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journal & Messenger. J. KNOWLES and S. ROSE, EDITORS AND PROPRIETORS. Oorreapcrideni'e i*f the Journal of Commerce. RroilHiiceuce* <•< Oauiel UebkUr. BT REV. BOSWELL *HCRrLEFF, D. I. Bo=ton, Feb. 14, 1861. Soon fitter the lamented Web3ter was no longer of earth, haring acted as pastor of the Ohnrch at ifarhtild. where he attended for 9onie years, I was requested by some of his literary friends to write out some reminiscences of the great man and good parishioner. ‘This I could not do, at an? length, without repeating what I had previously <V.rnisbed for your columns. But the brief notice I did prepare, was substantially what 1 now aeud to you, and at a time when hi* personal intluence is so much needed in the country, and w hen hia 7th of March speech, which he himself termed rrra pro <jruti* t is spoken of approvingly in quar ters where it would have been regarded as down right heresy at the time of his death. Mr. Webster appeared to lore his home, fie was there more at eae and more ready to cob Terse on various subjects than when 1 met him in Boston and elsewhere. As he sat in his home at Mars field, as he walked and rode over his immense farm, h° was in hue spirits, his face often being lit up with his peculiarly joyous smile. Mr. Web ster delighted to be in the open air. Almost al ways, when i called on him, 1 would find him walking or riding over his farm, or in the house of a neighbor, or else about fishing or sunning. AU agree in Marsfield, that he was the first man up in the morning on his farm, and that there was no peace to any sieeper after be rose. Mr. Web ster frequently appeared in what might be termed a farmer’s costume, and often in a fisherman’s dress. On one occasion, he met in the street, near his residence, the wife of a neighbor farmer, who was, for a moment frightened at the remarka ble appearance of a supposed stranger. As soon as she began to avoid him, he began to i-.ugh , whereupon the good wife laughed, and they both passed ou without speak mg. M* Webster, while he <s kind to those in his emp;-\v. wished to hare them coo form to his wishes. On one occa sion. Diwelifev Baker, who had, for many years, tlie care of hie own mansion house, forgot .some thing that his master told him to do. “ Forgot it, forgot it,” said Mr. Webster, “ 1 never forgot anything.” Mr. Baker was always extremely at tached to him, for whom he cared so long, and, next to John Tavior, was a mourner when lie was no more. Mr. Webster appeared to be a very domestic man, fond of his wife, fond of his children—food of hia servants and of bis Hocks and herds—fond of home, and of all that pertained ihereto—fond of hia friends and neighbors and townsmen, and of Plymouth county lueu generally. Mr. Webster bore the yoke in his youth. To Moreland, a neighbor of hia, who, on one occasion, mourned that his sou, who was a promising schol ar, was straiteued for the means to procure an education—was obliged to keep school, and so forth, to pay his educational expenses; to him, Mr. Webster said, “ Let John alone, be wili do well. 1 once taught school for three dollars a month.” He afterwards offered him the free use of his law and miscellaneous library. From my own knowledge, 1 should say that Mr. Webster was a moral and religious man. Judged, as many judge of a religious person—by his reli gious talk and pretence, he might not be set down us very religious ; but judged by bis reverential uuu devotional appearances in church; by his generous support of, and respect for the Christian ministry—by his observance of the Sabbath—bv h>s intimate acquaintance with, ana belief of the Holy Scriptures as word of God — by the gen eral tone and spirit of all hie writings, so that j nothing can be found, that a pood man dying j would wish to blot., and by his nmuiieat love for that which wag lovely, excellent, and of good re port; by the closing ‘lays of his life, and by hia Christian death ; and judged, too, as a public man, exposed, most of iis days, to the great and peculiar dangers incident to a public and politeial life, I should say that he was, since my knowledge ol him, a good and pious m.-vo. In conversations that I have held with Mr. Webster, in reply to the question, “ What has been your mode of preparation to speak in public’'” be said, that be “usually studied a subject, and spoke front short notes.” .fust after he made that tour in New York at the opening ot the Krie Rail road, in company with President Fillmore, when f expressed surprise at his being able to speak so often during his tour oil the name general subject, and yet without repetition of ideas, he replied : ** I have been studying and speaking on these top ics all my life.” On another occasion, immediately after General Taylor was nominated for the Presidency, he ob served, in conversation, “ that there is no honor in these days, in being President of the I’nited States, to succeed such men as have for some time filled the office. Id the times of Washington it was an honor it) bo President.” Soon after Mr. Webster made hi* seventh of March speech, he visited Bostou, and while in the city, made a brief address to his