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• ‘harWvtoo ; and should the Collector uafortwM t*-
iy reqrn, a successor may be appointed to perform
-hi* duly.
then in regard to property of the Ptfiteo CUMI
in South Carolina. Thi* has been purchased for a
fair equivalent, “by the consent ol the Legisla
ture,” “for the erection ox fort*, magazines, arse
nals,” AC and owr ibes* the authority “to exer
cise legisiaUAU ha® been expressly granted by the
Constiuiion to Coogrcss, It is not believed tha*
any attempt will be made to expel the Coiled
StAte* from this property by force ; but if io this
i * bonid prove to be mistaken, the officer in com
mand of the loru has received orders to act strict
ly on the defensive. In such a contingency the
responsibility for consequences would rightfully
rest on the heads of the assailant'.
▲part from the execution of the law*, so far as
this may be practicable, the Executive has no au
thority to decide ohat shall be the relation be
tween the Federal Government and South Caroli
ng. He has been invested with uo such discre
tion. He possesses no power to change the rela
tions heretofore existing between them, much
leM, to acknowledge the independence of that
State. This would be to invest a mere Executive
officer with the power of recognising the dissolu
tion of the Confederacy among our thirty-three
sovereign States. It hears no resemblance to the
xecognition of a foreign de facto government, in
volving no such responsibility. Any attempt to
do this, would, on bis part, be a naked act ol
usurpation.’ It is, therefore, my duty to submit
to Congress the whole question in all its hearings.
The course of events is so rapidiy hastening for
ward. that the emergency may soon arise, when
you may be railed upon to decide the niomentou.-
question whether yon possess the j>ower, by lore*-
wt arms, to compel a >uie to remain in the ln- i
>on. I should feel tuvself recreant to my duty,
were 1 not :o expiews an opinion on rtie important |
eubject.
In* question thirty - a!i- ■ it*.-; tin- *‘ot.-titu-
Can delegated to tkn.'.os- tla- p- wc-r to eoere-n
etate ialo eubmiaskiti which i< attempting t>. with
draw or j.ae ac.iutiy aittuirawu hm the Coufedcr-
y li answered in the affirmative, it mn-i lie nt,
Ttie principle that the power has hewn conferred up
on Coagnn to declare and to in.tke war against :i
State. After much -earns reflection. I bve arriv
ed at lbe conciuaion that no auch |>ower has heeti
aelegated ro Cougresa, or to any other depart u an:
• dine Federal boveruneni. it is manifest, up
on au uispecie.iti ut the Constitution, that thi- is
Mt *®*g t'*e apedlic and enumerated power*
KUb'M to Ctognai; arid it U equally ap|sirt-tit
li.M its (xettiw is in>f “aKs(y ami jmijier for
carrrmg into execution any one of 11 tear pownfw.—
bo tax from tl. power having been delegated fn
i> twart oxpnea-ly rettiaed bv tbe Cornell
tion which framed the Const it ut too.
t*. apjwar* from the proceeding- cfthat body,
that on tbe Slat of Hay. 177. the eta use of the
C >3a’t.tUl.i*U tTorizlmj a ■ trertne, the ~f
/ * i* c imfav.it Stole."’ came up tr
vaufdwftian. Mr. Ma-iison (ippo-oi if m a | ;r j e f
bm powerful speech, from which I -hall extract but
single sentence, lie observed: “The use o| f,a .--
a£atiiA a Cta’e wouldlook more liken >’--duration
ot wax tt-aa *u Ui.'.ictkn ol pur-dnmm; U ii wot:id
probably bo considered by tbe party attacked as :
uMOlutiou of alt {UWviwoN compact* In which it
might be iuid. I tv>n his motion the danse was
unanimously poetponed, and nn-r-r again presented
ooon afterward*. on tbe *i h June. K*T. n ben Inci
deutaiiy adverting to rhe subject, he- said: “Any
Government for the rotted States, formed on the
opposed pracUeabiiitr of using l-u\v aoainst the l
unconstitutional proceedings ol the State*, would
prove as visionary and lalla iou* as the government
Cougre evidently meaning the then existin’
Congreve ot th* old Confederation.
Without descending to pank-nlar.-. It mav !*•
aaleiy mvierted. that the power to make war against
a Stale is at variance with the whole spirit and in
tent of the Constitution. Suppose such a war
ahouhl reeult in tite conquest of a State, how are we
to govern it afteumU? Miaii we hold it as a prov
iucw, and govern it bv dc-potie power? In the na
ture ot tilings we couid not. by physical force, con
trol the will ot u* people, and ci*n;>c| them to
elect Senator* a tat Representatives to Congress ami
t- ► perform all the Other duties depending upou their
own volition, and required from the free citbauia of
a live State a* a constituent member of the Cont**d
eracy.
But il'ww posse-evsl tbi* power. troti]<i it be wi--
toegurcaeit under existing circumstances” The
object would doubtless lie to preserve the Union.—
War would not only present tite most eflcouial
means of de-troy imr it. but would banish all
of ita pooceable reeoa-tru.-iion. Besides, in the
tratetuai contliu, a m-i amoutit of bloot and tre.t
•ite would be expended rendering reconciliation la
tween the State* ImptMfible. In the meant inn-,
wnocan foretell what a.mid be the sutTeriiias and
privaikUM <>f the |eonie during it- existence?
The tai-t L- that our Union re-t- npai pnblic
opinioe, ami can never be cemented J.v the Moiml
ot it* citizen- shed in rivil war. If it nanuot li\.-
in the flff-xtion.- of tbe people, it ntiM .|v )-*-
i*n. projiits manv bu-mis of preventinc
it by conciliation; but the sword wa- i..t pbcel in
ti-eirhand to preserve it by torw.
Bit may 1 be permitted Hokuwly to invoke mv
countrymen to pause and delibcraic U-lorc they de
termine to de-troy this the graruie-t utnpie which
has aver bex-n ,dedi<-ata ti> bunmn freedom since
tue world began? It ha* ltcen con-acrat*-d hr the
bVJ of our fatlier-. by the of the i .a.t au.l
toy the hopes ©f The bn ure. The rniu ha- :d-
A*idv rcAde tu rire a: -r pryspennis abd. eri- i.. ti_',
will tfprestorred. render n- the powerful i.!-
lvi"Ts on ftu* a! i!K ftinh In e-vt-rv foreign r—
oflbfiglob€ title *-f* American ciuztin U
odd in the rr;jx-v* ami whui probounceU
in s foreign land tt causes t!ie heart- ot our coun
trymen to swell w ith h.-ne t pride. Surely, wht-u
we react; the brink of tbe yawning ahv-a. wc ehnii
te-'oii with horror tr>fn the last latnl plunge. Iu
■neb £ dread ciiaatropt Ur tlie hopes yt'the f; j.-nd-I
iteedom thn>ojrf.uT the world w.stld N- destroyed.
ai4 a long uight ol leedctt de-prti*tu would en
it.roud. the ‘.lAticn-. ‘>ir example for n*..r-- than
e.gtxty year* would not only be lost, hut ii would
be quot*l a< a •v.m hi-ive pn*of tb:r man is unfit l*r
•eB-gC'Vernfiierit.
