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Journal & Jflfssfngcr.
J. KNOWLES and S. HOSE,
EDITORS AND PROPRIETORS.
COKBESPOM lEICE
BRWKm THE
PRRiIUMW OF TIIE I SITED MATES
INO THE
COMMISSIONERS OF SOUTH CAROLINA.
The following correspondence wa? read in secret
session, and from which the injunction of secrecy
was removed.
Wc are indebted to the courtesy of Den. 1\
Quattlebauur for facilities in procuring, at a late
hour last night, copies for publication in this morn
ing's fVwrfcr.
WasaiNorox, December 28, ISriO.
Sir :—We have the honor to transmit to yon a
copy of the full powers from the f’onveution of the
people of South Carolina, under which we are
“authorized and empowered to treat with the
Government of the I'nited States for the delivery
of the forts, magazines, light-houses, and other
real estate, with their appurtenances, within the
limits of South Carolina, and also lor au apportion
ment of the public debt and for a division of all the
property held by the Government of the I’nited
States, as agent of the Confederated States, o!
which South Carolina was recently a member, and
generally to negotiate as to all other roeas*** 1 * ai jd
arrangements proper to be made adopted in
the existing relation f parties, aud for the
continuance of peace and amity between this
Commonwealth and the Government at Washing
ton.”
in the execution of this trust, it is our duty to
furnish yon, as we now do, with an official copy
of the Ordinance of secession, bv which the State
of South Carolina has resumed the powers she
delegated to the Government of the United States,
and has declared her perfect sovereignty and
independence.
it would also have been our duty to have in
formed you that we are ready to negotiate with
you npon all such question* as are necessaaily
raised by the adoption of this trdinance, and that
we were prepared to enter upon this negotiation
with the earnest desire to avoid all unnecessary
and hostile collision, aud so to inaugurate our new
relations as to secure mutual respect, general ad
vantage, and a future of good will and harmony
beneficial to all the parties concerned.
Bat the events of the last twenty-four hour?
render such an assurance impossible* We came
here the representatives of an authority which
could at any time within the p*s> sixty davs have
taken pOMessiaa of the forts in Charleston harbor,
but upon pledges given in a manner that wc cannot
doubt, determined to trust to your honor rather
than to its own power. Since our anival an officer
of the I’nited States acting, as we aie assured, net
only without, but against your Order?, has disman
tled one fort and occupied another, thus altering
to a most important extent the condition of affairs
under which we came.
Until tbe*e circumstances are explained in a
manner which relieves us ot all doubt as to the spirit
in which these negotiations shall bo conducted, wc
are forced to expend all discussion as to anv at
raogemeut? by which our mutest inle*e?ts m ; ght
be amicably adjusted.
And. in conclusion, we would urge upon you the
immediate withdrawal of tbe troop? from the har
bor of Charleston. Under present circumstances,
they are a Standing menace which renders negotia
tion impossible, and, as our recent experience
shows, threatens speedily to biing to a kdoodv
issue, questions which ought to be settled with
temperance and judgment.
W e have the honor to he.
Very respectfully,
Y our oiiedient servants,
K. W. Bau.WVEIJ,, )
J- 11 ADAMS, - t'otnmisfionc!*.
JAMES L. OliU, S
To the President ot the United States.
Wr.iHixi.TiM I'm. December M*tu,
Oentlancn :—1 hate had the honor to receiv *
yout commit uicalion ot 2Mb iust., together with
a copy of “your lull powers of the Convention ©;’
the people of South Carolina,” authorizing you t*
treat with the Government of the 1 nited States on
various important subjects therein mentioned, and
also a copy ot the Ordinance, bearing date on the
goth iuataut, declaring that “the Union uow s*uS>-
ststing between Souia Carolina aud other States,
under the name of the ‘butted States of America,’
is hereby dissolved.”
lu answer to this communication, i hare to aay,
that my position ax President of the United State.,
was clearly defined in the message to Congress on
the -id instant. In that 1 stated that, “apart from
the execution of the laws, so far as ibis may be
practiti.ble, the Executive has no authority to
decide what shall be the relations between the
Federal Goveinmeut and South Carolina, lie has
been invested with no such direction. He posses
ses no power to change the relations heretofore
existing between then*, much less to acknowledge
the independence of that {State. This would be to
invest a mere Executive officer with the power of
recognizing the dissolution of the Confederacy
among our thirty-three Sovereign States. It hears
no resemblance to the recognition of a foreign <U
f acto Government involving no such responsibility.
Any attempt to do this would, on hut part, be u
naked act of usurpation. It is, therefore, my duty
to submit to Congress the whole question in all its
bearings.”
Secb is my opinion atari. I could therefore
meet you only as private gentlemen of the highest
character, and waa entirely willing u> communi
cate to Congress any proposition you might have
to make to that body upon the subject. Os this
you were well aware. It was my earnest desire
that such a disposition might be nude of the
whole subject by Congress, who alone possess the
power, as to prevent the inauguration of a civd
war between the parties in regard to the posses
sion of the Federal forts in the harbor of Charles
ton ; and I therefore deeply regret, that, in your
opinion “the events of the mm twenty-four hours
render this impossible.”
in conclusion you urge npon me “the Immediate
withdrawal of tire troops from the harbor of Charles
ton,” stating that “under present vimmsunc-f
they are a standing menace which rend**-* nego
tiation impossible, and as our recent exptriem e
fehowa, threatens speedily ro bring Jto a bloody is.
sue questions which ought to be settled with ten.-
perauce and judgment.”
The reason lor this change in your positiou is
Unit since yonr arrival in Washington, -‘aiAofticer
ot tbe United States, acting as we (tohY arc a*- ;
tured not only without, but against your (mr)
orders, has dismantled one tort aud occupied an- |
other, thus altering u> a not important extent I
the condition of affairs under which we (you) ‘
came. You also allege tnai you came bcre'“ihc j
RepreseuiaiDci? of au authority ulik-Ii could at
any time within the pae: sixty days, have taken i
possession of the t'ou* of Chariest** harbor, but *
which, upon Hedges given in a manner that we j
(you!cannot doubt, oetermiued to trust to vour ‘
(nay honor rather than to ita power.”
This bring? me to a considemuou of the nature
of those alleged pledge.-, anil in what manner they :
have been observed. In mv Message of the “.d ,'f ■
December last, 1 stated, iu regard to the property
of the l tilled State? in South Carolina, Unir it “h.-a
been purchased by a fair equivalent bv the con
sent of the Legislature of the State, for t fie erec
tion of forts, magazines, araenaie, Ac., and over
these the authority to exercUe exclusive W-gisla-!
non, has been exprc-sly granted by the CooMfln- i
Uon to Congress. It is not Sieved tba* any*
attempt will be made to expel the l nited State* i
trorn this property by force; but if fa thj, I
prove to b* mistaken, the officer in command of
the forts has received order- to act strictly on the
defensive. In such a contingency, the respousi
baity for consequence* would rightfully re* upon
the*Leads ot the assailants.”