fellow-citizens, from a temporary stand in front of the Revere Jiotiso, After hii address, a large number ot’ his i friends took him by the hand in the parlors *ithi{j. i Among others who spoke with him was the tieuer able and Reverend Mr. Cleveland, who had hien a Button city missionary lor more than a quarter of a century. Mr. C., on taking him by the hand, said, “ Mr. Webster, when you have delivered the Country from one or two more foreign wars, when you shall have saved the nation again and again from civil war, the majority of the peopL- of this land will begin to appreciate your services. Sir, 1 flhali never cea*e to love yon; I shall never ce*9e to pray lor you.” Mr. W ebster bowed, aud replied, “ our words are like apples of gold in pictures of ’ silver.” It is Safe to say that Mr. Webster, before hia death anticipated something like what we now see in this country. More than twenty-fire vesrs ago he said, iu the course of an address at Plymouth, “ I deem the dissolution of this Union a possible event.” There is a gentleman in this city who heard him s*y this, sad so impressed was he by it, though then but a youth, that he remembered it to this day. Toward the dose of his life, be spoke somewhat despairingly to the writer, of our political pros pects. Said he, ** Our people seem to forget that our government does not stand, like those in Eu rope aud elsewhere, upou hereditary rights or by force, but upon the will of the governed. When, therefore, public sentiment is against our present form es government, it will come to an end.” \ejtro Viet ti an lot. An article iu a late number of fießowo lUcieer, from the pen of Judge Hopkins, of Mobile, directs attention to the injury which the writer thinks is lively to lie iutticled on the South by the system of instructing negroes in the mechanic arts, aud employing them as mechanics. lie says: “If it lie desirable to preserve the |a(riarchan system of negro slavery now existing at the youth, as the very Best basis of social order and moral and domestic integrity which none may doubt aho has evoked wisdom and virtue in pursuing the question, slaveholder* should allay this anta gonism m their midst, by agreeing through legis lative action, to confine the negro to the soil, thus to elevate and open the mechanic trades to the non-elareholding peoptc around them. Dignify the trade to the level with the professions, iu com mon acceptation, and idling, loafing, lounging, fox-hunting, or in other wor*b, geneial dissipation of healt. energy and time, among the young men of the South would almost cease, and in their place be substituted general, busy industry. Bv confining the negro to the soil, the mechanic would be at once converted from an open or secret enemr of negro slavery, into its firm advocate and sup porter, because he would then feel himself lifted up in the scale of social respectability, and main tained in that position by the subordinated negro, confined exclusively to menial service. Before the law and comtuunity, all white citizens would a'and strictly on a footing of equality, and be alone distinguished by courtesy and mental superiority.” Lincoln’ first iut in Wishinotmc.—The Her ald’a correspondent giving an account of Lincoln* first day in Wa*biiigtou and his reception of visi tors, says: It may be truly said that Mr. Lincoln’* first day in Washington as President elect has been a de cided soccess. Democrats as well as Republican* are pleased with him, and the ladies, who thought lie was awkward at first sight, change.l their opin ion, and now declare him “a very pleasant, socia ble gentlemau, and not bad looking by any mean?.'’ Northern PArKit>r:sg.—Commodore Stocktou is reported to buve said i a ,h e Peace Congres •fit for every regiment raised in the North for coercion, tao would be raised to defend it at home. He even goes further, and say*, urde*- the Abolitionist* oiler conciliation -and compromise t>efore conflict, he will bead one of the h-.,D, regi ments in New Jersey, ami stand pledged that i, O foreign regiments shall pas* over her consecrated soil—Princeton and Trenton battlefield*—to fight tb* cool try men of W ashiugtou, who stood upon them, and Urere bled for Jersey met. 1 An tri To raise money for the support of lire Govern meut, and to provide for the defence of the Con federate States of America. See. 1. The Congress of the Confederate States do enact, that the President of the Confederate States, be, and he is hereby authorised, at any time within twelve months after the passage of this art, to borrow, on the credit of the Confed erate States, a sum not exceeding fifteen millions of dollars, or so much thereof, as, in hi 9 opinion, the exigencies of rbe public service may require, to be applied to the payment of appropriations made by law fur the support of the Government, and for ilia defences of the Confederate States. 