1* i* not twj wfOiig —UK, it i nut every griev
ous wrong—which can justify a retort to such *
bMl'ul alternative. This ought to he the last <le
perata 1 t :o<d j ol a Jftpuriug people, alter every
otfcer const itttuoaal MiMof conciliation has berii
dtumttii. W t should irHfct that under this free
Government there is an iueesaant ebb and flow in
pMie opinion. The slavery question, like every
ihicg human, will have iu day. I firmly believe
t&at it hi* already retched and passed the culmiu*
at.og [•oioL. Rut if, in rhe nidt ot the existin’
•xcLament. the Union -hall perifo. the evil niav
thou become irreparable. t on press can contribute
‘o r- h to aver; it by proposing and recommendin'’
to the Ivgiaratoie* of the several State- the reme
dy tor eaistiUK evil* which the Constitution lias
iteeif provided for its own preservation.
Thia Lae been tried at different critic:.! periods
ot our Lwiory, and always with eminent success.
If is u> lie found in the* Jih article providing for
;r* o*a amendment. Un.ler this article amend
raeota have been propo*td by two-thirde of both
Houses of Congress, and have been *• ratified by
foe Legislatures of three-fourths of the several
*od have consequently become parts of
foe Constitution. To this process the countrv is
indebted tor the cUuse prohibiting Congress front
passing any law respecting an establishment of
religion, or abridging the Iteedom ot speech or of
foe press, or ot the tight ot petition. To this we
are, also, indebted for the Bill of Bights, which
•woure# the people against any abuse of power bv
the Federal Government. Such were the appre
hensions justly entertained bv the friends of State
Right* at that period as to have rendered it ex
tremely doobtful whether the Constitution could
Lave long survived without these amendments.
Constitution was amended by the
same process alter the election of President Jes
forsoo by the House of Representatives, in Feb
ruary, IS<>3. This amendment was rendered ne
cessary to prevent a recurrence of the dangers
which had seriously threatened the existence of
the Government during the pendency of that elec
tion. *fhe artiste lor iui own amendment was in
tended to accure the amicable adjustment of con
tacting constitutional questions like the present,
ahich might aiu* between the governments of the
State* and that of the Failed States. Thi* appears
t Ota contemporaneous history. In thi* connec
tion, 1 shall merely call attention to a lew nenten
ce iu Mr. Madison's justly celebrated te|iort, in
U. 99, to foe Legislature of Virginia. In ihi be
ablj and conclusively defended the resolution® of
the preceding Legislature against the stricture* ol
several other State Legislature*.
These were mainly founded upon the protest of
, ..’,1““ Legislature against the *• Alien and
NM tioo Acta, as ** pai{rable and alarmiug infra*-
•* o the C oastitution. Iu [-muting out the
[-eacetul *ud constitutional rcmrtlie*, and he refer
[ri ; o i^rj: Ur - 10 * h * ci * th *<*■<* utho
. “f° rt ? u *, uch occasions, he conclude* bv
•ay.Dg, lUt the Ugi-Umrc of the State, might
Lave rn.de a direct ep. station w c
with a view to obtain a ie^indi,, K ol U .< two 2fru
®,e or ,h *y represented to their
i vpecnve Senators in Congress their will, t p al
•-•o-rbird theiecf would propose an expUn* tul ,
amendment to the Cont : iution, or two-third- ot
ThstueeiveSj il ueh had beeo their Ofdion, might,
cLf^L^ f r Atio !‘ to <,on Lave obtained a
Fonvemioo for the same object ”
fat* U the very course which I earnestly recoin
mend in order to obtain an ‘'explanatory amend
ment’ ot the Constitution on the subject of slavery.
This might originate with Congress or the Stan*
legislatures, as inay be deemed most advisable to
attain the object.
The explanatory amendment might be confined
to the final settlement of the true construction of the
Constitution on three special points:
1. An express recognition of the right of pro
perty in slaves in the States where it now exists or
may hereafter exist.
2. The duty ol protecting this right in all the
common Territories throughout their territorial ex
istence, and until they shall he admitted as States
into the Union, with or without slavery as their
Constitutions may prescribe.
8. A like recognition of the right of the master
to have his slave, who has escaped from one State
to another, restored and “delivered” up to him,
and of the validity of the fugitive alavc law enacted
fox this purpose, together with a declaration that
all State laws impairing or defeating this right, are
violations ol the Constitution, and are consequent
ly null and void.
It may he objected that thi* construction of the
Constitution has already been settled by the Su
preme Court ot the United States, and what more
ought to he required? The answer is, that a very
large proportion of the people of the United
States still contest the correctness of this decision,
and never will cease from agitation and admit its
binding force until eleaily established by the peo
ple of the several States in their sovereign charac
ter. Such an explanatory amendment would, it
is believed, forever terminate the existing dissen
sions, and re-tore peace and harmony among the
States.
it ought not to he doubted that such an appeal
to the arbitrament established by the Constitution
it-elf would be received with favor by all the Stales
of the Confederacy. In any event it ought to be
tried in a spirit of conciliation before any of these
Mates shall separate themselves from the Union.
When I entered upon the duties ot the Presi
dential oftiee, the aspect neither of our foreign nor
dome-tie affairs was at all satisfactory. We were
involved in dangerous complications with several
nations, and two of our Territories were in a state
of revolution against the Government. A restor
ation of the African slave trade had numerous and
powerful advocates. Unlawful military expedi
tions were countenanced by many of our citizens,
ami were suffered in defiance of the efloits of the
Government, to escape from onr shores, for the
purpose of making war upon the unoffending peo
ple of neighboring Republics with whom we were
at peace- -
lu addition to these and other difficulties, we
experienced a revulsion in monetary affairs, soon
after uy advent to power, of unexampled severity
and of ruinous consequences to all the great inter
ests of the country. When we take a retrospect
of what was then our condition and contrast this
with its material prosperity at the time of the late
Presidential election, we have ahundant reason to
return our grateful thanks to that merciful Provi
dence which has never forsaken us as a nation in
nil our past trials.
l etter from lion. A. 11. Sleplicna.
We have been favored with the following letter
fiom lion. A. 11. Stephens of Georgia, to a friend,
a resident ot .New York :
Ckam roKOTiLLE, Ga., Nov. 23, ISGO.
Dear Sir: —\our kind and esteemed favor of
the lltth instant ia before me, for which you will
please accept mv thanks. I thoroughly agree with
you aj to the nature and extent of the dangers by
which wc are surrounded, and the importance of
united action on the part of our people, in the line
of policy to be pursued.
I know, also, that there breathes not a man in
Georgia, who is more sensitively alive to her
rights, interest, safety, honor and glory than my
self; and whatever fate befalls us, 1 earnestly hope
that we ahall be saved from the worst of all calam
ities, internal divisions, contentions and strifes.
Tbe great and leading object aimed at by me in
Milledgeville. w-as to produce harmony on a right
line of policy.