Ihis being the condition of the parties, on Sat
urday, Bth December, four of the Keprcsenrativ.-?
irom South Carolina called on me, and requested
an interview. Wc had an earnest conversation
on the subject ot these ioris, and D u . r>*,s
of preventing a collision between the partied for
the purpose of sparing the effusion of blood I
•uggested for prudential reasons, that it would be
beat to put in writing what they said , y me Wb
n imi, 1 accor,i,! 'i: I J. od on Momhv
morning, the loth instant., three ot them present
ed to me a paper, signed by a || the repm*ru
---* ro lit* h'xccUcmcti, Joints Bnekauau,
/ resole at L nited Stalest •
In compliance with our sUte.uent r 0 you yesier
day, we now express to you our strong
lions tnat neither the constituted nuttm
any body of the people of the lZ£*iEs£c”
olina, will either atuck or molest the Unitei
States fort* iu die harbor ot Gharleston prcvWU
u he action of the Convention, and we hope anil
W reinforcement.
and llieir relative military status shall remain as
at present.
JOHN* Mi QUEEN’.
M. L. BONHAM.
W. \V. BOYCE.
LAURENCE M. KKITT.
Wofhisnjton, 9th lhc. 186(.
And here I must, in justice to myself, remark
that, at the lime this paper was presented to me,
l objected to the word “provided,” as it might be
construed into an agreement on my part which I
never would make. They said that nothing was
further from their intention—they did not so un
derstand it, and I should not so consider it. It is
evident they could enter into no reciprocal agree
ment with me ou the subject. They did not pro
fess to have authority to do this, and were acting
in their individual character. I considered it as
nothing more in effect than the promise of highly
honorable gentlemen to exert llieir inlluenee for
the purpose expressed.
The event has proven that they have faithfully
kept their promise, although I have never since
received a line from one of them, or from any
member of the Convention on the subject. It is
well known it was my determination, and this I
freely expressed, not to reinforce the forts in the
harbor and thus produce a collision, until they had
been actually attacked, or until 1 had certain evi
dence that they were about to be attacked. This
paper 1 received most cordially, and considered it
as a happy omen that peace might still be preserved,
and that time might be thus given for reflection.
This is the whole foundation for the alleged pledge.
But I acted in the same manner as I would have
done had I entered iuto a positive and formal
agreement with parties capable of contracting,
although such an agreement would have been ou
my part, from the nature of my official duties, im
possible. The world knows that I have never sent
any reinforcement? to the lotts iu Charleston har
bor, and I have certainly never authorized auy
change to be made in their relative military status.
Bearing upon this subjeet, I refer you to an order
issued by the of War, on the 11th inst.,
to Major Anderson, but not brought to my notice
until the 21st inst. It is as follows :
Memorandum of Verbal Instriu tioa* to .Major
Anderson I*/ Artillery , Comma suit mj fort
.Moldtrie , South Carolina ;
“Y’ou are aware of the great anxiety of the
Secretary ot War that a collision of troops with
the people of this State shall be avoided, aud of
his studied determination to pursue a course with
reference to the military force and forts in the
harbor which shall guaiil against such collision.—
He has, therefore, carefully abstained from in
creasing the forces at this point, or taking any
measures which might add to the present excited
state of the public mind, or which would throw
any doubt on the confidence he feels that { outh
Carolina will not attempt by violence to obtain
possession of the public works or interfere with
their occupancy.
“But as the counsel an 1 acts of rash and impul
sive j>ersoiis may disappoint these expectations
of the Government, he deems it proper that vou
should be prepared, with instructions, to meet so
unhappy a contingency. He has, therefoie, direct
ed me verbally to give you such instructions.
“Y ou are carefully to avoid every act which
w ould needlessly tenJ to provoke aggression, and
for that reason you are not, without necessity, to
take tif* anv position which could be construed in
to the assumption of a hostile attitude ; but you
are to hold possession of the forts in this harbor,
and il attacked you are to defend yourself to the
la.-t extremity.
“The smallness of your force will not permit
you, perhaps, to occupy more than one of the
three forts, but an attack on or attempt to take
possession of either of them, w ill be regarded as an
act of hostility, and you may theu put your com
mand into either of them which you mav deem
most proper, to increase its power of resistance.
Y'ou are .ibo authorized to take siuiilir steps
whenever you have tangible evidence of a design
ro proceed to a hostile act.
I>. I*. BUTLER.
*‘A-'istanf Adjutant General.”
• Fort Moi i.trik, S. U., December 11, ISGI.”
This is in conformity to my instructions to Ma
jor BuclL JOHN B. FLOY’D,
nf Ur •*
These were the last instructions transmitted to
Major Anderson before his removal to Fort Sum
ter, with a single exception, iu regard to a partic
ular which does not in any degree affect the pres
ent questiou. I nd* r these circumstances, it is
clear that Major Anderson acted upon his ow n
responsibility and without authority, unless, in
deed, ue had “tangible evidence oi a design to
proceed to a hostile act” oil the part of the author
ities of South Carolina, which has not been alleg
ed. Still he is a brave and honorable officer, aud
justice requires that he should not he condemned
without a fair hearing.
Be this as it may, when I learned that Major
Anderson had left Fort Moultrie and proceeded* to
Fort Sumter, my first promptings were to com
mand him to his former position, and there to
await the contingencies presented iu his instruc-
I lion-. This would only have been done, with
any degree of safety to the command, by the con
currence of the South Carolina authorities. But
before any steps could possibly have been taken
| in this direction, we received information that the
! ‘•Palmetto tiag floated out to the breeze at Castle
j Pinckney, anu a large military force went over
I last night (the 27th) to Fort Moultrie.”
Thus, the authorities of South Caroliua, without
waiting or asking any explanations, and, doubtless,
believing as you have expressed it, that the officer
had acted not only without, hut against my orders,
on the very next day after the night when the
removal was made, seized by a military force, two
of the three Federal forts in the harbor of Charles
ton, and have covered them under their own flag,
instead of that of the United States. At this
gloomy period of our history, startling events
succeed each other rapidly.
On the very day, the 27th instant,
sion of these two forts was taken, the Palmetto
flag was raised over tbe Federal Custom House
and Postoflice in Charleston, aud on the same day
every officer of the Customs—Collector, Naval Of
ficer, Surveyor, and Appraiser—resigned their
offices. And this, although it was well known
from the language of my Message, that, as an Ex
ecutive officer, 1 felt inyself bound to collect the
revenue at the port of Charleston under the exist
ing laws. In tii*s harbor of Charleston we now
find three forts confioniing each other, over all of
which the Federal flag floated only four days ago;
but now, over two of them this flag has been sub
stituted in its stead.
It ia under all these circumstances that I am
urged immediately to withdraw the troops from
the harbor of Charleston, and am informed that
i wiiJiout this, negotiation is impossible. This I
cannot do; this I will not do. Such an idea was
I never thought of by me in auy pos-dhle contingen
cy. No allusion had been imidc in auy communi
cation between myself and any human being.—
j But the inference is, that 1 am bound to withdraw
; the troop? from the only fort remaining in tiie
poMeasioti ol the United Slates, in the harbor of
| Charleston, because the officer there in command
of all the tort*, thought proper, without instruc
i uo is, to change his position from one of them to
another.
Atthi? point ol wrltiiig I have received inform
ation by telegraph, from Captain Humphreys, in
commaud of the Arsenal at Charleston, that “it
hat to-day (Sunday, the 30th,) been taken by force
of arms ! it is estimated that the munitions of
war belonging to the l nited States iu this Arse
nal arc worth half a million ol dollars.
