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slid extinct dogma ; a dogma that cannot be re
duced to practice iu American statesmanship, that i
these gentlemen advocate as the basis of the cr-1
ganiz&tion. Suppose they were indulged, do they 1
not kcow that iu fourteen, if not fifteen States, I
they could not find supporters enough to muster
an electoral ticket ? Ah! they reply, what care:
we for that. I know not what dry care; but I ask
my countrymen of the free if they should
not have a cate and avoid the poising a presiden
tial contest upon such points as will justly alarm n
whole section of the Confederacy for the security :
of its rights and property? We hear these gen
tlern :n ray they do not intend to strike at slavery
in the Statu. What, then, does the rationale of
the argument of the Senator from New York mean,
when he teaches that in this country we must all
be tree or all be slaves ? that we must be reduced
practically to a homogeneous basis, and have but
one system of labor? What should the people of
thv slavcholding States understand by it, were tbeir
icuntrynieu of the free States to go to work delib
erately to elect a President upon a basis like tint
ttj -e*ted by the Senator from Near York? Sir,
they could have but one understanding of its
meaning. They would be foreed to the unwilling
cone’. >sion that superior numbers, greedy and ava
ricious of power, had enlisted in a crusade against
their coast?* .tional rights, and bad determined uj>-
or. an administration with a view to hold them, if
not in absolute duress, at least with the sword of
Damocles suspended over their heads. Thus fore
warned, they might not abide the torture of sus
per r. . cr.d they might sever relations which ro
longer preserved evu a* decent somblaco of politi
cal equality.
It is because I feel an abiding assurance that j
the masses of the people iu the free States do h >i
desire to afford, by those action, any jmt ground
for alarm to their neighbors and countrymen, and
especially when they oau effect no purpose there
by, unless it be to exhibit a hostility that find
no constittitional channel for expression, tost I j
announce my conviction here to day, that the oew 1
party which the gentleman from .Maine will beabic ;
to leud into the field under the banuen of the Sen-!
azor from New York, will not be touch, if any 1& 1 *- i
ger, or more respectable than the old Abolition
pirty, es it existed iu 1552. Other men will <i*-;
vide the the mission of the Republican party eu J
e i with the Kansas irabrogito, aa<l that the vote on i
tne t.uteoden-MonUroujerjr smundmaot—tli lat
ac-1 noblest act cf its career—pledged them to the j
principle* of 1950, by which, for the sake of the
Union, they will hereafter steadily abide.
I was cot much surprised, Mr. Chairman, to bear
tbe intimation from the member front Maine, that j
when, from any cause, Congress could not conven
iently apply the Wdmot proviso to the organic act j
of a Territory, ku party would next rely upon the |
territorial people to apply it themselves by ter.i-j
to:; 1 legislation. This is tho easy and natural i
gradation. This second mode of effecting the j
r.gtus of slaveholders iu tljp Territories is ot Detn- j
oeratre origin. I remember that in the canvass of j
1 83d, I denounced this squatter sovereignly as bei ;g
ia all it* practical bearings as hostile to the fair;
enjoyment oi the rights of the slaveholder in the
Territories as the W ilmot proviso. I remember to
h.iro said, that if the Kansas-Xebyrska bili received
such a construction as to authorize this idea of
“popular sovereignty”—and it was this to which
Mr. Buchanan pledged himself when adopting the
Cincinnati platform—l would not give “the toss of
a copper” between him, as the embodiment of this
1 .ea, and Mr Fremont, as the embodiment of the
idea of “congressional sovereignty” applying the
prohiiiiuon through the Wdmot proviso.
ii fra -c remark was repeated from Lexington
to Loul'Una, by the members of tbe Democratic
party, as something perfectly heretical; and, had I
belonged to the Democratic church, 1 suppose 1
should have been excommunicated with as touch
t: •ditj, for such an objection, as the distinguished
advocate of this idea ot “popular sovereignty"’ fas
been, Wiibiu the past rear, for adhering to the
idea. After the Presidential election, h was con
tossed oa that side ot the House that the
Nebrask* bill did receive two constructions, differ
ing at the North and South, but jioutheru Demo
c.deciit-.-J vhav the difference aas *• iinnuxttrtal.”
in the m;dit of that discussion, the honorable
member from Tennessee [Mr. Jones] came forward
aai made a speech in advocacy of the idea which
hss teen since so much denounced by Southern
Democrats ; yet I see he hold? his place ia the verv
empyrean of Democracy. I then presumed, fro t
the facta exhibited ani the wide latitude for differ
ences cf opinion given in that party, that it was
pro‘•ably true that the whole party concurred iti
tne declaration to which I have alluded. Testimo
nie- of like character have since then bet-; afford
ed by other leaders of that party, engaged in the
s-'tual administration, which serve to confirm and
street fit a tbe opuiiou that m the Democratic par
tj net's of opinion are immaterial.
\* en tho member lroin Maine announces that
his pa ‘ deems tills squatter sovereignty the next
br-st abolition specific to the Wilmot proviso, 1
suppose i>is ozher declaration should not excite so
n oc ; surprise; to-wit, that it Maine cannot have
hi i idea as the basis of organization against slave
ry extension, she will throw herself into the arms
ot be Democracy upon the squatter sovereign *y
idea i-.: ; e next best chance of affecting slavery
in the Territories adversely. lam still of |. S e
ontniou that there is not room •* for the to-i of a
copper” between squatter sovereignty and the
V. ...ot proviso; or to speak more plainly, * .
t .ten territorial prevention of enjoying* right
aud the congres onal prohibition of i'ue use of it.
A .it cues seem to Die that a jiartv containing
elements both for ar.J against this idea of popu
lar sovereignty, cannot be firmly attached to ant
parti. Ur set of opinions ua the subject, or must
Lave a capacity to admit into its organization eve
ry Tanety and shade of opininD. Cun it be there I
’ riot ling material ia the difference of opinion
v: on this point be: sen Mr. Doughs and Mr. Ia-
tue one ho;u:i. A to the doctrine of his Frt-e
----j. i t speech, and Uie other tlvuoun.;ng it as fatallv
heretical i
i'l.i re ia a of thought on this point
whict, in ray estimation, is remarkable. A gen
i - insists on the doctrine of non-intervention
b\ l •ingress in the affairsof Territories, and lauds
ti.is principle to the skies. Here he .parts, Mo
t fio. from the member of Maine, who insists on
t. e rigtit of Congressional intervention in the af
fairs of Territories. He establishes a territorial
government by Congress. He insists that under
such a government the territorial inhabitants may
legislate upon every subject, limited only by the !