If the worst comes to the worst, as it mav, and
our State has to quit the Union, it is of the utmoat
importance that all our people should be united
cordially in this course. This. I feel confident,
can only be effected on the fine of policy 1 indi
cated. But candor compels me to sav, that lain
not without hopes that our rights may be main
tained, and our wrongs be redressed, in the Union.
If this can lie done, it is my earnest wish. 1 think
also that it is the wish of a majority of our people.
If, after making an effort, we shall fail, then all
our people will In* united in making or adopting the
last resort, the ** / (lima ratio rttfam.”
l-v.-n in that case, 1 should look with great ap
prehension as to the ultimate result. When this
l nion i- dissevered, if of necessity it must be, 1
see at present but little prospect of good govern
ment afterwards. ,lt the A•//, l/ttl confident,
uuHtrhg will too it eat ar. And whether we shall
be better otf iti tbe South, will depend upon many
thing- that 1 am net now satisfied that we hare
any assurance of. Revolutions ate much easier
started than controlled, and the men who IM-gin
them, even for the best of purposes and objects,
seldom end them.
The American Revolution of 177*1 was one of
the few exception* to this remark that the history
of the world furnishes. Human passions are like
the winds; when aroused, they sweep everything
before them in their fury. The wise and the good
who may attempt to control them, will themselves
most likely become the victims. This has been the
history of the downfall of all republics. The self
ish. the ambitious anti the bad will generally take
the lead. When the moderate men who are patri
otic have gone as far as they think right and pro
per. and propose to reconstruct, then will be found
a class below them, governed by no principle, but
personal objects, who will be pushing matters fur
ther and further, until those who sowed the wind
find that they have reaped the whirlwind. These
arc tny serious apprehension*. They are founded
upon the experience of the world and the philoso
phy ol human nature, and no wise man should
condemn them. To tear down and build up again,
are very different things; and before tearing down
even a bad government we should first see a good
prospect for building up a better. These are my
views candidly given. If there is one seuiiiuent
in my breast stronger than all others, it is an ear
nest desire for the peace, ptvspetity and happiness
of our people—that peace, prosperity and happi
ness which a wise and good government alone can
secure. I have no object, wish, desire or ambition
beyond this: and if 1 should in any respect err in
endeavoring to attain this object, it will be an err
or of tho head and not of the heart.
With great personal esteem and respect,
1 remain vours, truly,
ALEXANDER If. STEPHENS.
I.etler from Ka-i*re • ident l*leree.
The YYasliington Constitution says: We have
been shown a private letter from Ex- President
Pierce to a friend in this city, written, it is true,
in the course of friendly correspondence, and not
with a view to publication. But as we think the
people are entitled to the views of weli-known
and tried public servant®, who have enjoyed a
large share of public confidence, we have requested
a copy of thi9 letter for this issue. We recognize
iu every line of it a spirit of patriotism and devo
tion to the whole country, which will insure the
attentive perusal ot every reader:
Lowell, Miss., Nov. *26, 1860.
Jfy hear Sir :—Your letter was received at Con
cord on Saturday, and 1 should have answered it
while there if 1 could have found a little interval
of leisure. lam here to-day on business, and
can therefore do scarcely more than to thank you;
but let so much, at least, be said.
The apprehension which you so forcibly express
did not increase mine. You know how sincerely
auu earnestly 1 have, for years, deprecated the
causes which, if not removed, 1 foresaw must pro
duce the fearful crisis which is now upon us; and
l know how irietleciual, in this section, have been
al* warnings of patrioti-vn and ordiuwry forecast.
Now for the first lime men are compelled to open
their eyes, as if aroused front some strange delu
sion, upon a lull view of the nearness and magni
tude ol impending calamities. 1 1 is worse than idle
—it is tool-hard?'—to discuss the question of prob
able relative Suffering and !>,.-* in different sections
of the Inion. In case of dwnuption, we ahull all
be involved in common financial embarraasment
wnd iuiu, and, I tear, in common destruction, so
much more appalling titan any attendant upon
mere sacrifice of property, that one involuntarily
turns even from its contemplation. To ny mind
one thing is clear—no site man can, under exist
ing circumstance*, dream of coercion. The first
blow -truck iu that direction will be a blow even
fatal to hope.
\ou have observed, of course, how seriously
commercial c<Mifidence, and conseipiently the price
ol stocks, .Vo., have already leei shaken at the
North, and yet there Uin the public mind a verv
imperfect apprehension of the real danger. Still
‘.here are indications of a disposition to repeal laws
•liiected aj.jain*t the constitutional rights of the
southern Suiei—such as “personal liberty bills,”
•* lc - —*'>d if we could gain a little time, Ihere would
to be ground lor hope that these just causes
•>l distrust and dissatisfaction may be removed.
1 trust thj Sot 1 1 will make a large draifcon tbeir
devotion Union, and be guided by foe wise
moderation which the exigency urgently calls for.
Can it be that this flag, with all the stars in their
places, is no longer to float at home, abroad, and
always as an emblem of our united power, common
freedom, and unchallenged security ? Can it lie
that it is to go down in darkuess if not in blood,
liefore we have completed a single century of our
independent national existence?
1 agree with you that madness has ruled the
hour in pushing forward a line of aggressions
upon the South, but 1 will not despair of returning
reason, and of a re awakened sense of Constitu
tional tight and duty. I will still look with earnest
hope for the full and speedy vindication of the
co-equal obligations of these States, ami for re
stored fraternity under the present Constitution
fraternity secured by following the example of the
Fathers of the Republic—fraternity based upon i
admission and cheerful maintenance of all the pro- {
vi-ions ami requirements oi tin- sacred instrument I
under which they ami their children have been *o
signally blessed. When that hope shall perish, if
perish it must, life itself, my friend, will hate its
value for you and me.
it i.-: apparent that much will <l-j n>l upon tin*
views expressed, and the tone and temper mani
fested during the early duya of the session of
Congress now near at hand. May the God of our
fathers guide the counsels'’ of those who in the
different departments of Government are invested
in this critical epoch with responsibilities unknown
since the sitting of the Convention which framed
the Constitution!
Your friend, Fra.nki.in Pierce.
A Void- fr HOJI SOI Til CAHOLINA.
Having cited on a former occasion, the signal
testimony borne hy Gen. Hamilton with regard to
the opinions of Mr. Calhoun on this point, we
proceed to reproduce the views proclaimed by Mr.
Boyce in opposition to recession. The letter
which we quote was addressed to the Hou. J. P.
Richardson, the President of a Convention of the
“Southern Right Association” of South Carolina,
held at Chat lesion in the month ol May, l .vl :
To the I/on. ./. /*. Richardson, dr.
“I take this medium of addressing yon a few
observations on the subject of secessiou—ideas
which 1 would Ito re beta fflad to ad nance in the
t iort rent ion iuii I* BfcKX a hh.iukhativk nonv.
“1 am not w illing teen bis aty nilinee, to sanction
the action of the Convention. Appreciating, how
ever, highly the patriotism of niany who urge se
cession, l desire io differ from them in a -piiit of
kindness.
