n '*rr I
going on lor ihe final subjugation Jj a [ ],. ar< ! n#l 9
Hemy does not prove a match tor the Ff s, r I
zetnberg. ii wui u„ i.urd with Italy. 1
Mi h i more aliudo, in bis reply to x: r c
1“ ** ’he iitde ittn? he may remain B i ij, r Ft’-.. 1
anmunj- i.iiion in. inis counuv.’ Query? I u *
declaration ol the candidacy ior IV-ue,,,’ : “
c*planet of it! There is a greatdifiereaJ’t a a n
the lull? time Mr. I- .llrnore may. tciU or sW/ ’ -as
a: ihe head ol the administration . * Lilia n j
1 can assure you, from what I deem ea*h.
Great Britain has dec! tied sur?nd-i.:"i', ■ *’
rehio , s or exiles now enjoying fcer hoc"!*. ! ', w '' lCii ’’ j
that h? will not drive them bom her . V a,l 4 I
very pretty thought in Robert J. YYa.ki- r , to C J “'•* “
land “ the breakwater of despotism.” “ I ' 2■ *1
The H,mi James Buchanan arrived here t l
Irom Y irgitun. It is now asserted that n,?'v ‘ 3a ' r -
oelegaies to the Baltimore Convention w> i h*,, ‘ r . Siri 1 1
ed lor Mr Buchanan; but I believe tuey w , ,' S ' r . u<: ’ I
uninstiucted. ‘ ‘‘B° inert jj
Correspondence of the Baltimore Hun.
Washix’utox, Feb. 13
Beyond the organization of cliques lor thiaor ,b st 1
candidate tor ihe Presidency, nothing of note seenis*
be doing. Congress is now neariy three month/ ° j
session, aud so lar they have not matured i. Eir, j,’ e ’ .. ! j
sure ol public importance.
The friends of a reasonable modification of the Tat 1
are preparing to press that measure on ihe consider* I
tion ol Congress. They cure less what ihe an-w! I
may be than that an answer shall be given wnh „
to go before lite people in the next Presidential cam I
pa.gn Mr. Ja mes’ proposed modification consists r (l I
diminution ol duiyon all aiticles entering into gen m , I
consumption, and an increase of duties on all articles ei’ I
luxury.
Such a change,says Mr James, can beefiVcted with- I
oat infringing on the ad valorem principle of the Tariff I
of 1846, and would meet the views of the democracy I
ol the country. It is lime, however, that the Tatig - I
should be taken out of the arena ot paitiznn politic-” j
and that both parties should accustom themselves to I
look upon it as a great question ot public revenue, .) j
its connection with the advancement ot labor. \Yfaai .1
is a revenue duly on anyone article, or what uu y
amounts to an encouragement of a pait cular employ- ,<
ment.isa purely practical question, which does mi mj. I
mit oi a general answer, but must be decided by exj.e- a
rienee, in regaid to the particular article named.
The war-like demonstrations of England to prevent -
a coup de main of Louis Napoleon are substantial and “ j
to the point. If Louis Napoleon, iu return ;or the h< s- j
piialiiy he received in England, were to attempt a fib;- |
I ustering expedition again t
“That preciou- isle, set in the silver sea,
W'iiichserves it in ti eefii .- e! a wall;
Oi as a moat defensive to a house,
Against the envy ol less happy lands, ’’
he will only follow his hasp instincts and an unavoiJa- ■
ble necessity ; for“ France,” as the Irishman facetiously
remarked, “is never at peace except in war.” YY c ,
if France wants a thrashing, Engiand, 1 presume, will J
accommodate Iter. The Fret ch. to be sine, are a tar
more militaiy pec pie than the English, but then John 1
Bull is a martial fellow, dealing out blow s onli sown t
hook, and not caring a fig for any one to praise hint.
An Englishman fights tor his own satisfaction,not for H
oihers YY’hen Nelson said he hoped “every English- J|
man would do his duty” lie made an appeal in a moral
people, acknowledging moral obligations; when Na
poleon (the great uncle, not the puny nephew) invoked
“forty centuries to look down upon the French army,
lie addressed a vain people.
In the mean while, iet us see where Prussia will take
her si and ? YY’ill she suffer herself lobe mediatised; J
or w ill she strike another blow for Prussian irdepen- *
denee and supremacy in Germany. Prussia, as 1 ob- J
served ill a former letter, is the natural ally oi Great J
Britain, whenever the King shall be long enough sober
t> perceive it. Wiliiam IV of Prussia can appeal to the
manes ol his Great Uncle Frederic, whose legitimate j
descendant he is, with more propriety than Louis Na- I
poleon to the conqueror nt Ausierluz. X.
Letter from Captain Long
Captain Long has addressed a letter to Mr. Smith,
Member of Congress from Alabama, in winch he com
pletely vindicates himself front the charge of rudeness
and want of courtesy towards Kossuth, whilst on board
the Mississippi. YVe publish the following extract
from it, as an act ol justice, to a ntodest and meritori
ous Officer of our Navy, who has been abused anc
slandered by a portion ol the Kossuth Press, becaust
he would not tamely submit to the arrogance and into
lence ol the soi-disant Governor of Hungary.
The prominent charge against me is rudeness u
Kossuth at the time we were off Marseilles. From thi
firs*, moment I saw him, tc. the hour of our separation
I spared no pains to render him and his associate
happy. YY'hen he first came on board, lie and hi
companions were received by me and the officers am
men undtr tnv command, with every expression u
welcome which language and cheers could afford. Oi
niy pan their welcome was sincere ; my own apart
ments were resigned to promote tbeir comfort, and
employed all the m'-ans in my power to divert thnr at
tention from the gloom winch seemed to have settiei
on their prospects.