Coot men tis needles*. After this information, I
have only to add, that whilst it is my duly to de
fend Fort Sumfci, as a portion of the public prop
erty of the l nited Stales, against hostile attacks
lrom whatever quarter they may come, by such
means as I may posses? for this purpose, 1 do not
perceive how such a dcleuce can be coustrued
into a menace against the city ot Chat lesion.
W ith groat |xrsonal regard, I remain yours ve
ry respectfully, JAMES BUCHANAN.
To Honorable Robkrt W. Babnwxt-L, JamekH.
Adam?, Jacks L. o:r..
Washington, D. C., January 1, 1860.
Sir :—W e have tbe liouor to acknowledge the
receipt of your letter of the ffiffh December, in
reply to a note addressed by us to you on the 28th
of the same month, as Commissioners from South
Carofiua.
lu reference to the declaration with which your
reply commences, that your “(tosition as President
ot tiie United States was clearly defined iu tho
Message to Congress on the :5d Distant;” that you
jiosse?? “no power to change the relations hereto
fore exi?ting” between South Carolina and the
Stales, “much less to acknowledge tbe indepen
dence of that State,” and that consequently you
could meet us only as private gentlemen of the
highest character, with au eutirc willingness to
communicate to Congress any proposition we might
have to make,” wc deem it only necessary to say
that the State of South Carolina having, in the
exercise of that great right of self-government
which underlies ail our political organizations,
declared herself sovereign and inde|iendeut, we,
as her representatives, felt no special solicitude
as to the character in which you might recognizi i
us.
Satisfied that the State had simply exercised he .*
unquestionable light, we aero prepared, in orde r
to reach substantial good, to waive the formal con •
si deration! which your constitutional scruples)
aught have prevented you from extending. W^j
came here, therefore, expecting to lie received as j
you did receive us, and perfectly content with that
entire willingness, of which you assured us, to sub
mit any proposition to Congress, which we might
have to make upon the subject of the Independence
of the State. That willingness was ample recog
uition of the condition of public affairs w hich ren
dered our presence necessary. In this position,
however, it is our duty, both to the State which
we represent and to ourselves, to correct several
important misconceptions of our letter, into which
you have fallen.
Y'ou -ay “it was my earnest desire that such a
disposition should be made of the whole subject
bv Congress, who alone posses? the power, to pre
vent the inauguration of a civil war between the
parties in regard to the possession of the Federal
forts in the harbor of Charleston, and I therefore,
deeply regret that in your opinion ‘ tl.tj events of
the la.-t twenty-four hours render this iuijHVSMble.’ ”
We expressed no such opinion, and the language
which you quote a? ours i.? altered in its sense by
the omission of a most important part of the sen
tence. What we did say was: “But the events
of. the l.st twenty-four hours render such an assu
rance impossible.” Place that “tusurance” as con
tained in our letter in the sentence and we are
prepared to repeat it.
Again, professing to quote our language, you
say: “Thu?, the authorities of South Carolina,
without waiting or asking for any explanation, and,
doubtless believing, as you have expressed if, that
the officer had acted not only without, but against
my orders,” Ac. We expressed no such opinion
in reference to the belief of the people of South
Carolina.
The language which you have quoted was ap
plied solely and entirely to our assurances, obtained
here, and based, as you well know, upon your own
declaration, a declaration which, at that time, it
was impossible for the authorities of South Caro
lina to have known. But without following this
letter iuto all its details, we propose only to meet
the chief points of the argument.
Some weeks ago the State of South Carolina
declared her intention, in the existing condition
of public affairs, to sewde from the United States.
She called a Convent.on of her people to put her
declaration in force. The Convention met and
passed the Ordinance of Secession. All this you
anticipated, and tour course of action was thor
oughly consideied. in your annual Message you
declateJ you had no right, and would not attempt
to coerce .i seceding State, but that you were
bound by your constitutional oath, and would de
feud the property ot the United States within the
borders ot South Carolina, if an attempt was made
to take it by force.
Seeing vtiy early that this question of property
was a difficult and delicate one, you manifested a
desire to settle it without eollidon. You did not
reinforce the ganiaou in the harbor of Charleston.
You removed a distinguished ami veteran officer
from the comtnaud of Fort Moultrie because he
attempted to increase his supply of ammunition.
Y ou refused to send additional troops to the same
gun isoit, w hen applied for by the officer appointed
to fttcced him. You accepted the resignation of
the oldest and most eminent member of your Cabi
net, rather stian allow the gartison to be strength
ened. Y'ou compelled an officer stationed at Fort
Sumter to return immediately to the Arsenal forty
muskets, which he had taken to arm his men. Y’ou
expressed, not to one, but to many of the most
distinguished of our public characters, whose tes
timony will be placed upon the record, whenever
it is nece-sary, your anxiety for a peaceful termin
ation of this contioverev, and your willingness not
to disturb the military status of the foits,’ if Com
missiouers should be sent to the Government
whose communications you promised to submit to
Congress. You received and acted on assurances
from the highest official authorities of South Caro
lina that no attempt would be made to disturb
your possession of the forts and property of the
United Slates il you would not disturb their ex
isting condition until the Commissioners hud been
sent, and the attempt to negotiate had failed.
You took from the member? ot the House of Re
presentatives a w ri ten memorandum that no such
attempt should be made, “provided that no rein
forcements shall hr sent into those foils and their
relative military st*tu-> shell remain as at present.”
And although you attach no fouc to the accept
ance Ol Sttcfi n pap, i will., t
a? nothing inoro in effect than the promise of
highly honorable gentlemen,” such an obligation
ou ODe side without a corresponding obligation on
the other, it must be remembered, (if we arc right
ly inlormcd) that you were pledged, if you ever
did send reinforcements, to return it to those from
whom you had received it before \ou executed
your resolution.
You sent orders to the officers commanding
them, strictly to lollow a line of conduct in con
formity with such an understanding. Besides all
this, you had received formal and official notice
from the Governor of Sotitn Carolina that wc had
been appointed CommisMouer?, and were on our
way to Washington. Y’ou knew the implied con
dition under which we came; our arrival was noti
fied to you, and an hour appointed for au interview.
We arrived in Washington on Wednesday, at S
o’clock, and you appointed an interview with us at
one the next day. Early on that day (Thursday)
the news wa* received here of the movement of
Major Anderson. That news was communicated
to you immediately, and you postponed our meet
ing until half past 2 o’clock on Friday, in order
that you might consult your Cabinet, thi Friday
we saw you, and we called upon you then to re
deem your pledge. You could not deny it. Willi
the facts we have stated, and in the face of the
crowning and conclusive fact that your Secretary
at War had resigned his seat iu tbe Cabinet, upoit
the publicly avowed ground that the action of
Major Anderson had violated the pledged faith of
the government, aud that unless the pledge was
instantly redeemed he was dishonored, denial was
im possible.
You do not deny it now, but you seek to escape
from its obligation* on the ground?: Ist, That wo
terminated all negotiation by demanding, ns a pre
liminary, the withdrawal of the United Stutes troop?
from the harbor of Charleston : and 2d. That the
authorities of South Carolina, instead of asking ex
planation, and giving you the opportunity to vindi
cate yourself, took possession of other property of
the United States. We will examine both.