Constitution ; and that within this range, be may
legioiate, not to exclude slavery, but to prevent the
lister trom enjoying the rights incident to his re
lation of master. He thus •• holds with the h ire
and ruus with the hounds.” lie is against the view s j
or the Northern FreeSoilcrs, yet reaches the same
result l;. a different process ; he is with the slave
rio der, yet cuts hint off lront the enjoyment of
the rights granted him. The error of this con-:
stroction ot {towers is expressed by the verv fact
that its premises and conclusions are inconsistent
with each other ; that it offers a theory one wav
;ui I reduces to practice another way. It is high
lin e we had reached tangible, solid ground on this
pome. 1 hold the doctriue enunciated in 1850,
w! ich w-is heralded to the world as the true police
by Cay, \\ ebstcr, Fillmore, Dickinson and their
vn-lahorers. It is this : the General Government
being one of derivative powers only, will not in
u-rlt-re or intervene to tape the destiny of tilt
embryo Stales of the Union ; there shall be no 1
cv.-ttai influence exerted by it to invite,or prohib- 1
ir, or hinder, any particular system of labor or
any of political it. nutations in the Territories
further than to sec that they are republican in
thesr form, upon the admission of the State into
the Union, it will confine itself to the honest ex
erc.se of the agency delegated to it for ;he com
mon bencht of all the principals under whose pow
er ol attorney it acts. That powei of attornev is I
the Constitution of the United States, which ex
pire- s the grant of p< wer to the agent and the I
proi.ihttior.i*, and the Government must keep with
in the limitations expressed, or implications notes- i
sarily springing from what has beets expressed to
carry out that which is within the object of the
expressed grant.
’ 1:. Perfect freedom in the several local sow-j
tigzitiet to mausge their own affairs in their o*n ;
W ay, provided the right of conscience is k-ft free,
r.nd the form of the republic is preserved, as guar
anteed bv the Constitution.
Oui the territorial government is in no sense a
#o, trt.iguiy. It derives its life and being from j
Congress, und it is incapable ot exerting a power
inc mpstible with the duties belonging to CV.igres.-
duJcr t;.e Constitution. It is plain Congi ess can
ner delegate w bat it does not possess, anti that tb *
creature cannot perform what was denied to the
creator. Congress institutes the territorial gov
c-rnmvnf ; Co:’ ret-s defines and limits it power ;
Com css is bound by the Constitution, and mav
five to -lie territorial government all the power
to do for tin* territorial people whatever Congress
could do. it is pluin Congress can extend the
gr -it no fu: , .er. If Congress cannot prevent the
slaveholder bom going to the Territory with his
rlaves as property land the Supreme Court aa\s it
cannot) then Congress caunot make a territorial
government, and endow it with the power to pro
ven: hi at. If Congress cannot affect the rights of
the slaveholder after he reaches the territory “Lc.
nn. 1 -.dly legislation,” then Congress caunot cre
ate an institution by which the came tiling can 1m?
rigiit ully done, nr.d any attempt to do it by such
iasir mtat ihuuM be controlled anti thwarted bv
Congress in the fair and just administration ol its
own duty. It results from this view, that Cor.-
gress should preserve a constant supervision of 1
the territorial legislation, and that, whenever that >
legislation travels beyond the proper limitation of j
territorial power, Congress should abrogate it.
I have beard it frequently asked, “ Does an |
American citizen lose his rights by becoming .n !
inh ibiiar.t of a Territory ?” I außwer that the i
Constitution of the United States guarantees to |
him Lis . ‘git of conscience ; the free exercise of
his religion ; freedom from arrest, unless by war-1
raat of law ; the writ of habeas corpus and trial
by jury. These are his constitutional rights, of
w hich he c n nowhere be deprived. But when he
nters a Territory over which a territorial govern
ment has been instituted by Congress, his political
right?—his right of participation in legislation,
and the limitations on the extent to which he may
exercise that right—depend entirely upon the na
ture and organization of that territorial govern
ment which is hit constitution, pro hac vice. What
would be thought of a man talking of t*e exercise
I of h s rights ia Virgil ia, contrary to t!.e consti
j-tutionof Virginia? Or of one who would talk
I about “ his rights as an American citizen,” who
| enters a bank c poratioo, where his pow ers and
! : sponsibiliticß are defined by a lcgisle'ive char
ter? The territorial government is nothing but a
legi.-lative charter. It need r.ot conform to the
idea of popular participation in tiic legislation of
[ the Ter.;tory. Instances are repeated in out his
tory where it has departed from this idea—as in
Michigan and in Indiana. 1 think it best, when no
| i*ran.viint objection exists, that Con ress should
allow tbe territorial people the widest range of
power in matters concerning themselves alone,
| but this is necessarily within fu*h boundaries a?
limit Congress itself, and must not be incompatible
with the duty Cong res.-; owes to the members of
the Confederacy.
If tin o points are we!! taken, there Cun be no
true foundation on which to rest the doctrine of
“ popular sovereignty ” in the Territories, accord
ing to the view ot that subject taken by the Sena
tor from IJltcois. The territorial people may be
wayward ; they may be “ unfriendly” to this oi
to that system; bat at last Congress can repress
their efforts to do wrong, and may abrogate their
legislation, where it infringes upon right* which
Congress cannot invade.
The people of a Territory in forming their State
constitution, l ave tbe unequalled right to admit or
to jvject gb. very, and they houi<l be admitted into
the Union without question as to the manner iu
which they have exercised thus right.
Tiiis, Mr. Chairman, is a full view of my opinions,
both i • on the Wilmot proviso, which 1 reject, and
ou squatter sovereignty, which I reject also, and
on z’ e principles of the legislation of 1850, ou
which I have ciooi tor years—indeed through my
whole public course. 1 occupy differeut ground
from that maintained by either tbe Senator from
Sew York or the .'-.enator from Illinois. My views
invests Congress with a!! the power delegated to
it by the Constitution, aud the light of Congress
to delegate the trust to a territorial government,
Congress remaining the constant supervisor of the
action of such government. It reserves ail the
rights of the Mates and the people. It denies the
power of the squatter to take unbridled license
; over the right of citizens, yet owe no respousibili
-Ity anywhere. It holds comity between all the peo
\ pte, regards and preserves the rights of all sec
i lions and maintains these balances which are es
sential to the eitieaeiou.-i operation* of our political
machinery.
1 have said that I do not think there is any ne
cessity for renewed agitation of questions affecting
slavery. The existing status of the law, and legis
lation on the subject, satisfy me, and I mean to
• abide by the principles already decided. Ido not
■ ask a Ban to say he likes the bred Scott decision,
or that he believes it is right. 1 ask him to obey
jit auto it shall be revet - .- and, and not to make war
upon rights which are decided to be mine by the
competent tribunals. lam asked why I fix the
period of framing the State constitution as that at
w .. a a citizen may exercise rights I ueny to him
while in the Territory. I answer : when the peo
; pie of the Territory come to the formation of a
State constitution, they are not acting under tbe
territorial government ; they do not derive their
, power from Congress ; they are American citizen?
. <or should ’ e) with all their rights as members of
uii origim-.i society, forming a social and political
compact with each other. Therefore it is’ at this
exact period we say they have the right to form
to Mott- t lioinwol ooa Thow .. o **>* wmannm
j fettered jy modifications of political right; they
are now free and sovereign.