“Without further preface, I object to the se
cession ol South Carolina lor the following reas
ons, which 1 shall most briefly indicate and not
elaborate :
“The great purpose before us is to give future
security to the institution ol slavery.
“It we accomplish this purpose, we accomplish
everything ; it not, we accomplish nothing ; for
the present ol slavery is not endangered, its fu
ture is.
“I assume that the future of slavery can only be
secured by tbe union of tbe South, in our union
is our hope ;in our disunion is onr despair. It
follows, then, necessarily, that our policy should
tend to produce this union and to avoid the dis
union of the South.
“Tbe question then comes up, How can this
union of the South be brought about?
“To which I reply that it can be brought about
by the pressure of external danger, and in no
other way. Thus all unions have been brought
about. The Acha‘an League, the union of the
Southern States ol Greece—an illustrious and sug
gestive precedent—was caused by the pressure of
the Macedonian power ; the confederacy of the
Swiss cantons was caused by the pressure from
the German Emperor Albert ; the League of the
Netherlands Irom the pressure of Philip II ; our
present Confederacy from the pressure from with
out. Examine all history, and >ou will see that
all unions have been formed by the pressure from
without, and that this is a necessary law of union
is evident from obvious principles. The same
cause—the pressure from without—which has
caused all unions, will cause a Union of the South;
especially when we consider the momentous in
terests the Southern people have in the institu
tion ot Slavery, imi. j, T . ..
“This: pressure from the Northern power, must,
if anything can, unite tlie South.
“One thing ia certain, that South Carolina can
not produce ibis Southern union ; for its indispen
sable prerequisite is a conviction of its necessity
on the minds of Ihe Southern people; and this
conviction can arise in no possible way except
from the march of fanaticism. If the North con
tinue to infringe upon us, the conviction will be
forced ujhiii the Southern js-ople that they are not
safe in the present Inion ; that their safetv re
quires them to unite. The;/ hare not that Conviction
</</, ami hence wc liu*c not a nwuttieru union ;
for this moral revolution must precede the politi
cal one; and, in view ol the non-existence of the
moral revolution at the South, I have no hesita
tion in saving that if you could, by a political
convulsion now break up the present Union, and
have the form of a Southern Union, you would
have a“a barren sceptre iu your gripe.” Your
Southern l'nion would hr wholly inefficient to
work out the great and arduous mission before it;
because, the spirit, springing fiom a conviction of
its necessity being absent, the Union would be an
inert mass,-without vitality, unmoved by any pas
sionS nice thosr of internal hatred and discord. —
And the certainty that the Southern people
are not yet qualified, by their opinions, lor h
Southern Union, should admonish us not to try
to coerce them prematurely into sneh Union.”
“Secession, then, whether attended with peace
or war, not causing a union of ihe South, is not
in furtherance of our great policy of bringing
about a Southern Inion, and therefore should not
be adopted.
“As to the second purpose of secession, that it
is a good measure in itself—the Nalionalittf of
South Carolina —l hardly know what to sav, it
seems to be so diametrically antagonistic to every
principle of our policy.
“The first great fundamental, unanswerable ob
jection to it is, t hat, it is the disunion of the South
—words of such fearful import that I will not
weaken them by elaboration.
‘”2. South Carotinu cannot become a nation. —
Hod makes nation*, not man. Yon cannot ertem
o<>rizf a nation out of South Carolines. If i* sim
ply impossible ;we hare not the resource*. We
could exist bv tolerance, and what that tolerance
would be, when we consider the present hostile
spirit of the age to the institution of slavery, of
which we would he looked upon as the peculiar
exponent, all may readily imagine. 1 trust we
may never have to look upon the painful and hu
miliating spectacle.
“3. From the weakness of our National Gov
ernment, a feeling of insecurity would arise, capi
tal would take the alarm and leave us. Rut it
may be said, let capital go. To this I reply that
capital is the life-blood of a modern community,
and in losing it you lose the vitality of the State.
“4. This National Government would be a very,
rertt costly machine. The cost of a government is
iu inverse proportion to its numbers. A small
national government is necessarily far; more ex
pensive than a large one. Look at the small Ger
man States, ground down with taxation. So it
would be with us. The Federal fleets would cut
off all import duties, and the immense burden of
the Government would have to be raised by di
rect taxation.
“5. The feeling of insecurity arising from the
weakness of our National Government, together
with tne burden of increased taxation, would
cause, or rather continue, an immense emigration.
Emigration is naturally going on all the time from
the old States to the fertile El Iforadoa of the
West ; put any further burdens on the citizens of
the old States, and you add immensely to this
stream of emigration, rnfortunutely this emigra
tion, in the event of your becoming a separate na
tion, would he only from the wid e race, and you
would therefore be going down the dic/ioily of
ruin with fearful velocity.
“6. Following emigration, and a natural effect
of it, would be an immense tie predation of prop
erty; lands first, more land being thrown into the
market than the demand required ; then negroes,
as they would be cut off from the Western mar
ket. Millions would be lost to the State In this
way.”
* * * * *
“10. Secession i* against (he wishes of the other
Southern State*. Ought not they to have BO me
influence with us? Should we not defer to our at
lie*, who hare twenty time* the interest in the in
stitution that we have’ How can we ever hope for
a Union of the South, if we, u mere handful of the
Southern people, insist on enforcing our opinions
on the rest of the Sonthr A Southern Union im
plies a modification of the extremes of all opin
ions.
“11. A LiWt MINORITY, ot least, of our citizen*
are opposed to secession. If there were no other
objection tbir should be conclusive.
“12. S-cession, separate* nationality, with all its
burdens, is no remedy. It ix „o redress for Hu
vast; it i* no security for the future, it isonlv
a magnificent sacrifice oflhu present, without in
anywise gaining the future. We are told, howev
er, that it is resistance, and that we must, not sub
mit to the late action of Congress. Now, I would
Ike to know which one of those measures we resist
by secession. It is not foe prohibition of slave
marts io the District of Columbia It is not the
purchase of the Texas territory. It is certainly
not the admission of California. Which aggres
sion, then, do we resist by secession? These are
all the recent aggressions which we resist now by
secession. Secession, gallant as may be the spirit j
which prompts it, only anew form of submis- j
sion.
For the various reasons I have stated, I object
in as strong terms as 1 can to the secessiou of ]
South Carolina. Such is the intensity of my con
viction upon the subject, that, if secession should
tale place —of whicm I have no idea, for I can
not believe in the existence of such a stupendous
madness —J shall consider Ihe institution of sluv
era as doomi and, and that the (Irent (Jod in cur
blindness has made us the instruments of its de
nt ruction.
I remain, with respect, Ac.
W. W. BOYCE.
j ig: crisis,
Croat so-operation iu Upson.
Thou ASTON, Deo. 4, 1860.
According to previous notice, one of the largest
public meetings that ever convened in that county,
assembled at the Court House to-day, for the pur
pose of nominating two suitable delegates to the
approaching State Convention. The meeting was
attended by men of all parties, including our old
est and most substantial citizens.
Upon motion of James M. Barron, tbe meeting
was organized by the appointment of Thomas S.