In the first place, we deny positively that we have
ever, in any way, made such a demand. Our letter
is in y*>ur possession: it will stand by tie? on record.
In it we inform you of the objects of our mission.
W- say il would have lieen our duty to have assured
you of our readiness to commence negotiations, with
ih<- inoet earnest desire to settle all questions lietween
us amicably and to our mutual advantage, but that
events had rendered that assurance impossible. Y\'>
stated thewvents, and we said that, until some sat isfac
tory-explanation of these events was given us.wecould
not proceed,and then,having made this request for ex
planation. we added. “And. in conclusion, we would
urge upon you the immediate withdrawal of the
troops from the harbor of Charleston Under present
circumstances, they arc a standing menace which
renders negotiation inqiossiblp,” Ac. “ Under pres
ent circumstances!” What circumstances? Why,
dearly the occupation of Foil Sumter and the dis
mantling of Fort Moultrie by Major Anderson, iu the
lace of your pledges, and without explanation or
practical disavowal. And there is nothing in the
letter which would or could have prevented you
from declining to withdraw the troops and offering
the restoration of the status to which you were
pledged, il sudi were your desire. It would have
been wiser and better, in our opinion, to have with
drawn the troops; and this opinion wc urged u|Km
you, but we demanded nothing but such an explana
tion ol tiie events of the lust twcaly-lbur hours as
would restore our confidence in the spit it with which
the negotiations should Ire conducted.
Jn relation to 1 lie* withdrawal of the troops from
the harbor, wc are compelled, however, to notice
one passage of your letter. Referring to it you say,
“This 1 cannot do. This! will not do. Huch an
idea was never thought of bv me in any possible
oontingenej. No allusion to it had ever l*een made
in auy communication betweeu myself and any hu
man being,”
In reply to this statement we are compelled to
.say it, that your conversation with us left upon our
minds the distinct impression that you did Seriously
contemplate the withdrawal of the troops from
Charleston harbor. Ami in support of this impres
sion we would add. that we have the positive nssur
•uiot; of gentlemen of the highest possible public
reputation and the most unsullied integrity—men
whose nnuu and ftune, secured by long service and
patriotic aelaevament, place their testimony beyond
cavil—tiiat such sugg stions had been made to and
urged U]K>D you by them, and had formed the subject
of more thi.n one (*arnest discussion with you. And
it was this knowledge that induced us to urge upon
you a policy which had, to recommend it. its own
wisdom and the weight ol such authority.
As to the second point, that the authority of
Sout'n Carolina, instead of asking explanations and
giving you the opportunity to vindicate yourself,
took possession of other profierty of the United
States, we would observe, first, that; even if this
w ere so, it docs not avail you for defence, for the
opportunity tor decision was afforded you before
those tacts occurred. We arrived in Washington on
Wednesday. The news from Major Anderson
reached Imre early on Thursday, and was immedi
ately communicated to you. All that day men of
thy highest consideration—men who had striven
successfully to lift you to your gn at office—who had
been your tried and true friends through the troubles
of your Administration, sought you, and entreated
you to act, to set at wet. J
They told yon that every hour complicated your
position. They onlv asked you to give the assur
ance that if the facts were no—that if the Comman
der had acted without aud against your orders, and
in viok it ion of vour pledge- —that you would restore
the status vou had pledged your honor to maintain.
You refused to decide. Your Secretary of War—
vour immediate and proper adviser in this whole
matter—waited anxiously for yotir decision until lie
felt that your delay was becoming dishonor.
More than twelve hours passed and two Cabinet
meetings bad adjourned, before you know what the
authorities of South Carolina had done, and your
prompt decision at any moment ot that time would
have avoided the subsequent complications. But
if you had known the acts ot the authorities of
South Carolina, should that have prevented your
keeping your faith? What was tiie condition cl
things? For the last sixty days you have had in
•Charleston harbor not, force enough to hold the
forts against ati equal enemy. Two ol them were
empty ; one of those, too, the most important in
the Itaibor could have been taken any time.—
You ought to know better than any man that il
would l.uve been taken but for tbe efforts of those
who put their trust in your honor.
Believing that they were threatened by fort
Sunder especially, the people were with difficulty
restrained from securing, w ithout blood, the posses
sion of this important fortress. After many and
reiterated assurances given on your behalf, which
we cannot believe unauthorized, they determine
lo forbear, and in good faith sent on their Com
missioners to negotiate with you. They meant
vou no harm; wished you no ill. They thought of
ton kindly; believed you true; and were willing,
its far as was consistent with duty, to spare you
unnecessary and hostile collision. Scarcely had
their Comm ssioners left, than Major Anderson
waged war. No other words will describe bis
action.
It was not a peaceful chaDge from one fort to
another; it was a hostile act in the highest sense,
and only justified in the presence of a superior
enemy and in imminent peril. He abandoned his
position, spiked his guns, buined his gun-carriages,
made preparations for the destruction of his post,
aud withdrew under cover of the night to a safer
position. This was war. No man could have
believed (without your assurance) that any officer
could have taken such a step, “not only without
orders, but against ordois.” \\ hat the State did
wus in simple self-defence ; for this act, with all
its attending circumstances, was as much war a.-
firing a volley ; and, war being thus begun, until
those commencing it explained their action and
disavowed their intention, there was no room for
delay, aud gven at this moment, while we are
writing, it is more than probable from the tenor oi
your letter, that re iuforcenients are hurrying into
the conflict so that when the fust gun shall be fired,
there will have been on you part one continuous
consistent series ol actions commencing in a de
monstration es-entially warlike, supported by reg
ular reinforcements, it nil terminating in defeat or
victory. Anil all this without the slightest provo
cation ; for, among the many tilings which you
have said, there is oue thing >ou cannot say—you
have waited anxiously for news front the seat ol
war, in hopes that delay would furnish some excuse
for this precipitation.
But this “tangible evidence of a design to pro
ceed to a hostile act on the part of the authorities
of South Carolina,” which is the only justification
of Major Anderson, jou arc forced to admit “has
not yet been alleged.” But you have decided.—
You have resolved to hold by force what you have
obtained through our misplaced confidence, aud,
by refusing to disavow the action of .Major Ander
son, have converted his violation of orders into a
legitimate act of your Executive authority.
Be the issue what it may, of this we are assured,
that if Fort Moultrie has been recorded tn history
as a memorial of Carolina gallantry, Fort Sumter
wiil live upon the succeeding page as an imperish
able testimony of Carolina faith.
By your course you have probably rendered civil
war inevitable. Be it so. If you choose to force
this issue upon us the irltate of tiouth Carolina will
accept it, and relying upon Him who i-- the God ol
Justice as well as’ the God of Hosts, will endeavor
to perform the great duty which lies before her,
hopefully, bravely and thoroughly.
Our nrssion being one for negotiation and peace,
...i .urn note leaving us without hope of a with
drawal ol the troops i rom Fort Sumter, or of the
restoration of the status >/uo ex sting at the time
ot our arrival, and intimating, hs wc think, your
determination to reinforce the garrison in the har
bor of Charleston, wc respectfully inform you that
we purpose returning to Charleston to-morrow
afternoon.
We have the honor to be, sir, very respectfully,
vour obedient servants,
R. W. BARN WELL, )
J. If. ADAMS, v Commissioners.
j a ii i-!! .. amt, )
To His Excellency, the President of the United
States.