Whether the State can be established or not de
pends ou the assent of Congress, given cither pre
; cedent or subsequent to the formation of the con
stitution. Why D the assent of Cotigress necessa
ry at all? Because a territorial government estab
; It*bed by Congre.-S has possession of the place on
~hiek the State is to arise, and becau-o a State
and a territor” 1 government cannot both be in
po-.-c.'-ioi. of tne same place at the same time If
Congress does not assent, tbe State must continue
in abeyance, or it can only be established by revo
: ution. Let me illustrate by one or two referen
ces. Congress would not establish a territorial
; government in California ; the military intendant
gave waj ; tin 8 - -.mediately established.
At l op r . ku, an assemblage formed a constitution
for Kansas ; Congress would not give up the tcr
: ritorial government ; the State could not be
! b ought imo existe r * e. At Lccompton, another
j effort was made, an ! Congress consented to take
I away the territorial gov ernment upon a condition,
which not happening, the State could not arise.—
When Congress gives its assent precedent, as by
ed enabling act, the Mute comes into existence ou
the instant; because the consent of Congress has
already paved the way for the State. *
I have gone far t, ore into detail than I should
have done, to elucidate toy views upon these ques
tions ot power, because 1 hope to point out to the
people ti.e ?r.aterial difiercucefi existing between
the political parties, and the different practical re
sults whicii must iiow lro:n au adoption of one or
the other of them. Ou the one side, I resist the
extent ot power claimed for Congress by the
Northern*politician ol the school of the Senator
trom New \ ork ; ou the otherjiand I resist the
loose construction of powers advocated bv the
Senator from Illinois, which takes me front the
Jaws oi one beast, oulv to deliver me to another
still more voracious. 1 would rather trust my late
to a regular tribunal than to a mob, I would as lief
die under the despot km of a tyrant, as under the
heels of an anarehial multitude. 1 prefer to fol
low Clay and Webster aud Fillmore, and to find
my views sustained even by obiter dicta and extra
judicirtl opinions from so august a tribunal as the
Supri me Court of the United States. Mine is the
safer path to follow. Twice, a resort to the prin
ciples I professed has calmed the storm. Under
thi3 breakwater, our good oi l ship of Slate lies at
h-r moorings safceiy and snugly; under any other
management, she is exposed to the beatings of
the billows and her glorious old timbers creak
from boa-sprit to tattraiL Give us peace, Mr.
Chairman ; give us harmony ; and give us the Un
ion as our lorefuthers transmitted it. We know
how to secure all of these blessings to ourselves
ami our posterity. If we are so mad in the race
ol partisan politics ami sectional prejudices ar to
throw them away, the imparval pen of history will
record of our country and ourstlves that the prize
of priceless value to mankind was lost by degen
erate sons cf noble sires
Dut, let me address one other observation or
two to gentlemen in all sections of the Union, be
fore 1 take my scat. Have American politics
dwindled to this .tile measure, that they present
nothing else worthy of consideratio: except slave
ry and points touching slavery? I hat question
ha.- absorbed o .r attention for nearly a quarter
ol a century : and let me ask, in all kindness
what good result has been accomplished by it ?
Are we more piuhtnthropic than were the men who
preceded us ? Have we stricken the shackles
i trom a s.ngle slave ? Have we reformed the views
us the people anywhere ? Has cith.r section of
the l nion won any trophy, of the slightest value,
out of this protracted contest ?
Ah ! ilr. Chairman, look upon our country !
Blessed with an extent of soil equal to the area of
all Europe, of unsurpassed fertility, of unequalled
salubrity, tilled by a hardy yeomanry, and an in
telligent gentry whose energies are “daily applied
w ith skill and iud nstry ; with a mechanical class,
whose hardy arms and inventive brain have press
ed u- forward in .he great race of improvement to
a point Leyur.d which vve have none ahead of us
—with a con.meicia! class inferior to that of no
country lor tact, vigilance, punctuality, and pow
ers of combination ; with a navigating class who
ride ti:e *.. v.ith a daring, and who keep wurd
over t .eir trusts with a fidelity the. - knows no fear
nor self-indulgence, why are vc in our present
conditio i ? Look at the homes and faces of our
people—-they are happy, sir; yes, they ure happy,
.ind they arc yet in the enjoyment of individual
immunity from the misery which hangs upon us,
as a people, like the pall of night. Our revenues
are exhausted; our commerce languishes ; our in
dustry is discouraged ; our debt has accumulated,
and is accumulating; foreign powers environ us
by unfriendly policies ; extravagance marks the
patli of our administrative career; out f;jg droops;
the flame of American altars flickers in the sock
et. I make no reproaches. God knows, and we
all know, where the fault is. The people Ldow it,
and they should demand i change of po'icy. All 1
k of my countrymen is this : Have we not
enough to inspire men of patriotic feeiing in all
parties to . united tffort ujioa gome national and
patriotic basis.
Fron; the Clifistlßt: Mirror. • I
iettii-lied aud Dyliia Testimony <?f Dan?
lei VYebuter.
Bkotiif.r Loud: That Dauiel Webster “still
lives,” and being of them that “ rule our spirits
from their uni*,” that he is still at work in our
laid, who that r„-ads the newspapers, or watches
the progress of political change, will deny?
But the true friends <*f that prodigious .man re
quire to know, not so much as to Low he lived, for
they are all acquainted with his life, as how lie
died.
After much consideration therefore, I have
made u,j my mind to breUa the seal of a commu
nication, which was never intended to be “ strict
ly confidential,” because the writer him-41", v.ho
record? the very language of Webster when lie re
quest .-d something to be added to his confession of
faith, und the whole to be inscribed upon his tomb,
that “ lie thought it might do some good,” having
like views himself, must have been w illing to com
mit the whole of his ow n testimony to the discre
tion of his friend .
To understand the value of such testimony how
ever, we require to know the character of the wit
ness, and some thing of his life. His letter to the
Christian gentlewoman, who not only prayed for
him, but was careful to let him know that she
prayed for him, furnishes only a lew fact*, aud but
a hurried outline to be sure, but then they are
such facte as no other human being could furnish,
and for that reason of inestimable worth. If it be
added therefore, that Mr. Curtis was a man of the
world, and not only the intimate friend, but the
daily companion of Daniel Webster, through many
years of b mptation, triumph and rejoicing, was a
lawyer of standing, aud a successful politician, if
high oftiee. and trust atul power, and a very large
influence, Doth social and political, are to he re
garded as evidence, enough then will bo known to
make bis testimony to tho death-bed opinions of
Daniel Webster, worth remembering. Let this be
my apology for complying with your request.
Your friend and servant,
JOHN NEAL.
Portland, Oct. IV, 1958.
Letter from Edward Cv, tis, late Collector of New
York , to Mrs. .
New Y’ork, Bth Feb. 1853.