My position at Marseilles was peculiarly perplexin;
and responsible ; but I did riot intend to be, and wa
not.disrespec.fui to Kossuth, either in my language c
manners. My conduct was such, that on a review
it I cannot regret, and would not alter it.
In oidrr to form a just opinion of the propriety n
ntv conduct as an officer ot Marseilles, it is impoitan
to consider the strictness of my orders with referene
to a compromise of the Americun flag that 1 had bet;
cautioned again and again by Commodore M< rgai
and others, whose opinions were entitled to the highes
respect, of the imminent danger of compromising th
flag ; tiiat the French authorities had refused to aliov
Kossuih to pass through France to England ; that h
had once landed at Marseilles,and that orders had brei
issued by the same authorities, that he should not lam
again, together with the excitement which his pres
ence personally among the people, had occasioned a
Marseilles.
In the first place, please to observe the strictness o
the general orders of Commodore Morgan against ai
interference with the political affairs ol other nations
dated April 9, 1851, from which the following is ar
extract:
‘ To the careful preservation of the good faith of cui
country, as plighted in treaty stipulations, and tht
delicate subject of strict neutrality, 1 claim your particu
lar attention. You wiil remember therefore, that the
ship under your command, when lying in the pint, oi
sailing within the jurisdiction ol another -riendlj
nation, is a mere guest, and for the time more or less
under its protection. Assured that it is the wish ot tin
Government of the United States, it is my order tU
the utmost circumspection be observed,particularly b)
the officers and crews of the vessels composing tin
squadron under my command, at all times, when n
company,or conversation with the people of the natiotu
of Luiope, that they enter into no political discussion:
with them,or with eacli other about them, or the staff
of their respective countries; and that they carefuiit
avoid the expression of any opinion which may justn
a surmise tiiat their sympathies ate enlisted in Delia:
of, or inclined towards, any particular party or nation
It is the determination of the Government to preservt
our neutrality strictly , and thereby to secure the friend
ship and continued confidence oi all. Any deviatiot
from the leregoing older in relation to this subject, wi
hardly, under any circumstances, admit ot an excuse.
In addition to the above general orders, please i<
observe the specific rrde's from Commodore Mnrsar
to me of the24ih jjepuinber, leSi. iu the
you wi 1 find that many doubts are entertained by iiin
whether Kossuth would be allowed to land in trance
an expression of regret that Kossuth had detenninti
to land at Marseilles; an apptehension lest I shoun
encounter many vexations and inconveniences; ant
then enjoins on me “ the most exact observance ir
every particular” of tiie instiuctions already given m:
in general orders with reference to the careful preservu
lion of strict neutrality, without which the most ser:
ous compromise of the character ot our countiy is
almost inevitable.
I next received a ietter from the American Consul at
Marseilles, John L. Hodge, Esq . September JJ, 1851
In this letter he says that he received an official lettei
from the “ Prefect,” requesting him to call on him on
business of importance. In compliance with tins re
quest, he called. The ‘Prelect’ told Innt that tu
letter addressed toUiin as the representative oi ti e l.
States was published in a paper called “ La Ptuple, a
violent partisan paper, and asked by w hom it had I eeu
done, as he viewed it a breach ot confidence. Mr.
Hodge stated, he let Kossuth have the letter, and ihnt
t was published by him. The *• Prelect ‘ then gave
orders that no one but the officers and men oi tie
Mississippi should land, and Mr. Hodge wrote to me
as follows: “ Vou will, in the most positive manner
carry out the views ot the “ Prefect prohibit every
individual except your men landing from the United
States steamer Mississippi, no matter who may be the
peison.”
The consequence >f the publication ol that letter,
and the comments upon it in the paper “ La Peuple,”
was the imprisonment ot the editor ot the pcjier, and
the su c pension ot all issues lrom that press. A iuitlier
consequence was great and very unusual excitement
among the people- _
Han I no reason, sir, to apprehend, in view ot the
circumstances, a compromise cl our flag 1 The popu
lace ol Marseilles manifested so much excitement
while Kossuth and his aesoe ates were on horse, that
the J Prelect,” through our Consul, intoimed me that
such demonstrations must ecus . H- also withdiew
the permission he had granted, t trough the interces
sii n oi Consul Hodge, tor Kossuth and his associates
to land at pleasure. He further ordered that no one of
ihem should in luture he allowed lo land who had not
passports signed hy a French .Minister, or “vised by
a French Consul.
< hi the afternoon of the same day the ship was sur
rounded by a multitude of boots filled with penpi*’ in
tensely excited, calling tor Kossuth, singing the Mai
sti'ies Hymn and other revolutionary songs, accompa
nied by that wi II known clap of the hatu! which is em
ployed by the French people in time < ‘ great ext ■**
mem ; at the same tune multitudes had code cud, at J
were still gathering, on the shores and moled)* ~n<‘
drums in the city were beating. It was in this >'*• ‘
agnation among the people that I remarked to
suth that if he would tetne from the poop deck ptrnap
the people would disperse, lor 1 feared a compromise •
the flag. He complied with this request, but soon >•’
turned,and said, “ I hope 1 will meet a generous “e
come tfomyour people also,and lam surejou * ( J, >
not have repulsed it; lam in the same position e ” _
1 replied,olcouise 1 would not; but this was at ■
ent case. He made a short address to the people, •’
then he and his associaies lelt the deck ; and M L“ 1
a half hour after this period, the boat* moved on -■
ly in the dusk ol the evening. If I was rude o ’
my rudtnesa consisted in the above expressions. *