The following was the endorsement on the pa
per :
ExßtTTivi Mansion, 3 o’clock.
This paper just presented to the President, is of
such a character that lie declines to receive it.
>luK**trhnieUM Sentiment. *
We find in the Boston journals an interesting
correspondence between the Hon. Robert C. Witt
tin op and the Hon. George Ashman, in which the
former invokes the co-operation of the latter to
procure a repeal of the Personal Liberty law of
Alassaehusetis at the approaching session of the
Legislature of that Commonwealth. Mr. Ashinun,
who vvas President ot the Chicago. Republican
Convention, responds to this appeal in a frank aud
manly letter. He says:
“ In my judgment the enactments of our Legis
lature which are intended or calculated to impair
the force and effects ot the Fugitive Slave nets of
Congress are wholly unconstitutional und void.—
They should never have been jiasxed, and should
not be yernutted to remain on our statute book.”
Alter rehearsing tho history of this legislation,
he says of the provisions now remaining on the
statute book :
“No case has arisen under them„nor is likely to
arise, which would enable our judicary to pro
nounce on their validity ; but 1 have no doubt, if
a case should be presented, that our own highest
judicial tribunal would declare them null and void,
so far as they go to defeat or impair the true
intent nud purpose of the acts of Congress,
i “The Fugitive Sluvo acts ol 1793 and 1800 were
passed in execution of a clause in the Constitution
of the United States, to which all tiie people of
the Union gave solemn assent, aud though they
contain provisions which are needlessly harsh, and
though in mv judgment they would bo more effec
tual to protect the interests of the claimant if the
right of trial by jury, upon the question of iden
tity, had been given, yet these law? have been
held by all our Courts, State a.? well as Federal, to
be binding on us, as having been enacted strictly
within the constitutional powers of Congress.—
Our own Supreme Court of Massachusetts, with its
five Republican Judges, lias so recognized them;
and probably no one .fudge has had so frequent
occasion >o execute and enforce their requirement!
a? that learned, upright and humane Republican,
Mr. Justice McLean, of Ohio. Mr. Douglas, the
other day in the Senate, did no more than justice
when he said that‘Judge McLean, a Republican
Judge, bad always executed tbe Fugitive Slave law
with entire fidelity.’ No State, then, can be right
in attempting, by legislative enactments, to nullify
or evade these laws, or in retaining any such
enactment w hen its wrongful quality is made to
appear.”
Alter referring to w hat he deems just, ground of
complaint on the part of Massachusetts against
the acts of certain Southern people and politicians,
Mr. Aehmuu proceeds as follows iu enforcing tho
recommendations that these laws should be re
pealed :
“ But. they should be repealed because they are
wrong, and being wrong, our own good cause is
weakened by their continuance, and the sincero
friends of tiie Union in the South are weakened
because there is this single and only vulnerable
point which they cannot defend. Let our own
Slate be tight, and thus be in vulnerable.
“ Let us, in coming before the august tribunal
of public opinion, and asking for the just judgment
of the civilized world and of posterity, strip our
selves of every impediment which may einbarass
us in the conflict. Let Massachusetts stand erect,
conscious not only of tho righteousness of her
cause, but of her fitness for its advocacy.”
In futther evidence of the conservative reaction
in Massachusetts, it is stated that committers have
been appointed iu different sections of the State to
carry the address, which recently appealed in our
columns, signed by Judge Shaw and others, in
recommendation of a repeal of these enactments,
for the purpose of bringing it to the notice of
every voter in Massachusetts, and receiving lflg
signature if he eoncurs in ita object. It is stated
that thousands of such signatures have been alrea
dy acquired, and that, when the Legislature meets
there will be no doubt as to tbe vo ce of the Mas
sachusetts people on this score.— Balt,more Ame
riran.
“ Is j’onr horse last ?” inquired a Vermont horse
dealer. “ Beats all creaiion.” “flood bottom?”
“He is all bottom. Why, I drove hint so far one
day that it took me two days to get him back
aia,”
fighting iiiiht- I iiloi.—•Pcaif 101 l of <>ov.
Wise.
We find in the papers the following letter from
(iov. Wise. Having been written to by a gentle
man from Columbus, 'Georgia, to define what he
meant by “fighting in the Union,” he replied as
follows:
Rollhton, near Norfork Va., )
December 1, W6O. \
Lear Sir : Yours of the 22d ult., was late com
ing to hand. I now thank you for it. As to my
doctrine of “fighting in the Union,” it is one of
true policy:
Ist. If a sovereign State is judge of the tw/rae
tion as well as of the mode ainl measure of redress,
she may remain in the Union to resist wrongs as
well as do so out of the Union.
‘id. If other States have infracted the Union,
not she, the State wronged is bound to defend the
Constitution and Union against those who have
broken its covenants.
;;d. The Union is not an abstraction; it is a re
al, substantial thing, embracing many essential
and vital political rights and properties. It has
nationality, lands, treasury , organization oj or
int,, ‘nary, dock yards, arsenals, dv., <ke. Shall we
renounce these tights and possessions because
wrong-doers attempt to deprive us ol our rights?
Is it not cowardly to tenouuce one right to save
another? Are these ijghts not as precious as the
mere right of property in negi imh ? Hut
4th. If you secede, you not only renounce the
Union and its possessions, but you tail to unite
your own people, because you do renounce these
rights. Wake a man up to destroy the 1 niou
and Constitution, and he will stare at you. aud
turn atvay. But tell him that the Constitution is
infracted and the Union threatened by black Re
publicans and call on him to aid you in defending
both aguiwst those who would destroy both, aud
he will act heartily with you.
sth. Then how is this to be done ? The 3d
clause of the section of the 10th sec. of the Ist
article o! the Constitution of the United States
permits a State to keep troops aud ships ol war
iu time of peace, and to engage in war, when ac
tually invaded, or when in sucU imminent danger
as will not admit of delay. Now, are we not ac
tually invaded ? Is our danger not imminent?
Does it admit of delay ? Hay not u soverign
State decide ?
Gilt. And what is the difference?—Will it not
be revolution aud war in either event?
I say, then, stick to your rights, renounce none,
fight lor all and save al!! Yours truly, Ac.,
Henry A. Wise.
The Criwls.
With reference to the general demands of the
crisis that is now upou us, we have fully to endorse
the subjoined reflections of a Southern religious
contemporary :
“ If ever there was a crisis in the history of the
country when existing and impending evils called
for wiser precautions and more conciliating coun
sels than the present, we cannot recall it. Here
tofore, when the public mind has been greatly
excited, the question at issue had its chief relatiou
to some material interest and to the political
measures by which it would be hindered or pro
moted. Hut now there is an aggressive principle
at w ork which overidos all mere material interests,
and entering into the domain of what is called
‘moral sense’—a rule of action uncertain and
capricious—and which maks sad havoc with Scrip
ture, with experiedee, with covenants, and with
civil and social relations; and hence it is the most
difficult of all to arrest, control, or subdue. The
history of fanaticism in all ages of the world, in
all its varied forms, furnishes innumerable illustra
tions of this remark. It runs its course like a
fever till it burns out, leaving its victim either to
perish or to recover by a slow process under a
better regimen and healthier atmosphere. Here
tofore, when a great crisis has arisen, there have
ariscu at the same time the men who were endowed
with qualities indispensable to the ex gency of the
occasion ; men of broad and comprehensive views,
who, leaving the beaten road of politics, could
adapt their positions to the emergency of the
moment, and turn to profitable account change of
circumstances and vicissitudes of opinion, making
them their auxiliaries in reaching the most remote
consequences of a transaction, and who, by com
bining the present, the past, and the future, and
by conceding with dignity ami defending with
firmness, have succeeded in staying the elements
of discord aud in harmonizing conflicting views.