Mr Dear Mrs. * * * * *
The death of Mr. Webster wa? a painful event
to Mrs. Curtis aud myself on account of the great
and long continued happiness we had enjoyed in
his society ; but it was not art unexpected event
to him, nor to us, for a considerable period before
he died, lie departed from life with such perfect
composure, having an tinwavering faith in the
Lord Jesus Christ, that I felt convinced Providence
had ordained his dissolution at a favorable time for
his best good, not only as to the world to come,
but also in regard to the world he left. He serv
ed his country with treat usefulness, down to the
last month of his existence, and being ready to
depart, it was better to close this life, than to pro
long it, in a condition too feeble to do any good
to his fellow-men. You may not have seen a brief
declaration of the Faith which he made a week
before he died. I enclose a copy of it. no died
on the night of the 23d of October. On the 16th
of October, he sent for me to his chamber where
he was alone and showed mo a paper with some
writing on it. He directed me to take a pen and
write down an alteration and addition which ho
wished to make. When I had inserted what ho
directed, he told me to make a fair copy of it and
have it inscribed on his tomb-stone. He added
that be thought it might Mo some good ! * *
EDWARD CURTIS.
“Y*ou have closed your letter dear Mrs. M. with
an invocation for the blessing of God upon me :
and saying also that it is your prayer that “ I may
receive a good hope of a glorious inheritance be
yond this vale of tears.”
I cannot read this without great emotion, and
my heart is full of gratitude to you. for your pi
ous concern for my destiny in tiie world to come.
This spiritual sympathy is very touching and
leads rae with humility to avow to you that for two
months now past J have had a hope not yet dissi
pated, that I baye an interest “ in the Inheritance
beyond this vale of tears.” I thank you from the
bottom of my heart for what vou said of your
supplication in my behalf.
I know it is a responsible thing to say, but I
“■s'iieve that through tbe merev of the Lord Jesus
Christ my peace bus been mode with God; and I
have taken the awtul responsibility ot opeinv pro
fessing my faith by being received as a member of
the Episcopal Church in this city of which the
liev. Dr. Hawkes is the clergyman. This gentle
man is an earnest Christian, a most faithful and
diligent pastor. I am greatly indebted (by the
blessing of God) to his assistance. \"ou must not
understand me in what I have said of my spiritual
condition that I am without painful apprehension
that I mav fall fr- -n grace.
I have lived a long life of continued transgree
i sion with an indifference to the word of God al
ici-ft amounting to contempt. I began life by re
sisting in my childhood the influence of the pious
teaching? and prayers of mv mother (long ago
departed) who so often brought me to her side
when kneeling in- her closet. After that period
and for a long time after I entered upon netivc
life, I was heedless of the tender and affectionate
admonition-i < f my pious sisters and of a sainted
brother—a clergyman.
For the last two or three year-, I could not well
go to sleep without somp effort at supplication,
and I established the habit of using the prayers,
some of them written, and the greater part collec
ted by Hannah Moore. Some of these are very
apt and touching supplications ; hut being resort
ed to only once a day, and then without much
feeling. I was not conscious of any effect.
But I have thought since that time, and I now
believe that formal nnd cold as this exercise was,
it led to a conviction that secret prayer in the
closet dictated by mv own heart, hard as it was,
must be the only reliance by a worthless sinner
like myself, for a hearing at the throne of grace.
I made the attempt and for some time mv chief
supplication was to be instructed by the Holy Spir
it h ue to prnv ; for a better understanding and
comprehension of the mission, the life and the cru
cifixion of Jesus Christ.
After a few nights and days of this sort of ex
ercise, I was brought to that state and degree of
confidence mentioned at tbe beginning of what I
nave now said on the subject of religion in this
letter. Again I thank you for your intercession
with our Heavenly Father, for the salvation of
my soul in the eternal existence that awaits us all
* “ I/Ord, I believe ; help thou mine unbelief.”
Philosophical argument, especially that drawn
from the vastness of the Universe, in comparison
with the apparent insignificance of this Globe, lias
sometimes slmken my reason for the faith that is
in rae ; but my heart has always assured and re
assured me that the gospel of Jesus Christ must
be a Divine Reality.
The Sermon on the Mount cannot be a merely
human production. The belief enters into the
very depth of my conscience. The whole history
of man pro%*es it. DANIEL WEBSTER.
Friday Evening, Oct. 13th, 1862.
('Siiidiiood.
The following beautiful extract will be read with
deep interest, especially by the aged, in whose
hearts it will find a cordial response :
If there is any thing that can warm the chilled
feeling, and send the blood bounding through the
veins of sober manhood, it must be sympathy with
the joyous spirit of childhood. The sense of ani
mal enjoyment which ever utter its voice in mirth
fulness, is so strong within ah ehildr< :i—there is
such a fountain of pure unmingied joy ever hub
ling up from the heart to the lips—such a frank,’
honest manifestation of delight in their “ day ot
small things,” that he must be world-hardened in
deed who can resist the cheerful influences of a
ciose compan.onebip with the “ littl people.” We
look on a g.oup of merry children with a feeling
that would almost approach to envy, if benevo
lence and a sort of pity for their unconsciousness
of a checkered future did not awaken our ten
derness. Then comes memory with her wand of
power. The wheels of time roll back—we are
once fmore - children—once more dwelling in the
green nooks or gamboling in the flowery paths of
that fairy land of life, l'icture after picture rises
before our imagination—we are lost in dreams ol’
by-gone days—and when, at last, the spell is bro
ken we feel that by such recollections, even when
embalmed in tears, the heart is made better. Oh,
blessed indeed are the influences of a happy child
hood to all who can call up such visions. Borrow
may cloud the present day, and fear may haunt
the future—guilt may have stained the hand, and
vice blackened the heart; but from tbc depths of
degradation and sorrow and crime will men look
buck to die scenes of their earliest youth with a
yearning tenderness. And if those scenes are clad
in the sunshine of joy—if they can behold the
good, the beautiful, and the true, who can tell
with what redeeming power s:eit reminiscences
may come to the world-wearied and sin-stained
soul.— Life Illustrated.
Ox the Georges. —Landor condenses Thacker
ay's lectures into a thimble :
George the First was reckoned vile
Viler George the Second ,
And watt mortal ever heard
Any good of George the Third ?
When from earth the Fourth ascended,
God be praised, the Georges ended l
MACON, GEORGIA:
Wednesday, February 9, 1359.
COTTON MAHKIIT.
Foreign accounts are somewhat unfavorable, and
the pr!-. es of Dst week are not fully sustained. —
Tbe demand is moderate from 9to 11 cents. In
ferior qualities at lower rates. Principal sale* for j
good middling, I<> to los.
Savannah. —The Savannah papers quote the
transactions of Monday us follows :
We suppose that Strict Middling can be bad at
11 j a Ilf, and higher grades in proportion.
The following are the particulars of the day’s trans
actions: 151 at 10-!, 205 at 11, G 5 at 11N, 100 at
llj, 176 at Ilf, -17 at 11}, and 90 bales at 11 5-8.
AUCTION SALE.
We would call attention to the sale of sculptured
Marble and Alabaster Works of Art, advertised in
our paper to-day.