2. The Secretary of the Treasury is hereby au thorized by the consent of the Confederate States, to cause to be prepared certificate* of stor ks or bends, iu such as are hereinafter mentioned, for the amount to be borrowed as aforesaid, to be signed by the Register of the Treasury, and seal ed with the seal of the Treasury ; and the said certificates of stock or bonds shall be made paya ble at ihe expiration of ten years from the first day of September next; and the interest thereon shall be paid semi-annually, at the rate of eight per cent, per annum, at the Treasury, and such other places as the Secretary of the Treasury may designate. Anil to the bonds which shall be is sued, as aforesaid, shall be attached coupons for the semi annual interest which shall accrue, which coupons may be signed by officers to lx* appointed for the purpose by the Secretary of tne Treasury. And the faith of the Confederate States i hereby pledged for the due payment, of the principal and interest of the said stocks and bonds. S. At the expiration of five year*, from the first day of September next, the Confederate States may pay any portion of the bonds or stocks, upon giving three months previous public notice, at the seat of Government, of the particular stocks or bonds to le paid, and the time and place of pay ment ; and from and after the lime so appointed, no further interest shall be paid on said stock or bomD. 4. The certificate* of stock and bonds shall be issued in such form and for such amounts as may be determined by the Secretary of the Treasury, and may be assigned or delivered under such teg i ulaiioi.3 as he may establish. But none of them jslnll be lor u i. s.- suin than buy doliais; and h< Jzhtil report to I'ongu-ajat iutnext session, a state ment in detail of his ptovcedlng*, and the rate at which the Joans may have Ix'f it made, and all ex pense* attending the same. it. From and after the first day of August, 1861, there shall be levied, collected, and paid, a duty of one-eighth of one cent per peuud on ail cotton in the raw state exported from the Confederate State*, which duty is hereby specially pledged to the due payment of interest aud principal of the loan provided for in this act, and the Secretary of the Treasury is hereby authorised and required to establish a sinking iuud to carry into effect the provisions of this section: Provided, however, that ihe interest coupons issued under the second sectiou of this act, when due, shall be receivable in payment of the export duty on cotton. I’rov ided, however, that the interest coupons issued under the second section of this act, when due, shall be receivable in payment of the export duty on cotton. Provided, ml.so, that when the debt and interest thereon, herein authorized to be con tracted, shall be extinguished, or the sinkiug fund provided for that purpose shall be adequate to to that end, the said export duty shall cease and determine. Adopted February 27th, 1861. The annexed act was also passed iu secret ses sion, and the secrecy removed. AN ACT To r.iise provisional forces, for the Confederate Suites of America, and for other purposes. Sec. 1. The Congress of the Confederate States do enaet that to enable the Government of the Con tederste Slates to maintain iis jurisdiction over all questions ot peace and war, and to provide for the public defence, the President be and is hereby authorized and directed to assume control of all military operations iu every State, having refer ence to or connection with questions between said States by* any of them, aud [tower* foreign to them. Sec. 2. A ltd be it farther enacted. That the President is hereby authorized to receive from the several States the arms and munitions of war, which have been acquired from the United State*’ anti whicli are now in the fort*, arseu.-tls, and navy yards of the said States, and nil other arms and munition which they may desire to turn over and make chargeable to this Government. Sec. 3. fie .t farther e unci td. Ttmt the Prosi dent be authorized to receive into the service of this Government such forces now in the service of -aid States as may be tendered, or who may vol unteer by consent of their State in such numbers as ho may require for any time not lesa than twelve months, unless sooner discharged. Sec. 5. He it further enacted, That such forces may bo received with their officers by companies, bauallious, or regiment*, and when so received shall form a part of the provisional army of the j Confederate States, according to the terms of their enlistment, and the President shall appoint by and with the advice and consent of Congress such general officer or officers, for said lorees, as may be necessary lor the service. Sec. t>. lit it fui'tlor ttni< lt(] } That said forces, ! when received info the service oftliw (loiern* imenf, aimll lute the same paj and allowances as nifty la* provided by law tor volunteers entering the service, or tor the army of the Confederate State*, and shall be subject to the same rules and and government. From the Biitiniore American. Hi'. Lincoln iu Wanhiiigton. In the Peace Conference it was proposed that Commissioner* should call and pay their respects in a body. Mr. Lincoln expressed a desire for them o do- bo, but intimated a preference for the re ception to take [dace in the Conference hall, as hid own parlors were much crowded. This being entirely agreeable to the Commissioners, the hour of nine o'clock P. M. was fixed .for the reception, and everything being made