! Sharnian a* chairman, and John W. Spivey end
i Robt. F. Patillo as Secretaries,
j At the request of the Chairman, P. \V. Alexan
! dor proceeded to explain the objects of the meet
ing iu a few remarks, ii• the course of which he
j took strong ground against separate State action
j and in favor of co-operation among all the South
! ern Stales. He thought that “wisdom, justice,
i moderation” should be rbe motto of the South in
i this great crisis, and that it was our duty to make
an earnest ard honest effort to save the best gov
ernment that God had ever vouchsafed to man. —
He was followed in the same strain by Allen G.
Fanibro, I’. A. It. Weaver, G. A. Miller, (editor of
! the Upson Pilot) ami Gen. Thomas Beall. Mr. R.
: B. Gardner also addressed tite meeting, in favor
; of immediate secession.
Upon motion, the Chair appointed the following
committee to report matter lor the consideration
ot the meeting, to wit; I*. W. Alexander, T. A.
P. Weaver, Wm. A. Cobb, Joel Mathews, A. J.
White and Rev. Janies Lyons. Alter a short ab
sence, the committee made the following report
through their chairman :
We, a portion of the voters of Upson county,
irrespective of party, in public meeting assembled
—deploring the election of Abraham Lincoln and
Hannibal Hamlin to the Presidency and Vice
Presidency ot the United States as a great nation
al calamity, and regretting the hasty action ol’ a
portion of the people of our own section, who in
the excitement of *he moment, and without due
preparation, either military or financial, would
precipitate the country into the untold horrors of
a commercial, political and social revolution—do
make ti e following declaration of our sentiments;
1. We approve of the call of a State Conven
tion, the only legal and responsible organ of the
|ieop!e, whether they come “from the cross roads”
or from the towns and cities—for it is the people
at lust who pay the taxes and do the fighting
when the Cnemy is heard thundering at our gates.
2. That we deprecate every movement that
looks to seperate State action on the part of the
Southern States as fraught with incalculable tuis
cliiel and the wildest confusion, and ending at
last in humiliation, bankruptcy and blood shed.—
In co-operation alone is safety and wisdom. Em
barked in the same cause and identified with the
same institutions, with a common foe iu fi out and
a common danger behind, it would be monstrous
if a single Southern State should, without consul
tation, and by separate action, attempt to decide
the great question that now presses upon the
South, not ouly for herself, hut for her remaining
fourteen sister States also. In union there is
strength ; in division and separation, danger aud
ultimate defeat. We would, therefore, recommend
the Convention soon to assemble in this State to
invite a general Conference to be composed of the
wisest and best men in the several Southern
States, to whom shall be referred the whole ques
tion of Southern grievances and the mode, ineas
— or uicti redress, —with the distinct
understanding, that whatever may be the deter
mination ol said Conference, the w hole South will
abide by it as one man. The time Inis come for
tin final settlement of the Slavery (question upon
a final and uneijniemul basis, and to a general
Conference of the Southern States, we would en
trust the duly of declaring what that basis shall
be.
2. That, we are uncompromi ingly opposed to
the overthrow ot our present repubiican form of
government and the establishment in lieu thereof
of a “Constitutional monarchv” iu those Southern
Mates, as recommended by some of the advocates
of immediate disunion. Surely such an idea can
find no favor with friends of rational liberty, and
can proceed only from disappointed partisans who
vainly imagine that the government and all its
oflices and honors rightfully belong to the favored
few who are “afraid of Conventions,” and are un
willing “to wait to hear fiom the people,” even in
matters of the most vital concern to themselves.
Upon motion, of the committee wits
adopted unanimously.
The meeting then proceeded to ballot for two
delegates to the Convention. Upon counting out
the votes, it. appeared that I*. W. Alexander had
received the requisite majority. Whereupon an
other ballot was ordered tor the second delegate,
and upon counting the votes, it appeared that
Tlios. S. Sharnian had a majority of all the votes
east.
I‘. W. Alexander anil Tlios. S. Sharnian were
therefore declared the nominees of the people of
Upson county for the Stale Convention.
The proceedings of the meeting were ordered
to be published in the Upson Rilot and the Macon
papers, and that the papers throughout the State
be requested io copy them, ft was also ordered
that a copy of the same be forwarded to our Sena
tor and Representative in the Legislature.
TUGS. S. SIIARMA.N, Chairman.
John W. Spivey, ) 0
Uoiit. F. Path.lo, j Secretaries.
Commercial Honor. —The Boston Courier savs:
—At the present time, when there seems a fear
in some quarters as to repudiation of debts by the
Southern trade, it is well to took at facts. If our
merchants are questioned, we shall probably learn
that, during the last thirty years, thero has been
as little lo9s in the Southern business by bad debts
as in any oilier section —probably loss. They
know that the proportion of sound, substantial
dealers is as great at the South as in any quarter;
that their standard of punctuality is high. VVliy,
then, should a temporary scarcity of money there,
and some delay iu remittances, if there is any, in
duce a doubt of men who have always met their
engagements? There may be a political disunion,
but commercial intercourse will continue, and the
honor and credit of a Southern merchant will
continue as dear to him as it is to any one in New
England. And w hile we would inculcate confi
dence towards those whom experience has shown
to be reliable in the past, we should hopu that
our own standard of faith towards the South would
be quite as high—that bills against Southern pro
duce may be punctually met, so that confidence
may not be needlessly impaired, and every facility
be furnished the Southern merchants to meet all
obligations.
Ont of the humanitarian movements of oar times
although little known as such, can hardly be over
estimated in its importance upon the well being of
our widely scattered communities. The popula
tion of tfie American States is in many sections so
sparse, that skilful l’liysicians are hardly available
to them. Vast numbers of our people are obliged
to employ, in sickness, such medical relief as they
can hear of from each other, or indeed any they
can get from any quniter. Hence arises the great
consumption of Pateqt Medicines among us, great
er by far than in any of the old countries, where
skillful physicians are accessible to all classes.
Unprincipled men have availed themselves of this
necessity, to palin oil’ their worthless nostrums,
until the word has become synonimous with impo
sition and cheat. One of our leading Chemists in
the East, Dr. Altai, is pursuing & course which
defeats this iniquity, lie brings uot only his own,
but the best skill of our times to bear, for the
production of the best remedies which can bo
made. These are supplied to the world, in a con
venient form, at low prices, and the people will no
more buy poor medicines instead of good, at the
same cost, than they will bran instead of flour.
The inevitable consequence of this is, that the vile
compounds that flood our country are discarded
lot those which honestly accomplish the end in
view,—which cure. Do we over estimate its im
portance, in believing that this prospect of sup
planting the by-word medicines, with those of ac
tual worth and virtue, is fraught with immense
consequence for good, to the masses of our peo
ple.— (la'i.tte and Chronicle , Peru, fa.
Boston Municipal Election,
Rostox. Dec. 10.— The Union party lias carried
tbe Mayoralty and both Councils by large majorities.
Mr. Cobb Kcftigned.
YY’ashixgtox. Dec. 10.—The afternoon papers of
this city says that Mr. Cobb has resigned his oftke
ns Secretary of the Treasury, i
MACON, GEORGIA :
Wednesday, December 12,1860.