NEW ADVERTISEMENTS.
By referring to our advertising columns, it will
be seen that the new firm of Messrs. Bostwick,
Kein Cos., are already receiving attractive in
voices of Spring Goods. We neglected to notice
at the time the acquisition of Mr. Koht. Kein to this
enterprising firm.
Mr. McEvoy presents an outside view, and a
glimpse—a mere glimpse, of the inside attractions
of Iris extensive Crockery establishment.
Mr. Menard, it will be observed, has associated
with him Dr. CustleD.
A desirable property is advertised by Mr. Clark
of Savannah.
The Bostonian Troupe, it will also be noticed,
present something which will doubtless instruct
and amuse.
Nor should visitors to Macon forget to look into
the galleries of our accomplished artists.
Mr. Horne’s new establishment is attracting the
| lovers of good cheer.
Tue llon. R. P. Trippe will please accept our
thanks for the Report on Finances, and the Smith
son Report for 1857-8. We wi-b the Colonel or !
some other friend at Washington, would increase j
our obligations by sending us the Agricultural Re- j
ports of the Patent Office lor the same years.
iarw ? are indebted to our old, friend, George :
Walker, Esq., of Pulaski county, for a sample of
cider made from bis orchard, of very superior
quality; indeed, equal to the best Newark brands.
It is worthy of remark, that we have also in our
possession some beautiful apples from the same
! worthy gentleman, which were presented to us last
i fall, and which show no symptoms of decay. If
others would follow’ the example of Mr. W., they
| might possess many additional home comforts.
t-iF* In reply to our friend of the Thomasville
Reporter , we will remark, that after the appear
ance of our article in relation to Mr. Iverson’s
speech, we observed that several of our democrat,
ic contemporaries published it. Other leading pa
pers of that party, have not yet done so.
SUPREME COURT CF CIOIcGIA.
Macon, January Term, 1859.
At the present session, the following named gen
tlemen were admitted to plead and practice in this
Cour., viz; James 11. Colquitt, A. I>. Hammond,
Stephen W. Parker, Samuel H. Hawkins, Duncan
11. Burts, James T. May, Philip Cook, C. It. Hud
son and Thomas P. Cottle, Esqrs.
THE REV. DP.- BOWEN
Delivered a Lecture o;’ the Ethnology of ihe Af
j i.„ oi,.loci,m ,\a
; sociation of this city, in the Methodist church on
Tuesday night last. Whilst we were somewhat in
terest and, we confess we should have preferred that
the learned speaker had lectured upon African
scenery, and the character, habits and peculi
arities of Africans in their native homes.
We would suggest to those having the matter
iu charge, that greater punctuality in opening the
exercises on such occasions is desirable.
YOUNG MEN'S CHRISTIAN ASSOCIATION-
We are requested to state that the annual elec
tion of officers for this institution will take place
on Monday night next, and that a general attend
ance of members is solicited.
In this connection, we would remark, that this
excellent Association has a room handsomely fitted
up and well supplied with interesting periodical--
and newspapers, which are open to young and old,
who may desire to avail themselves of their benefit.
The young men of our city especially, wc trust,
will not overlook the advantages presented by this
institution.
HON. A. H STEPHENS.
We understand from a reliable source, eavs the
Augusta Constitutionalist, that the Hon. A. 11.
Stephens has written letters to friends in this dis
trict, in which he positively declines a re-election
to Congress..
THE HOMESTEAD BILL
Passed the House of Representatives on the Ist
j inst., after some discussion, by a vote of 129 to 76.
i This bill proposes to give to every citizen who is
■ the head of a family, and to such as have declared
! their intention to become citizens, the right to en
ter a quarter-section of land ; the location to be on
lands subject to entry at one dollar and a quarter
per acre.
EDITORIA L* CK A NGE.
A. W. Reese, Esq. has retired from the Athens
Danner, and is succeeded by Mr. Wm. M. Chase,
son of our old and early triend, Albon Chase,
Esq., who established, we believe, that paper.—
The following well expressed sentiments, found in
the salutatory of the new editor, furnish a guar
antee that the Danner under its new editorial au
spices, will be free from those vulgar effusions
and rude personalities which are as offensive to
good taste as they are deleterious to the dignity
and usefulness of Journalism. We need not say
that we wish our young friend a prosperous and
brilliant career, in the . responsibly profession ho
has chosen :
“ To our subscribers I promise flint in the selec
tion of miscellany for our paper, nothing shall be
admitted vvk:i my knowledge and consent which
cannot properly be read in the family Circle. It
is my desire to exclude all jests on sacred subjects,
all hits at religion and sly tiirusts at tin* Bible, as
well as those ribald tales, flavored with obscenity
and profanity in nearly equal proportions, which
disfigure the columns of so many gazettes. With
the aid of my excellent associate, the Senior Edi
tor, 1 hope to be able to glean from our numerous
exchanges such articles us will lie interesting.—
Together we will try to separate the wheat from
the chaff, and to present for your perusal pieces of
intrinsic worth.”
EAELY AT THIER GAME.
We have been informed that some of’ the Ameri
cans of this county are already trying to induce
some Democrats to consent to run for the Legisla
ture, this year, with one of their number.—liain
brid/t Argus.
We have yet to learn that there is any impro
prietv in Americans, proposing compromise tickets,
in older to ecure the best talent in our legislative*
councils—especially in a good old American coun
ty like Decatur. After witnessing the doings of
the two last Legislatures, we presume the people
will labor under no very serious apprehension, that
there can be a change for the worse. We trust
therefore, at the proper time, they will call forth
the best talent of the St:.;.-, regardless of pariy and
partizans, and that Georgia will once more in her
legislators and legislation, command the respect of
her sister States. Ts our recollection is not a!
fault, none were more,open or decided in their do.
nu iciations of the last democratic Legislature, th m
oar democratic contemporaries. Let them then
unite in a common effort, ‘o secure intelligent and
independent legislators and enlightened legislation.
DEATH JF REV. THOM A3 CURTIS, D D
In for.-nation received yesterday, says the ( harles
ton Courier, remove all uncertainty, and convinc
es ui that the victim of the Aorth Carolina
ter was the venerable and distinguished 1 homas
Curtis, I). Lb, well known in this city, and widely
known and esteemed tn England and America.
Dr. Curtis was by birth, an Englishman, and
.came to America in the full maturity of reputation
as a scholar and Minister.