ready, the President elect was notified of the fact. lie had now chang ed hi* mind and said he would prefer to receive the members of the Convention in his own parlor. To the parlor the members proceeded, and there they were, each in turn, presented. During this presentation the beet feeliiut prevailed, indicative of the good nature and joking propensities of the President elect. The Hon. I. *w is Cass, ex Secretary of State, called, in company with Mr. Seward, on Mjnday morning, and paid bis respects to the President elect. They conversed some time on the present condition of the country, and tho veteran states man evinced great emotion as he addressed Mr. Lincoln in relation to the difficulties by which he was surrounded. Mr. Lincoln was much a fleeted and expressed himself a* fully appreciating his position. Alter an interchange of opinion for more than a half hour Mr. Cass retired, in company with his son-in-law, Mr. Ledyard, leaving Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Seward closeted together. In a few min utes after General Cass had left a servant appear ed with a card endorsed “11. Greely.” Mr. Greely was waiting in the passage, and the servant re turned in a few minutes with the reply that “Mr. Lincoln is engaged.” Mr. Greely questioned him, and on ascertaining that Mr. Seward was there, and that he passed the card to him as he gave the answer, was quite furiou*. He had just arrived and presented himself in anew black suit, and a black beaver, looking better than I have seen him for some time. Having cast the vote of Oregon for Mr. Lincoln ho had cause to exclaim et ta irate. There is no longer aDy doubt that Mr. Seward has the inside track of the Tribune. Mr. Lincoln wa? afterwards called upon bv the President, Senator Powell, lion. Preston King, Vice President Breckenridge, Senator Doolittle, Commodore Spalding, and other gentlemen ol note. A throng of ladies, among whom was the family ol Gen. Cass, paid their respect* to Mrs. Lincoln, who held quite ft levee up to 2 I*. M. At 2 o’clock Mr. Lincoln, accnfiqramed by Sen ator Seward, visited the Capitol, and spent a short time on the iloor of both houses, where lo wa* cordially greeted by his friend*. He also vis ited the chamber of the Supreme Court, and was presented by Mr. Seward to the Justices. Bellefonte (Ala.) Era, a leading seces sion print, is much disgusted by the derision of the Southern Congress in relation to the tariff and the foreign slave trade, it says in its number of the 21st instant: “We are not prepared to believe that the Con sti'ution tor our [K-ruianent Southern Government wili copy and keep in force the very law* whicli have- disrupted the Union. The adoption of the tariff principles of the United States and the tM-anrling of slavery as ‘piracy’ in our Southern Government would be worse and more intolerable than abolition domination in the old Union. “We have contributed our might to liberate the Southern State* and |>eopje from the blighting influence ol Northern laws and sentiments. But wliat have we gained by all our labors and perils rt'<*ir new Southern Government is to retain tho oppressions and stigmas upon tho. Southern peo ple as in tho old Union ? VI. Llubolit 6 Passage through KaiU lu are. The Baltimore American gives, on the authority of Col. Kane, the Marshal of the Police of that city, the following statement of the causes which in duced Mr. Lincoln to hasten his passage through Baltimore when ou his way to the seat of Govern ment: “It appear* that a few hundred men, particular ly obnoxious to the people and public sentiment of Baliimote, had determined to avad themselves of the opportunity to use Mr. Lincoln, and to accom pany him iu procession from the depot to his hotel. “They applied to Marshal Kane fi.r pi Meet ion by the ]*>!ico. He advised against the proceeding, assuring ihe parties that while Air. Lincoln, in hi* passage through Baltimore, would be treated with the lespect due to him personally and to his high official position, there was no guarantee that the proposed procession would Ire similarly respected, lie thought, moreover, that the proceeding would be calculated to place the people of Baltimore in a false position, as neither they nor the citizens of .Maryland sympathised with Mr. Lincoln’s po litical view*. He advised, therefore, that the idea of a pi occasion should be abandoned, lest if might provoke some indignity which would involve the character of Baltimore and be very unpleasant to the I’resident elect. “It appears, however that the parties insisted on their programme, when Mr. Lincoln whs ad vised ol the laet\and urged to pass immediately through to Washington. Acting upon this sugges (iou, he proceeded to Philadelphia in time for the j night train from New Vork, and reached here at 6 o’clock A. M. Saturday.” The American further says, on the same sub ject : ‘ Marshal Kane informs ns that he did give the information to Mr. f’orwin and other friends of Mr. Lincoln, so that the change of route and in cognito entrance to Washington was caused hy a desire to escape from his pretended friends here, aud thus prevent a breach of the peace that w ould have been disgraceful to ifie city