The citizen* ofliouslou Count)',
Favorable to firm, Const national action for re
dress of Northern aggressions on the rights of the
South, are particularly requested to meet in Pe-rry,
on Saturday, the 15th of December, to confer to
gether on the troubled relations of the country,
and make suitable nominations for the approach
ing State Convention.
Many Citizens.
The Citizen will please copy.
Jouea County Meeting.
All the voters of Jones County, without reference
to past political differences, are requested to meet
in Clinton, on Saturday, the 15th iust., for the pur
pose of selecting Delegates to the State Convention
in January.
Dec. 4th, 18f>0. THE PEOPLE.
CITY ELECTION.
The regular city election for Mayor and Aldermen
cume off on Saturday last, and may be recorded as
the most singular incident that has ever occurred
hero. Two hundred and twelve votes were polled,
against 740 last year, 800 the year previous. It is
liardly to be presumed that one-half of our citizens
knew of the election—the public mind being so ab
sorbed in more pressing and important events. The
Board elected are the same as were in oflice, with
the exception of filling one vacancy. We will only
say that they are active and efficient business men,
and have done much lor the city improvements du
ring the past year. In a political contest last year,
a majority of them now elected were candidates on
the American or Opposition ticket. The Board
elected are —
Mayor —M. S. Thomson.
Aldermen —T. A. Harris, .T. T. Boifeiullet, John L.
Jones, James V. Grier, D. T. Driggers, Charles H.
Rogers, W P. Goodall and E. C. Granniss.
CONCERT.
It will be seen that a grand Concert is to come off
at Concert llall, which we trust will lie well attended.
OUR THANKS
Are tendered to Hon. Thos. Hardeman for a
copy of the President’s Message.
Also, to P. Clayton, Esq., for a copy of the Re
port of the Secretary of the Treasury.
NEW HOTEL
We intended last week to direct attention to the
opening of the Stubbefield House which lias risen
up from the ruins of the old one in more spacious
and graceful dimensions. Maccn will soon have
ample accommodations for the largest gather
ings.
UPSON COUNTY,
As w ill be seen, utters the words of wisdom and
patriotism, and presents a good ticket for the Con
vention.
PUBLIC MEETING.
In another column will be found a call signed
by many of our citizens for a public meeting, on
Saturday next. Many other names might have
been obtained by a little effort.
The bills on the Manufacturers Bank have
suddenly depreciated, and are not now received
except at a considerable discount.
LEGISLATURE OF GEORGIA.
Few bills of public importance have passed this
body since our last. We give in unother column
a specimen of their important labors.
In our next we shall, unless occupied by more
important matters, publish the unfortunate quarrel
between the Governor and the House. A bill has
passed both branches of the General Assembly
pardoning Choice, by large majorities, but has
been vetoed by the Governor. It will probably
pass over his veto.
THERE IS A DIFFERENCE OF OPINION
111 regard to the most effectual ami safe mode
of resisting and redressing the grievances under
which the South has so long suffered. As all the
slave-holding States are common sufferers, a large
number of our fellow-citizens believe that they
should be co-laborers in searching out and apply
ing the necessary remedy. Others, equally intelli
gent and patriotic, believe that each State should
take its own cause into its own hands, and imme
diately, and without consulting its equally ag
grieved sisters, secede from the Union, regardless
of consequences. As it is believed by many that
this issue involves great and vital interests, if not
the very existence of Southern independence—
for a people must be strong to be free—there will
necessarily be opposing candidates for the Con
vention soon to meet at Milledgeville. We trust,
in a canvass involving such weighty interests, our
fellow-citizens will exercise that spirit of modera
tion which so well befits this solemn crisis and so
well becomes American freemen.
BOTH SIDES.
Whilst we are decidedly opposed to immediate
secession on the part of Georgia, without consulta
tion with other Southern States, we, nevertheless,
are willing the people shall see the arguments on
both sides of the question. We, therefore, yield
to the request of an intelligent and esteemed fel
low citizen, to lay before our readeis the extra
which will be found in this issue. Arguments on
the other side from eminent sources, will also be
found in our columns to-day. The letter from Mr.
Boyce is especially commended to our ardent sep
aratists.
Let the people read an<l weigh the arguments on
all sides, and then act in view of their responsibil
ity to God and posterity, and we shall be satis
fied.
CO-OPERATION.
The Memphis Enquirer closes an article upon
this subject, with the following weighty consider
ations :
Now it seems that there is an apprehension that
should the South go into a general convention, to
decide the present issues, the wishes of the more
Southern tier of States would be thwarted by
those on the border, and secession would thus be
quenched. But there is no good reason to sup
pose that Kentucky, Tennessee, or Virginia would
make a settlement unacceptable to Alabama or
South Carolina. For they will take nothing short
of a full guarantee of the security of Southern
rights, and if we can have these, and in additien to
them, the advantages of the General Government,
there is surely no objection to that. Indeed the
most eifectual way for Mississippi to carry Ten
uesse with her into secession, is to enter into the
convention, make common cause with her for our
peculiar rights, and if the council cannot obtain
them in all due and satisfactory form, why, then a
magnificent and harmonious Southern Confedera
cy will spring at once into existence, so united, so
determined, so energetic, that we shall hardly be
conscious ofthe circumstances and hardships com
monly attending radical changes of government.
We shall be too strong to be whipped, or even to
be threatened. We shall have our Congress, our
treaties, our diplomatic corps, our postal system,
and, in short, the whole catalogue of essentials,
all in lull blast before a single year rolls round,
after we begin. <>ur navy will require more time,
hut that, too, is in our power without great delay,
for when ships are in demand, ship builders are
always to be found ; and, moreover fifteen States
might well enough stand a chance of negotiating
for a part of the navy already on hand, though
five States alone would not speak of it, but would
be satisfied with being let alone. We, therefore, I
look for an ulrmate agreement, for a general con-1
saltation of the South in some form, by special I
delegates, or by our Congressmen now iu office. *
PUBLIC
MEETING!
The citizens of Bibb County who are in favor of
Resistance to Black Republican domination by
the United action of the Southern States, and op
posed to separate action by the State of Georgia
in dissolving the Union without a consultation and
co-operation with a majority of our sister States
of the South—are invited to assemble at the Court
House in Macon, on SATURDAY, 15th DECEM
BER, ISCO, for the purpose of nominating candid
ates to represent their views in the approaching
State Convention, ami take suitable measures to
consolidate our strength.
J. H. K. Washington, Asa Holt,
J. Knowles, James W. Armstrong,
Pulaski S. Holt, Isaac Scott,
W. Holmes, N. Bass,
R. R. Bearden, David E. Blount,
Gabriel Harrison, J. DeLouche,
W. F. Anderson, John H. Ellis,
Elijah Bond, Arther Foster, *
A. 11. Wyche, J. B. Barfield,
J. Gilbert, Hatton P. Redding,
Lewis J. Groce, A. Weeks,
A. H. Coates, J. C. C. Burnett,
Julius Peter, W. A. Cherry,
T. S. Greer, J. W. Sanders,
Sol. R. Johnson, C. G. Beavers,
John 0. Thomas, C. H. Freeman,
John W. Welden, N. H. Beal,
John J. Harris, . Thos. T. Wyche,
R. B. Barfield, Anderson Comer,
David Flanders, S. W. Rogers,
James M. Jones, B. Walker,
S. Rose, J. E. Jones,
Judge T. G. Ilolt, T. J. Lowe,
James A. Ralston, James G. Rodgers,
Chas. R. Armstrong, W. S. Ellis.