The follow ing notice was communicated to the
Baltimore American of V. ednesday, 2d instant:
The death of tin Rev. Dr. Thomas Curtis, on
board the buri.i ig steamer North Carolina, ou
Saturd y morning last, on her passage hence to
Norfolk, must carry a thrill of sadness to a vast
circle of friends, particularly throughout the Bap
tist denomination, both in England and our own
country. lie was an Englishman by birth, far ad
vanced in life, and was for many years a leading
Repot ter oi’ the debates iu the English Parliament,
and acquainted with all the prominent political
characters of the last fifty years. He was promi
nently connected with the ownership and editor
ship of the Eclectic Review, and personally inti
mate with that circle of eminent men comprising
Andrew Fuller, Robert Bail, John Foster, John
Hyland, Samuel Fierce, Joseph Hughes, etc., o; die
Baptist denomination, as well as the prominent
men of the other English evangelical connections
qf that period. He came to this country some
twenty years ago—was settled lor some time at
Bangor, in Maine, lie was subsequently, for sev
eral years, the successful Pastor of the Wentworth
Street Baptist Church, iu Charleston, South Caro
lina, and for eight or ten years past has presided
over a flourishing Female Institution in the upper
part of that State, iu connection with one of his
sous, also a minister of the Baptist denomination.
Another sou, also a minister and an author of some
celebrity, is a Professor in the Lewisburg Univer
sity of Pennsylvania. This son, Rev. T. F. Curtis,
wi.l probably furnish an appropriate biographical
notice of Ids venerable father. The friend at whose
house he sojourned in this city, states that at the fam
ily prayer, on Friday morning last, be evinced a
most unusual earnestness of feeling, and of deep,
affectionate anxiety for the spiritual welfare of that
family circle, us well as for the universal w elfare of
his fellow men. He was cheerful in parting with
other friends, but spoke decidedly that he should
probably “ see their laces no more.” C..
There are mauy in Georgia who remember the
lamented subject of the above notice. He was a
| gentleman of genial spirit uud liberal views. The
! passengers who survive him, report that he was
j List seen perusing the Bible in his berth —an ex*
j cellent life-preserver iu the l ist storm, aud beacon
to a peaceful haven.
The Washington correspondent of the New
York Daily Nc ns, says’: “Mr. Douglas is unre
served iii expressing his determination to nd
firmly in ik.e with the Democratic party. He is
not at all anxious for the nomination at Charles
ton, being more desirous, he says, that the great
principle of squatter sovereignty shall be maintain
ed and carried out practically to its full and fair
extent in t Teriitories. He says if this position
is engrafted firmly upon the Charleston piatfor;n‘
he shall be satisfied with any nomination made.”
This is precisely as we expected. We expressed
the opinion some weeks ago, that Mr. Douglas
would dictate the platform and nominee of the
Charleston Convention. If the Convention adopts
his anti-Lecompton squatter sovereignty views,
and thus overrides the Buchanan democracy, Mr.
Douglas, in that fight, like the one from which he
has just emerged, will come out in flying colors.—
lie intends to be, if not Kin fc , at least the Warwick
of the part . Should the Convention refuse to
adopt his programme, he and his friends, including
a large number of Black Republicans, w.d abandon
the party. That in a certain contingency there
will boa fusion or coalition between the Douglas
democracy and the Black Republicans, is evident
from the speech of Mr. Washburn—a reply to
which we nnljisll to-day —ns wail H 9 Mia tan.- nf a
portion of the liiack Republican organs. Whether
the Souiucrn Democrats will surrender as usual, in
order to preserve the integrity and harmony of the
party, is yet to be seen. There are lively times
ahead.
ANOTHER CHANCE FOR AGITATION.
We perceive from the proceedings of the House
of Representatives, of Friday last, that Mr. Grow, of
Pennsylvania, gave notice of his intention, at the
proper time, to introduce an amendment to the
Arizona Territorial bill, requiring that the Territo
ry s’naii remain free soil, as it came to us from the
hands of Mexico; in other words, to apply the Wil
rnot l’rovi.-o to that Territory.
We regret to see such a movement at this day.
j The w hole country is tired and disgusted with the
j negro agitation, and it is high time it was placed
‘at rest forever. We hope, at least, that the South
ern members w ill not lend their aid to the pur
poses of this Black Republican, from Pennsylvania,
bv contesting his amendment. That qn ion has
already been settled bv the Supreme Court, and if
northern members will continue the discourtesy of
ever flinging this negro prohibition into the teeth
of the Soutti, why, let them be gratified, as the
amendment will be a nullity the moment it is pass
ed, and can in no way affect the interests of our
people. The Wilmot Proviso has been pronounced
unconstitutional and void by the highest judicial
power in the land, uud Congress may continue to
j pass them until doomsday, without keeping one
i uegi'o out of the Territories that would otherwise
go there. Why not, then, stop the treasonable
folly at once?— Savannah Republican.
The foregoing views are correct, and in perfect
harmony with those we have heretofore often ex
pressed. Let Southern members of Congress re
train from discussing the subject of slavery, or
voting upon it. Let the South stand quietly but
firmly upon the decisions of the Supreme Court.—
This is the citadel of her safety—her strong hold—
her only hope in the Union.— Mess.
Impropriety m of the Presv.
Os course, they are many, and we sometimes
fall into errors, as well as others ; but, while there
are some things w e do, that are, perhaps, not in
the best taste, *herc are others we can not consent
to do, under any ordinary circumstances. For in
stance, while in a few cases we have mentioned
the mere the. that a man was hung, we have never
allowed ourself to publish the particulars—such as
what he said, or what he did; who were there,
aud what they did—or go into the details connec-
tod with the horrible. Or we have sometimes
published the fact that such a person had commit
ted suicide ; but to oui present recollection, never
allowed ourself to go into such details as we some
times notice in other papers. We think the pub
lication of such things does no good. It is in no
’ ay promotive of truth 01 : ighleousness, morality
or religion, peace or happiness. But it does harm,
it gratifies a vitiated taste, and feeds a morbid ap
petite, which ought to be corrected, but are here
by strengthened. It tends to familiarize the pub
lic mind too greatly with such things, and cause it
thereby, little by little, to lose its abhorrence of
them ; and it often tends most cruelly to harrow
and torture the feelings oi surviving friends, who,
as they are in no way to blame, should certainly
be spared that pain. In this view of the practice,
it is unjust and most cruel, and ought,by all means,
to be abandoned. Will it be done? Let editors
and publishers consider well ere thev give curren
cy to such things, especially consider how greatly
some innocent and sensitive persons may be caus
ed to suffer by such thoughtless publications.”
Tire above from the tit. Louis Christian Advo
cate, we doubt not, will be approved by every
thoughtful individual. We rarely ever publish an
.account of the many crimes which are alarmingly
on the increase in oar Heaven-blessed country.—
We have been surprised, especially, that Southern
journals should publish the various outrages too
often committed by blacks. A long and minute
account of an elopement of a white girl with a ne
gro, has been going the rounds in many Southern
papers. When it is known that many of our
slaves read, the etl'ect of such publications, mav
easily be imagined. Such details must also be very
distasteful, not to say disgusting, to the refined
family circle. —J less.
The Difference.— ln liapidt Parish, La., a few
b*ys since, 7 negroes were sold for $75,000. A
uarksville, on the Sih instant, 20 of the imported
Africans by the Wanderer were sold at $12,000.