Hut fanatiesm is utterly reckless of consequences.
It never makes any concessions, and the more you
expose its madness and folly, with the greater
tenacity it maintains its position and pursues its
course.”
Mlud your Mh*lmu.
The first piece of Continental money coined in
this country, bore the terse but simple motto
“ J/ind your buxines*" —and if the people of the
different sections of this country had followed its
advice, the best government ever devised by man,
would not now be on the verge of'destruction.—
It is not to be denied that we of the North, (to say
nothing of your sections,) have disregarded the
wholesome advice on the old copper. It is none
of our business, that other States of this Union
tolerate domestic slavery. It is not our business
to rebuke them lor it—for we once did the same.
It is none of our business, that they regard the
institution with favor, or disfavor. We Hie not
responsible for it, in a moral, or a political sense.
It it is a mistaken notion, we are not the sitfidrers ;
and if we were sensible and discreet, we should
“ mind our ow n business,” and leave it to those
who alone are interested in its existence. It is no
hindrance to our ptospetity, at least—but meddling
with it, has at last brought a tornado upon us, which
materially interferes with “our business?” We
have now got considerably more oti our hands than
we can ulteud to—even if it is not too late to
“mind your own business”—having none to “mind.”
Let us get back to the philosophy of the old cop
per mono us fast as we can. Let anew mission
be coined as soon as possible, that every man, wo
man and child, may have one to wear as a monitor,
and a reminder to common sense. Let one be
nailed to the desk of every abolition preacher in
the land. Let solemn presentations of them be
made to all dyspeptics who mistake indigestion
for Christian philanthropy, with the hope that they
will cease from mischief and “mind their ow n bu
siness.”—AY-r Haven Jitgitier.
Washington Irving Nearly Rilled by an
Indian ton Making Love to his Squaw. —The
following is an extract from some recollections of
Washington Irving in the Home Journal :
“I was very nearly killed hy an Indian ohco,”
said Irving one evening. “When I was a young
man, 1 was traveling in Canada, with a friend.—
There were more Indians ttiere then than there
aie white men now. One raw, chilly day, we
were rowing in a canoe on the Pi. Lawrence with
an Indian for a guide. As we neared the spot
where Ogdensburg now stands, he invited us to
hi* wigwam to got something to eat. .Securing
the cunoe to the shore, we followed him a short
distance to his hut, where we found him busily
cooking venison. Our guide motioned us to a
seat by the fire, and then proceeded to drink a
large quantity of whisky. My l'r iend watched him
closely, but 1 talked to his wife, who at first gave
me short answers, glancing at her lord and master
to see if he listened, which lie seemed not to do;
then she talked more freely. The squaw was ve
ry ugly, having the overburdened look which you
sec among Indian women ; so, from half pity, as
she took the large haunch lrom the lire I rose to
assist her. At the same moment het jealous hus
band raised a large club, striking me on the head a
blow that made me fall insensible at his feet. As
he was about to repeat tie blow, my friend
caught me in his arms, and rushing from the
wigwam, deposited me in the canoe, and was tak
ing me rapidly down the stream before our half
drunken pursuer reached the shore. I soon re
covered my senses, but I never was polite to a
squaw again.”
Many years ago Irving wrote a book similar to
his Sketch Hook, suggested by a sojourn in the
Southern States. “The trunk containing the man
usciipt,” he said, was “stolen on uij way home
and we, therefore, uiouru a loss none can ever
supply.
A Single Pound ok Cotton. —The London
Quarterly Review, in uu article npon Cotton spin
ning machine* and their inventors, thus illustrates
the productiveness of brain and hand, by showing
what machinery now enables the cotton spinner to
do with a pound of cotton :
“ A manufacturer af Manchester exports what
is called No. 250 yarn in large quantities, for the
use of the finest foreign muslin manufacture*.—
Os the fineness of this thread, some idea may be
formed when we state that two hundred and forty
hanks, each eight hundred and fifty yards in length,
are spun from a single pound weight of cotton, or
a total length of one hundred and fourteen miles!
Hut this doe* not by any means exhaust the capa
bilities of English machinery, for at the great
exhibition of 1861, specimens of yam spun at
Poston were exhibited so tine as No. 700, or equal
to .154 miles in length, spun from one pound of
material! Worked up into finer kinds of lace,
the original shilling’s worth ot cotton wool, before
it passes into the hands of the consumer, may be
i ipereaaed W R* Os txlwnn and *4OO.
Letter of Acceptance. [’
Augusta, Dec. 31,1860.
. Gentlemen: By some oversight I did not receive
yours of the 24tb inst. until this morning. As I
am about leaving the city, I have but a moment
to reply to it.
At all this time reluctant to engage in active
politics, lain especially so, with valued private
and political friends, and I regret exceedingly, that
those of our citizens who have honored me, had
not selected some other to represent their views.
Upon such an emergency, however, I do not teel
at liberty to decline the use of my name for any
honoialde put pose, which a respectable portion
of my fellow citizens think proper to make ot it
I therefore accept the nomination, with thanks
for the confidence which it seems to imply.
In relatiou to the policy to be pursued by the j
Convention, I have to say hut little, aud no incli
nation to say much. Let the Convention settle I
that policy after a free interchange of views, and j
calm deliberation, lathe pei formaiice ot these i
duties, 1 shall prohahy he relieved from any em- I
harraspinent, as my secession friends assure me ;
that there is no danger of my election.
1 don’t think the Convention will see anything
inviting, in the hasty action of our Sister Stale. —
Had Carolina postponed the operation of her Or
dinance for a time, (if pass it immediate!y she
must) she might probably have avoided all that
embarrassment and excitement by which she is
beset. But ender excitement, she rashly “pulled
down the t> n.ble of liberty” before providing for
any other. A temple without whivh, her own
Pinckney told ner that “Carolina must soon fall.” j
A temple wit out which her ow n Rutledge told her
“the-sun of American independence must soon
set!”* Let Georgia at least act with that dignity
which becomes the responsibility of her position.
Something, aud something significant aud effective
must be done — this all admit. Hut what we do
should be prepared with calmness and executed
with firmness. It we have to leave the Union,
let us at least endeavor to leave it in peace. By
hostile collision we can gain nothing, and might
lose everything. We can gain no honor, for in j
any event, the scorn and contempt of the civilized
world would be heaped upon us !