Elam Alexander, Henry Abel,
F. H. Murdock, Win. Wood,
John M. Sharp, G. B. Sanderling,
L. R. Barker, George Leonard,
W. T. Lighlloot, Henry Crawford,
Geo. B. Hempstead, Wm. Alford,
Green Wilder, Levi Allen,
W. Hilburn, Robt. Sanderling,
D. S. Little, F. B. Woodsou.
R. C. Wilder, J. Russell,
Geo. B. Roberts, D. 11. Sullivan,
Nathan Weed, Thos. J. Bartlett,
Jos. McAlpin, Robt. Hamlin,
Thos. Bagtiy, Chas. H. Kitchings,
George YV. Anderson, John L. Kitchir.s,
James Eldrige, T. J. Bazemore,
P. B. Brown, J. 11. Sanders.
Rolan Bivins,
And many others.
T see my name among a list of others, pub
lished in the Telegraph of yesterday, as one calling a
meeting to appoint delegates to a Convention lor
the purpose of “ immediate secession.” A paper was
presented to me for my signature, aud I enquired
if it contained any’ thing dictating what tin ac
tion of the delegates should be, and that I bad refused
to sign one t hat did. I was assured that it did not.
On that assurance 1 put my name to it, and know ol
several others who did the same with that belief. —
1 am as ready to uct, in the present crisis, as any
other man, aud shall do so, in accordance with the
decision of any State Convention, which is left un
tramelled in its action. S. ROSE.
PERSONAL.
YVe were glad to welcome to onr office, Col.
Gaulding, of the Atlanta Intelligencer , Mr. Wil
lingham, of the La Grange Heporter , and Mr.
Burr, of the Middle Georgian. We hope our
brethren of the press and other visitors to our
city, will make themselves at nome in our sanc
tum whilst they remain in Macon.
IMPORTED GOODS.
YY'e would direct at tention to the advertisement of
rich and beautiful Belgian goods advertised in another
column. We hope the importers will find a ready
and remunerative market for their valuable fabrics.
The pressure upon our columns, necessarily
excludes many articles, original and selected, which
wo should be glad to appear.
CONGRESSIONAL.
Probably the last Congress of these United
States, met on the 3d inst. This fact, gives the
proceedings a mournful interest. The President’s
Annual Message was presented on Tuesday. We
give that portion of it which relates to the exciting
topics which now agitate the country. His views
do not seem to meet with much favor from anv
quarter.
After its reading, the following proceedings
were had in the House :
Mr. Sherman moved that it be referred to the
Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union.
Supposing that there was no desire to debate to
day he moved the previous question.
Mr. John Cochrane said he had proposed to of
fer an amendment, but presuming that the gentle
man from Virginia (Mr. Boteler,) bad risen for a
similar purpose, he would give wav.
Mr. Boteler expressed his thanks to Mr. Coch
rane ; and Mr. Sherman having withdrawn his de
mand for the previous question, Mr. Boteler offered
the following, trusting, as he said, that it would
meet the approbation of the House:
lie sol ved, That so much of the President’s Mes
sage as relates to the present perilous condition of
tiie country be referred to a Special Committee of
one tiom each Slate, with leave to report at anv
time.
Before the vote was announced, Mr. Singleton,
i of Mississippi, said he declined voting on this ques
tion, because the Legislature of his State has called
a Convention to consider the matter. He believed
that the people would determine it for themselves.
Mr. Jones, of Georgia, remarked that his reason
for not voting was, that his State had also called
a Convention to decide as to her Federal relations,
and did not want Congress to decide for her.
Mr. Hawkins, of Florida, said his State had ap
pointed some day in January for a State Conven
vention, to take into consideration this very ques
tion. The peop’e of Florida had decided to settle
in Convention the time, manner and mode of re
dress. It was for them, and they will settle this
ques'ion in their sovereign capacity. It was not
lor him, therelore, to take any action here upon
the subject. He was against ail compromise now,
as he was in times past.
Mr. Morris, of Illinois, rose to a point of order—
that while the question was pending, it was out of
order to open debate.
Mr. Clifton, of Alabama, also declined to vote,
because his State had called a Convention.
Mr. (lartrell, ot Georgia, said he did not rise to
debate, but simply to say, for a similar reason as
just assigned, he declined voting for this propo
sition.
Mr. Miles, of South Carolina, said his State was
out of the Confederacy, except the mere form,
and therefore her delegation took no interest in
this question.
[This remark was received with marked good
humor.]
Mr. Pugh, of Alabama, said, that as his State
was going to follow South Carolina on the 10th ot
January, he would, like Mr. Miles, decline to vote.
The result, with the adoption of Mr. Boteler’s
resolution, was then announced as follows:—Yeas
145; Nays 38.
The following is the Committee appointed bv
the Speaker of the House of Representatives on
the important resolution moved by Mr. Boteler:
Mr. Corwin, ol Ohio—Mr. Millson, of Virginia—
Mr. Adams, Massachusetts—Mr. Winslow, North
Carolina—Mr. Humphrey, New York—Mr. Boyce,
South Carolina—Mr. Campbell, Pennsylvania—Mr.
Lo7e, Georgia—Mr. Ferry, Connecticut—Mr. Da
vis, Maryland—Mr. Robinson, Rhode Island—Mr.
Whitely, Delaware—Mr.Tappan, New Hampshire
Mr. Stratton, New Jersey—Mr. Bristow, Kentucky
—Mr. Morrill, Vermont—Mr. Nelson, Tennessee—
Mr. Dunn, Indiana—Mr. Taylor, Louisiana—Mr. Da
vis, Mississippi—Mr. Kellogg, Illinois—Mr. Hous
ton, Alabama—Mr. Morse, Maine—Mr. Phelps,
Missouri—Mr. Rusk, Arkansas—Mr. Howard, Mi
chigan—Mr. Hawkins, Florida—Mr. Hamilton, Tex
as—Mr. Washburn, Wisconsin—Mr. Curtis, lowa
Mr. Burch, California—Mr. Windom, Minnesota
—Mr. Stout, Oregon.
Southern Senatorial Caucus.
V x sin noton, Dec. B.—The Senators from the
Slave States met in caucus to-day, for the purpose
ot consultation and the interebarge of their respec
tive views. There was a good feeling manifest
amongst the members present, but no conclusion
was arrived at, tending to the belief that there
would be any harmonious uction. There was no
proposition put forth requiring a vote.
The caucus adjourned fully convinced that at
least seven S:a ei would withdraw from the Con
federacy. There was no hope or prospeot for a
Union.