AN EXCELLENT SPEECH-
To the exclusion of other interesting articles, we
publish to-day, the able and patriotic speech of the
lion. Humphrey Marshall, of Kentucky. It is well
timed and well-toned. It gives no aid or comfort
to Northern freesoiler- or Southern trimmers, fc
presents the true ground and only ground upon
which Southern mm should act with their Northern
brethren. Upon this ground the national whig
and democratic parties placed themselves in 1852 —
reaffirming the principles of the Compromise o’
1850, and pledged themselves to resist all attempts
to unsettle that great measure of adjustment.
As ah Constitutional men could stand upon that
basis in 1850-52, why can they not do so at pres
ent, aud in all coming time? For ourselves, wi
have steadfastly adhered to the principles embod
ied in the national party platforms of 1852, —foi
and upon those principles we are willing still to
battle. Let the South but rally upon the sound
and liberal platform presented by Mr. Marshall,
and she is as impregnable as the Constitution itsels
—not more so. If she is not secure there, she
has no security in the Union.
We call upon the opponents of Steward and Doug
las—the two great opponents of Southern equalit
—the one through Congressional, the other through
Territorial intervention —to unite with the true
hearted Americans upon the conservative enuncia
tions of the distinguished Kentuckian. LetmSnof
all parties read this speech, and ponder well its sen
timents.
Jlr. Stepiictmon the Public Expenditures
—tiae nerd oi Retrenchment.
Mr. Stephens, of Georgia, is reported to have
employed the following language in the recent cau
cus of Democratic Representatives:
“ Mr Stephens of Georgia, said when he first en
tered Congress in 1813, the expenses of the gov
ernment was only thirty millions per annum. The
country had gone through the expensive Mexican
war, with sixty-three thousand soldiers in the
field, for fifty-three millions, and now, in time of
peace, the estimates were seventy-three millions.
Many expenditures were wholly unnecessary, and
reform was indispensably needed. lie believed
forty millions an abundance for the national ex
pense. He was therefore opposed to an increase
of duties, and said the expenditures should be
brought within the present receipts.”
This is a suggestive statement. Volumes would
not avail for a more impressive representation of
the enormity of the public expenditure, and of the
urgent need of retrenchment and reform, than is
compressed in this brief but pregnant paragraph.
With the skill of the rhetorician Mr. Stepheus ex
hibits his case iu the vivid light of contrast, and
developes it with a concentration of effect which
compels instantaneous and unquestioning convic
tion. In the crisis of foreign war, when the re
sources of the nation were employed in .the con
quest of a wealthy and populous empire,—with
sixty thousand men in the field at a distance cf
two thousand miles from the federal capital—the
expenditures of government scarcely exceeded fif
ty million dollars Now at a moment of profound
peace, with a Diunocratic Administration iu pow
er and a Democratic majority in Congress, the es
timates amount to seventy-three million ! The
fltatementldernands no commentary.”
The above is from the Washington States. The
editor very truly says, it “demands no comment.”
It is, however, well calculated to startle the pub
lic mind, and awaken the most serious apprehen
sions for the future of our Government. Nor c.-.n
we suppose that air. Stephens is altogether free
from painful end remorseful excogitations. He
has been largely instrumental in bringing upon the
country its present overwhelming embarrassments.
Instead of standing up with his old and well-tried
friends, and uniting with them in elevating to the
chief Magistracy, a man who had proven himsell
capable and honest, he went over to the enemy; and
now the above mortifying confession is extorted
from him.
A DELICATE HINT-
The Washington States —Douglas organ—in an
article under the head of Federal extravagance,
throws out the following intimation :
“ H happens at the present moment that the
men who affect the most confidential relations with
Mr. Buchanan, are the most addicted to schemes
of federal usurpation and expenditure. The cir
cumstance has supplied an uncharitable Opposition
with a plausible pretext of accusation against the
President, on the assumption that he is responsible
for the conduct of his intimate adherents. We
have maintained a different opinion. We have
contended, under cond.tious ot some embarrass
ment, that Mr. Buchanan is no way accountable
for the eccentricities of his associates, and that
their disposition to a lavish outlay of the public
money, is gratified iu spite of the salutary re
straints imposed by his counsel aud his example.”
General S.-ott and Chaplain Thomas.
We find in the Pensacola Observer a narrative
of a meeting between our greatest General, Win
field Scott, and this young chaplain. The writer
says—the General being on a visit to the Navy
Yard—he “ attended divine service at the Chapel
on Sunday morning. The serviee was performed
by the Rev. C. W. Thomas, our excellent Chap
lain, and bis sermon was one of those eloquent
appeals for which he is distinguished. His text
was the petition of the merciful Yiue dresser—
“ Lord spare it this year, also,”—and his happy
similitudes and illustrations were truly edifying.—
General Scott took a deep interest in the service
throughout, and at the close remarked to one of
the olliccrs of his suite, that “ the discourse of the
Chaplain was the most appropriate and forcible ap
peal he had ever heard.” lie remained behind to
express his gratification to the Rev. gentleman,
and said—“ Sir, lam glad that 1 attended service
to-day ; your sermon has done me good, it touch
ed my heart.” I mention these facts, because,
however illuairious a man may be, it raises him still
higher in the estimation of all good men, if he has
the proper respect for the teachings of the ser
vants ot Christ.
M,i< on and liruu§ wick iiailroad.
The Stockholders of the Macon and Brunswick
Railroad Company, met at Council chamber in the
city o; Macon, February -flh, 1850, for the purpose
of electing a Board of Directors.
The meeting was organized by calling Dr. L. L.
Strohecker to the chair, and requesting E. C. Row
land to act as Secretary. It was found by the re
port of a committee appointed for that purpose,
that more than Five Hundred Thousand Dollars
had been subscribed, and that a majority of the
stock was represented. An election tor Directors
was then held, which resulted in the choice of the
following gentlemen :
A. E. COCHRAN, of Brunswick.
JAMES HOUSTON,
B. F. ROSS, Macon.
T. R. BLOOM,
L. N. WHITTLE,
GEORGE WALKER, Pulaski Couiitv.
lIENRY BUNN, Twiggs County.
The Board subsequently convened and unanj.
rnousl) elected A. E. Cochran, of Brunswick, Pre
siaeui, and E. C. Rowland ot Macon, Secretary
and Treasurer. The following resolution was also
adopted: .
liesolvcJ, That in the opinion of this Board the
subscriptions in the counties of Twiggs, Pulaski
and Laurens should be increased to the sum of
t” o hundred thousand dollars before any part of
the Road is put under that so soon
as this amount is bona fide subscribed, the Board
will proceed to place ttie Road under contract
through T wiggs into the county of Pulaski.
The Board then adjourned, subject to the call of
the President.
A UcuraU* riook.
We have received from rue publisher, V\ m. Kay,
Atlanta, Ga., a novel, entitled “ Madeline.” it is
from the pen of Javie3 S. Slaughter, Esq., junior
editor of the Atlanta American.
It is neatly printed. We have not had time in
peruse it.
A Sermon tor lire ‘Mituum.