The great difficulty in the way of an effectual
accommodation is, that many of our leading men
don't wish it. Our government is too Republican
too free and too weak for them, because they
will not obey and submit to it! Their minds fill
ed with visions of strong aud splendid Govern
ments, with the whole country bristling with bay
onets, and glittering with armor and epaulets,
they wish the people humbled by being loaded
down with taxes, and the toiling millions reduced
to the use of meat once a week. They are right
in one position at least. Such a Government tcou/J
give us peace. Napoleon with his six hundred
thousand men would execute the fugitive slave
laws —neutrality laws—slave-trade laws and all
law , and without submitting than to juries! He
would also make short work with some of our
noisy Conventions and public meetings, and some
of our great men would soon find themselves on
the way to Cayenne ? I have no wish for such a
Government myself, but if the people want a
strong government, because they will not submit
to a weak one —if they want an expensive govern
ment, because they will not pay lor a cheap one
—if they wish to be governed by force, because
they will not govern themselves, in the name of
peace let the will of the people be done! lam only
one of them, and will submit to share their desti
ny. lam a native of the South. All toy ties
and interests are here—here I have long lived,
and here I expect to die.
Yours, very respectfully,
John P. Kixg.
Foster Rlougkt, Jr., John Bonks, Wm. 8.
Jones, and others, Committee.
Frr.m the Charleston Mercury.
The Coiumauder at Fort Sututor.
Who .Major Anderson is and what he has done.
—The Leader ’ as a biographical sketch of the
present cu : ;andcr at Fort Sumter. We copy a
passage:
Major Anderson is now about fifty-six years old,
and was born in Kentucky, entering the Military-
Academy from that Stale, and graduating with
distinction, on Juue 30, 1823. The record of his
military service shows that he was promoted to a
First Lieutenancy in 1833, aud made Captain bv
brevet in 1838, for gallantry and successful strat
egy iu the war against the Florida Indians. In the
same year he was appointed Assistant Adjutant
General, with the rank of Captain, the Captaincy
itself not coming until the October of 1841, and
his present rank of Major only reaching him last
year.
His last service, previous to his taking command
at Fort Moultrie, was as a mem her of the commis
sion ordered last summer, by Congress, to inquire
into the manner of instruction aa the West Poiut
Military Academy. The labors of that commis
sion, in which Major Anderson performed his part,
have already been laid before Congress.
In physique, the Major is about five feet nine
inches in height; his figure is well set and soldier
ly ; his hair is thin uiul turning to iron gray ; his
j complexion swarthy; his eves dark and intelli
i gent; his nose prominent and well formed. A
[stranger would read in his air and appearance de
termination, and an exaction of what was due to
him. He has a good deal of manner. Iu inter
course he is vciy courteous, and his rich voice
and abundant jesticulations go well together.—
He is always agreeable aud gentlemanly, firm aud
dignified, a man of undoubted courage, aud as a
true soldier may be relied on to obey orders and
to do bis duty.
Major Anderson has also performed a large
amount of the staff du v incident to the service a
few years since, aud before it was made distinct
from duty in the line. He acted as assistant in
spector of the Illinois volunteers, serving with
Abraham Lincoln in the “Black Hawk’’ war of
1832. lie was assistant instructor, and instructor
of artillery, at the Military Academy, in the years
1835-’(i and ’7, and was aid-de-camp to Major Gen
eral Scott, in 1838.
During the Mexican war the Major endured all
the labors and dangers of the campaign, being se
verely wounded in the assault on the enemy’s
works at Molino del Rey, and receiving brevet
rnsjority “for gallant and meritorious conduct in
that action.” Major Anderson has also received,
from the Government, many evidences of its trust
aud confidence, other than those bestowed by the
War Department.
What the States were before the I'uion.
Judge Story gives a graphic picture of what the
States were before the adoption of the present
Union, and what they would likely be again, if it
should be dissolved:
* “The most opposite commercial regulations ex
isted in the different States ; in many cases, and
especially between neighboring States, there was
a perpetual course of retaliatory legislation, from
their jealousies and rivalries in commerce, in agri
culture, or in manufactures. Foreign nations did
not fail to avail themselves of all the advantages
accruing to themselves from this suicidal poliev,
tending to common ruin. And as the evils grew
more pressing, the resentments of the States
against each other, and the consciousness that
their local interests were placed in opposition to
each other were daily increasing the mass cl disaf
fection until it became obvious that the dangers
of immediate warfare between some of the States
were imminent.
“Hut the evils did not rest here. Our foreign
commerce was no f only crippled, but almost des
troyed. Foreig lations imposed npon our navi
gation and tr: just such restrictions as they
ueeined best eir own interests and policy.—
All ol them ha-, t common interest to steal our
trade and to enlarge their own. They did not fail
to avail themselves to the utmost of their advan
tages. They pursued a system of the most rigor
ous exchufon of our shipping from all the benefits
of their own commerce ; and endeavored to se
cure, with a bold and unhesitating confidence a
monopoly of ours.
“The effect of this sytetn of operations, combin
ed with our political weakness, were soon visible.
Our navigation was ruined ; mechanics were in a
state of inextricable poverty ; our agriculture was
withered, and the money still found in the country
was gradually fiuding its way about to supply our
immediate wants ; and a state of alarming embar
rassment is that most difficult and delicate rela
tion—the relation of private debtors and credit
ors—threatened daily an overthrow even of the
ordinary administration of justice. Severe as
were the calamities of the war, the pressure of
them was far less mischievous than this slow, but
progressive desti action of all our resources, all
our industry and all our credit.”
Carolina Delegates to a Southern Congress.
—The Convention has chosen the following dele
gation to represent the Slate in a Southern Con
gress, should such a body be c.lled together:
Hon. R. B. Rhett, Hon. W. P. Miles,
“ R. W. Barnwell, “ M. M. Kiett,
“ James Chesnut, “ W. YV. Boyce,
“ C. G. Memminger, “ T. L. Wichers.
Executive Departments of South Carolina. —
Gov. Picketts has appointed the following beads of
Departments:
Secretary of State—-A. G. Magrath.
4 War —D. F. Jamison.
*4 Treasury—C. Q. Memminger,
“ Interior—A. C. G*rlington,
PojKßstu GeueraWW. W.
“Tle Independent Volunteer Battali,,
of Macon.** 11
An Act to organize a Vohnleer Battalion in th
city of Macon, to be ealled “The Independent
\ olunteer Battalion of Macon.”
. Section 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and
House ol Representatives of the State of Georgj.
in General Assembly met, and it is herebv enacted
by authority of the same, that the Voluuieer Con,
paniea now existing in the City of Macon, and h.”
longing to the Ist Regiment, Ist Brigade nth
Division, Georgia Militia, be, and the same a
hereby organized and erected into a separate fi 7
talion, which shall be called “The Indcpendt ,
Volunteer Battalliou of Macou,” and be no j oli .^ n
a part of the said First Regiment.
Skc. ?. And he it further enacted, Ac., that
: other Volunteer Companies which may
i be organized in the city of Macon, shall be attach
jed to said Battalion until the number of conn,’
| tries in said Battalion shall be eight (8) when ti*
] said Companies shall be organized and erectH
| into a Regiment, which shall be ealled “The ft,.
I pendent Volunteer Regiment of Macon,” and ‘ **!
; Regiment shall not consist of less thatt ei„| lt
more than fourteen Companies.
Bec. S. And be it further enacted, Ac. that t’
said Battalion shall be commanded by a'ldem, *
ant Colonel who shall be elected bv the ujemho,’
of the Companies composing said Battalion in p,!
manner pi escribed by the Military Laws ol thin
I State, and commissioned by the Governor a i
| the said Lieutenant Colonel shall be entiilddto*
staff as full and complete as if the said Battalion
were a Regiment, Provided, that no person shall
i be eligible as Lieut. Cdonel or to an appointment
j ill the staff, who has not been a regular member
, with one of the Companies of said Battalion with
in the six months next preceding an election or
appointment.