Senators Powell and Crittenden m&do strong
appeals.
COTTON PLANTERS’ FAIR.
This Fair is now going on, and with much better
success than we could have anticipated, under the
very disturbed state of our national affairs, and
financial difficulties at home. YVe are glad to say
that most of the home departments, usually repre
sented in our Fairs, are well sustained by the pre
sentation of articles for exhibition. Owing to the
lateness of the season, those in the Horticultural
department present but few specimens. j>„ t a
small amount of stock is now on the ground— that
is principally from Kentucky. Next week is
signed for its reception and exhibition.
The Foreign department presents a very fi Ue
view of Goods, of almost every variety that could
be named. YVe have had but a brief opportunity
to see them, and none for enumerating their
names, to any extent. But the manufactured
Goods, in Linen, Cotton and YVool are generally
for enduring service. They are of every character
from the heaviest carpeting (either up or down in
quality) to the lighest article a lady might wear
in a gossamer suit, including slippers or gaiters to
suit weather or occasion. The cutlery and hard
ware department is extensive and very fine, and
very moderate prices are shown ou the cards, at
which they can be purchased. Marble mantel,
pieces and Tables of the tjpest material and sculp
tore—Pianos of different forms—and scarcely any
article in the way of merchandize that could be
named, but may be found among them. There is
also a very beautiful vehicle in the assortment such
as is used in Belgium, as we suppose, by gentlemeu
of few responsibilities. Our very active and etli
cieut Custom House Agent should be entitle ! to it,
had he the claim to occupy the room it contains.
In the exhibition of the Foreign Importations
in the Hardware and Cutlery line, Messrs. Carhart
A Curd and Nathan Weed present fine assortments.
Also from Charleston, is a very beautiful one
principally of silks and fine goods.
From Baltimore there is also an exhibition of
various kinds of goods to a large amount. North
Caroliua and Tennessee have a showing of very
good articles of domestic manufacture.
Three Steam Engines are on the ground, with
a variety of labor-saving machinery, and ploughs
of a hundred forms and varieties. Agricultural
Implements, YY'agons, Carriages, Furniture, kc.
The Agricultural department has a fair show of
Grain, Vegetables, &c., and among the exhibitors
we are glad to recognize the names of our old
friends, Asa Earnest (who itlways has something
extra on hand for such occasions,) and K. Tyner.
The ladies, of course, have their share in articles
of fine needle work, painting, preserves and
“pickles”—of the latter, we have somewhat too
many, already, and uoue that will command a
premium.
Yesterday, the Governor, with nearly the en
tire Legislature, took a holiday aud paid the fair a
visit, by an Express train from Milledgeville, and
spent the day according to their several tastes.—
An able and appropriate address, of great length,
was delivered by Judge Stone of Alabama. Many
distinguished individuals were present from other
States. The crowd at the grounds, both of citi
zens and strangers was immense. Our Military
Companies, also, honored the occasion by a gene
ral parade in the afternoon. It is an event which
will form an epoch in the history of cur city.
MR. COBB FOR CO-OPERATION.
The Federal Union of yesterday contains a let
ter from T. R. R. Cobb, Esq., in which we are
truly gratified to find the following correct and
timely sentiments upon the subject of co-operation
He says:
buch co-operation I deem of great importance.
The greater the number of States which retire to
gether from this Union—the more dignity and
moral weight will the movement have. Auy
haste in one State to move in advance of the oth
ers, (though not so intended) will have or be con
strued into an appearance of a disregard to the
will and actiou of others. And w hile I am free
to admit that each State must act for her self and
resume by her own independent will her delegated
sovereignty, yet I conceive that it is possible and
highly desirable that all of them should assign
some common day for such resumption. In the
meanwhile proper steps might be taken not only
to secure harmonious action, but to provide for a
future Confederacy.
YVe will publish the letter entire next week.
FOR THE JOURNAL AND MESSENGER.
Messrs. Editors:— lf the doctrine laid down by
Gov. Brown and other distinguished politicians of 1
the country be true, that the several Northed
States of this Union that hare refused to recog
nize the constitutional rights of the South, but
have by acts of legislation and other measures of
violation of the Constitution, and the rights of the
South, disfranchised themselves from the right of
membership in the Union. And in view of the
fact, that this strong state of sectional prejudice
against the rights and interests of the South, have
mainly contributed to the election of tho Black
Republican candidate to the Presidency. If the
above stated view of things be correct, why
should our Southern Members of Congress resign
and vacate their seats at this important crisis of
their country’s great need, and by so doing, not
only increase the state of excitement, anxiety and
disquietude in society, but disfranchise the coun
try ol their services at the most important hour of
their country’s greatest need, when every South
ern member should be at his post, and then, and
there, with the aid and co-operation of other con
servative members constitutionally contest, with
ail possible ardor, the election of the Black Re
publican candidate to the Presidency, upon the
ground of Constitutional disqualification of those
States to vote, that have refused to recognise the
Constitutional rights of the South, until such of
fending States shall give satisfactory assurance
that alt laws of infringement on the rights of the
Soutli shall be repealed or cancelled, and that the
Constitutional rights of the South, for the future,
shall be duly respected by the authorities of such
offending States. And, provided, that boon so
justly due the South be refused her, and in open
violation of all that is right and just to the South,
they persist in installing a Black Republican Presi
dent of these United Slates, in such event it would
become the imperative duty of every Southern
State to unitedly withdraw- from the present Con
gress, and forthwith proceed to the organization
of a Southern Confederacy, by the adoption or
retention ol the present Constitution, and the in
stallment of the necessary Oflbers, for the full
organization of a Republican Government, which,
if such occurrence should be consummated, would
be a government possessing more of the attributes
of true greatness and independence than any na
tion on the globe, with peace, harmony, and” the
enjoyment of equal rights, at home; with charac
ter and credit, abroad. A country destined to be
prosperous, great and happy. But on the other
band, may the Great Disposer of all good, grant
that the great and blighting evil to ull social and
national relations, separate Secession, mav never
be written on the statute of any iState in the
Union, as no good, but great evil, would ensue
from its practical results.
HOUSTON, Jitnr.
FOR TIIE JOURNAL AND MESSENGER.
Judge Cabanisis.
Messrs. Editors: —Please publish the following
extract from the opinion of the Supreme Court,
not yet published;
In the case of
Uriah Askew, plaintiff, )
vs. u
James F. Dupree and wife, defendants, j
Lumpkin Justice commences his opinion aa fol
lows ;
“ As an act of justice to the ability and research
of Judge Cabaniss, I have determined to publish
his opinion in this case without alteration or
abridgment. It is entitled to be preserved in a
prominent form as a monument of the learning
and industry of that most excellent man and ma
gistrate.”
After reciting the whole of Judge Cabaniss’
opinion, which is of considerable length, Judge
Lumpkin continues :
“ l would merely add that it would constitute
an act ol unpardonable pedantry to attempt any
further review of the authorities upon this ques
tion, Ac.”
A higher compliment cannot be found iu our
Judicial annals. The decision was made in Atian*
fa, $A March Ter®, mo. fUNT,