‘he Rt. Rev. Bishop Elliott, of Georgil, says the
; e w Orleans Bulletin of the 2d, is at the present
eon a v l3lt to this city upon
ueve connected with the University of the South
and Oil k-unday morning preached at Christ Churct!
one or those rare discourses which, once heard
are never forgotten. It wa , *• „ ’
r . 6 , 1 w< * emphatically a sermon
for t„o t 0 be p ,. otcd aoJ
ed broadcast over ih. Soutl, M 4
se.zed fast hold of some of the chief ca-u*, that ~
working out most ill-omened effects, and held
up and out so distinctly and prominently that' 6 ™
body could help comprehending them. There was
such an absence of mere dogma, such a connection
with the every day facts of life, something s0 ob
vious and practical, and which commended itself
to every one’s common sense, as to make the dis
course truly refreshing and delightful.
IBs appeal iu favor of the old fashioned Ameri
can Home, as the primal fountain head, as far as
instrumentalities are concerned, of every tiling
that is valuable in our institutions, and which there
is too much reason to fear, is losing somewhat of
its elevation, its purify, its distinctness and its
power, was at once most appropriate and most
timely.
God forbid that we should wish our preachers to
preach politics; but we could desire to witness a
little more connection with practical, every-day
eventualities in the pulpit, a little more of a some
thing which the people might be able to turn to a
good account, than we now hear.
A Good Staying Co.iiiKunlty.
A respectable wholesale dealer informed us not
long since, says the Madison Visitor, that he had
sold to the merchants of Madison, over half a mil
lion of dollar’s worth of goods during the past
tourteen years without having lost a cent. This is
an encomium of which our business men may feel
proud, for there are few communities of which so
much could be said, considering the period of
time and the amount involved. In looking over
the old files of this paper, we see that the firm
which he represents has been a very liberal ad
vertising patron of the Visitor, which circum
stance no doubt, has enhanced bis large sales. It
always pays a merchant well to advertise in a sub
stantial community like ours.
V.'e observe by a Philadelphia paper, that a
mart bearing the name of Sam Simmons, and'said to
be from Cherokee county, Ga., lias been arrested iu
that city, on ttie charge of dealing in bogus Georgia
stocks. It is subsequently stated that his name is
Simms. The account proceeds to state, that on Thurs
day, Judge J. IL Shuford, of Cherokee county, ar
rived in the city with a requisition from the authori
ties of Georgia, for the arrest of Simms. A warrant
was issued by Mayor Henry, and accused was
found secreted iu a private house in the extreme
Northwestern part of the city Among liis effects
were found several wax seals cf the State of Georgia,
and a large number of papers, containing a state
j ment of his transactions, which extended over Geor
j gla, Tennessee, and other States. A large book was
I also found, iu which were the names of the owners
of all the tracts of land iu Georgia, alphabetically
arranged. Judge Shuford states that the certificates
which Simms was endeavoring to sell were obtained
by him under false pretences, aud amounted to $lB,- t
000. The defendant is respectably connected in
Georgia. He says that he owns 10.000 acres . land
in Georgia, and 2800 acres in Texas. He consented
to return to Georgia, and started with Judge £hu
ford at 11 o’c’oek on Thun Jay night. In the whole
of his operations, it Ls thought that he has realized
about $30,000.
New itailreait Suggested.
The last Ilawkiusville Times contains the call
for a convention of the friends of a Railroad from
Fort Valley to Brunswick, at Perry, Houston coun
ty, on the 10th instant. The call is signed by
Howell Cobb and sixteen other prominent citizens
of Houston county. The Hawkinsvilie Times learns
from private sources that the Hon. A. H. Chappell,
i of Columbus, is expected tugpe present aud ad
| dress the Convention.
This proposed Road is intended as an extension
of the Columbus Road to a connection with the
Macon and Brunswick road, in the vicinity of Haw
kinsvilie. Success to the enterprise.— Columbus
Sun.
£2?“ The Rev. J rssk Bo king and hia family, say
the Tex is Advocate, sojourned in Galveston a few
days recently, on their way to San Antonio. Large
audiences enjoyed a great pleasure, aud received,
we think, no small profit from the two sermons
preached by Dr. Boring in the Methodist pulpit on
Sunday last. They were uoble presentations of
the grace of God—massive in thought, forcible and
eloquent in delivery; the mind and heart of the
preacher were in them, and both the judgment and
feelings of the congregation were evidently reach
ed. A peculiar interest was given to the occasion
by the sympathy of the audiences with the afflic
tion of the preacher, and his excellent lady, in the
reoeut death at that place of their son-in-law and
daughter, Dr. and Mrs. Ward. Christian deaths,
Christian mourners, and Christian sympathizers
even sorrow drops her disguises aud stands con
fessed an angel in their presence.
Spiritualism is the Family Circle. —We re
gret to hear that a gentleman of this city, of dis
tinguished literary and scientific attainments, one
who bears a venerated name, and whose genius
and science has given an important improvement
to the cities of the United States, has been so far
bewildered in the mazes of spiritualism, as to be
lieve that he is * wrongly mated with an amiable
and devoted wife, and has found his spiritual alfini
ty with another young lady. As we have been in
formed, the wife, though heart-broken by the de
velopment, and having one child, has assented to
the request of her husband for a separation, and
be has gone to Indiana to procure a divorce, in or
der that he may marry his new affinity, who, we
believe, is like bis wife, a lady of intelligence,
amiability, and irreproachable in character.— Bos’
toti Traveller.
On Saturday evening last the personal
friends of Rev. Dr. Nathan Bangs of New York,
to the number of three hundred, proceeded to his
house in Irving Place under the lead of Dr. Carle
ton, and presented him w ith four hundred five dol
lar gold pieces, which had been placed in the inte
rior of a very handsome cane. After a few brief
but pertinent remarks by Bishop Janes, Dr. Carle
ton made the presentation speech. In reply, Dr.
Bangs stated that lie had been for fifty-eight years
an active minister of the gospel, and in all that
time his Heavenly Father h-d blessed him,
The above explains and gives a more satisfacto
ry aspect to a paiagraph we published Lst we -.,
in allusion to this incident. We trust such golden
displays will become more frequent.
Death oi Prev.oU? the IliKtorizui.
William 11. Prescott, a famous American writer,
died on the 29th ult., in Boston. He was the au
thor of the four following histories :
The reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, published
iu 1838.
Conquest of Mexico, published in 1843.
Conquest of Peru, published iu 1547, and the
History of Philip the 11. The last work is uncom
pleted.
Mr. Prescott was in his Gsth year at the time of
his death. His works are a monument to his fame.
The Largest Lanh Tkade ever Made in the
State of Arkansas.— Gen. Samuel Mitchell, of Ar
kansas county, Las sold his plantation on Silver 1 ake,
containing twenty-five hundred acres, to C. H. Ryu
ata, Lsq., of North Alabama, lor one nundreu thou
sand dollars! This sale, together with many others
t.iat have been made duru.g the past fall and win
ter, shows the high estimate now being put upon
Arkansas bottom lauds.