Skc. 4. Aud be it further enacted, Ac., That
the Ptovost Marshall and Clerk of said Battalion
shall be elected, and s-w orn in, and perform the
j duties, exercise the powers, and be subject to the
instructions prescribed by the Mnhtia Laws now
! governing the Ist Brigade, Bth Division, Georgia
Militia
Sec. 5. And be it further enae'ed, Ac., That the
‘ said Battalion shall be attached to the Ist Brigade
Sib Division, G. M.
Sec. 6. And be it further enacted, Ac., Tha:
i the said Battallion shall be regulated by the Militia
Laws of this State, so far as the said Laws are
compatible with the provisions of this Act, except
lin addition to the regular annual parade, it shall
. be subject to the orders of the Commanding Offi
cer at any, and such other times as he may deem
necessary or expedient, and the said Battalion
: shall be exempt from the effect of all such laws
as mitigate against the provisions of this Act.
Assented to December 20, IS6O.
From the Troy Arena, Pec. Ss.
Five Hundred Muskets Shipped from
Mew York.—Ccn. Wool.
We learn from undoubted authority that ten
thousand muskets, old pattern, were sold by or
der of the Secretary on the 9th of the present
month to S. B. Lamar of Savannah, Georgia, at
*2,50 each, and shipped to New York about the
I4ih inst. These are the muskets referred to by
the Evening Post. The implied intimation that
Gen. Wool has any control over the sale or trans
fer of these guns, does injustice to a veteran sol
dier who is most thoroughly devoted to the Union
of these United States. Whoever elsemav prove
treacherous and recreant to the Union and the
Constitution, we venture to say ou behalf of Gen.
Wool, that he will be found faithful among the
faithless, and never either by thought, deed or
act, will he be found giving aid and comfort to
the enemies of the Union. The Watervliet Arse
nal is under the control of the ordnance bureau,
the supreme control being vested next to the
President in the hands of the Secretary of War.
There are in store at the Arsenal 28,000 mus
kets, altered from flint locks, and an immense
quantity of balls, bullets, sbrapned, grape and
canister shot.
In reply to certain queries we have received the
following :
LETTER FROM GEN. WOOL-.
Troy, 27th Dec., 1860.
Dear S : r : The Evening Post'in relation to
: the tumor that five hundred cases of Muskets had
; been removed from the Arsenal of Watervliet to
New York and put on board of the steamer Flor
ida, asks—“ Where is General Wool ?” I answer
that he is at his Head Quarters and attending to
the duties assigned to bis position. He however
has no control over the Arsenal of Watervliet,
which is reserved under the direction of the Sec
retary of War.
Yerv respectfully your obedient servant,
JOHN K WOOL.
To the Editors of the Troy Daily Arena.
In a recent dispatch from Pittsburg, it is stated
j that the caunon which the Government had order
! ed sent down to Savannah, and which the citizens
: protested ought not to be removed, were to be
lurnished with their waggons and other complete
fixtures which were made at Watervliet Arsenal,
and which were about to be removed from thence
to Savannah. We learn that none of these gun
carriages have yet been removed from the Wa
tervliet Arsenal.
From the Savannah Republican, Jan. .
Affair* in Nnvainiah-Fortruiakki titkeU
by the State.
We have been absent from our post for a week’s
enjoyment, a short respite from our arduous labors,
aud on our return yesterday, we found the entire
city in commotion and laboriug under the intensest
excitement. Crowds were collected at every- corner,
aud pressing around the bulletin boards with eager
ness to - read the latest news. This excitement was
created by the dispatches from Washington, which
will be found in our columns, and especially that
from Senator Toombs, who stands as a sentinel upon
the tower, for this State at least, and pledges his
character and fame for the truth of his statements
and the soundness of his opinions. The ordering of
the Harriet Lane to Charleston with sealed papers,
(which, by the way, is positively oon'radicted by a
subsequent dispatch) the determination of the Federal
Administration to coerce all seceding .States by force
of arms, and the appointment of Mr. Ilolt, who,though
a southern man, Mr. Toombs assures us is “our bit
ter enemy, 1 ’ were the immediate cause of commotion,
| so far as we could comprehend it in the confusion
that reigued.
The second feature of interest was the arrival of
Governor Brown, on Tuesday night, accompanied by
the Adjutant General of the Hate. After due con
sultation yesterday, it was determined by His Ex
cellency to take immediate possession of Foit Pulas
ki, on Cock.spur Island, near the mouth of the river.
For this end detachments of fifty men, each, exclu
sive of officers, from the Chatham Artillery, Savan
nah Volunteer Guards, and Oglethorpe Light Infan*
try-r-oue hundred and fifty in all—were ordered to
enter upon the work of preparation forthwith ami bo
ready to c-mbark for the fort this morning. It os
understood that the battallion is to be under com
mand of Capt. F. S Bartow, of the Oglethorpe".
In addition to the despatches communicated, we
learn that others, of a private nature, were rots ived
by Gov. Brown, corroborating the statements of Mr.
Toombs in every particular. \Ye give full faith and
credit to this information, for we are unwilling to
believe that tiie Governor would take so responsible
a step without a full assurance of the entire correct
ness of the informat ion upon which he acted.
No Sabbatii. —In a “Prize Essay on the Sabbath. ”
written by a journeyman printer in Scotland, there
occurs the following striking passage: “Yoke-fel
lows ! think how the abstraction of the Sabbath
would hopelessly enslave the working classes, with
whom we are identified. Think of labor thus going
on in one monotonous, and continuous, and eternal
cycle—limbs for ever on the rack, the fingers lor
ever playing, the eyeballs for ever strainirg, tho
brow lor ever sweating, tho feet for ever plodding
and brain for ever throbbing, the shoulders for ever
drooping, the lions for ever aching, and the restless
for ever scheming. Think of the beauty it would
efface, of the merry-heartodness it would extinguish,
of the giant strength it would tamo, of resources of
nature that it would exhaust, of aspiration- it would
crush, of sickness it would breed, of the projects it
would wreck, of the groans it would extort, of tho
fives it would prematurely dig. See them toiling
and moiling, sweating and fretting, grinding and
hewing, weaving and spinning, sowing and gather
ing. mowing and reaping, raising and building, dig
ging and planting, unloading and storing, striving
and struggling—in the garden and in the granary
and in the barn, in the factory and in the mill, iri
the shop, on the mountain aud in tlie ditch, on the
roadside and in the wood, in the city and in tho
country, on the sea and on the shore, on the earth
in days of brightness and of gloom. W liat a sa*--
picture would the world present if we had no Sab
bath !
The Invjnciblks oe Common Like. —Wbat a glo
rious troop might be formed of those men who
have won their laurels in the campaign of life ;
fighting not against sword and bayonet, musket
and cannon, lance and sabre ; but against hard
ship and circumstances ; natural defect* aud the
ridicule or opposition of their fellow men. Nor
ha* the fight been against a visible or tangible foe
alone ; these men have had thamselves to con
quer , their ignorance or indolence ; their natura
leaning to evil; the bad habits of eatly day 9, or
even their poverty *ud oC 8W:1W
etMfefk