and derogatory to American character. We do not believe there was any inteution Iu assault or even insult the President elect on the pail of any portion of our coinmii'ii.y, but it i* a notorious fact that the lial limore Republican cormn'ttee, who proceeded to Harrisburg and declared their determination to escort Mr. Lincoln to his quarters, would have been assailed aud pelted with eggs, if not other wise maltreated. This would have involved Mr. Lincoln in the disturbance, and we cannot but think that he acted wisely under the information communicated by Col. Kane, in preventing the possibility of such an occurrence as was feared by our police authorities.” Interior Porta ol l.niry. The Savannah Republican copies the extract we gave front a Montgomery letter, relative to the abolition of interior ports of entry, and says: “Mr. I'onh, Mr. Bartow, and Mr. Memcninger, are wholly right, if such be their opinions. These interior dryland port* of entry are wholly unnec essary to the commerce of the country, and a dead expense to the treasury, and created prima rily, rather for the benefit of office seekers, than of the people. They are, perhaps, a convenience to a few importing merchants of the interior towns, ! but their benefits are wholly disproportioued to the burdens they impose. They operate, too, unjustly against the custom- j house officials on the sea-board, who do ail the work while others receive the pay. It is to be hoped the Congress will abolish all such useless appendages of our revenue system.” The arguments against abolishing the port at tins city are well set forth in the memorial of our Merchants, which we published yesterday. If the object of all government is the greatest good of numocr, our new government, or its Cabinet offi cers, in whose hands the matter is placed, will not neglect the arguments brought forward against the proposed measure. .Scarcely a Merchant in this section will not be an importer hereafter, to some extent, at least for some time to come, and their convenience ought to be consulted, especially when it does no harm to our seaports, lor to them, the < ““ r ’- “•■**.■* and paying out the duties can lie of no great benefit. The saving or Interest on the money advanced by the interior Merchant for du ties and commissions on goods which he cannot receive and place in the market, sometimes for weeks after their arrival at a seaport, is no small item in the saving of expense.— Attc/uxta Sentinel. Keltiria ol llie I'oiiiuiiNi.loiierii—Serenade and Speeches. As soon a* it became known, yesterday even ing. that. Kx-l’resident Tyler and Hon. James A. Seddon hail returned from Washington, arrange ments were made for gimin/f thorn a serenade ; and accordingly, between eight and nine o’clock) the First Regiment Band appeared in front of the Exchange Hotel, where a crowd of thousands had assembled, and played “Sweet Home,” and other appropriate airs. Mr. Tyler, responding to the call of the multitude, came forward and made a speech, in which ho said their mission had resulted; in nothing which could giv e any hope to the j South. The report adopted by the Conference 1 was a miserable, rickety a Hair, which afforded no guarantees of safety or security, and was not worthy of acceptance. Mr. Seddon next addressed the throng, He gtve the report of the lVaee Conference a most thorough sifting, and denounced it as a delusion j and ;t sham—an insult and offence to the South. Vet he thought it the Commissioners Imd been more strongly backed up by public sentiment at home —had there been exhibited a positive deter mination to have ample security for the future or secede at once—Virginia could have got all she wanted. Neither of the distinguished gentlemen entered into a full exposition of their views, choosing, properly, to reserve them for a more appropriate oeca sion.— ltich m on and J)e*pa tch . Thk Cauimt. —Major Miller, of the Milledgeville Recorder , an old [ffditieal editor, and a shrewd observer, speaks in high terms of Presipeut Davis’ Cabinet appointment*. Os Mr. Toombs he says : We have long observed the course of Mr', Toombs iu public life, and have known instances wherein his advice, iu our judgment, partook more ot passion than of soundness. The logic of bold ness, however, seldom failed to extricate him from embarrassment. This quality, united with his su perior talents, may find occasions when its exer cise will promote the ends of justice and subserve the best interests of the country. So far as intel lect may justify the parallel, we have no hesitancy in saying that Mr. Toombs will grace the State Department at Montgomery with a nearer ap proach to Mr. Webster than any statesman that could have been selected. In power of analysis and cogency of reasoning they were not unlike, ! though we do not pretend to claim for Mr. Toombs a rank equal to that of Mr. Webster, but only a resemblance, which is no small credit. It is not j impossible, however, that events mav arise to give the Southern Secretary a fame in diplomatic dis cussion not inferior to that which Mr. Webster ac quired by his letter to Chevalier Hulseman, of the Austrian Embassy. The Tuscaloosa (Ala.) Monitor thus sums np its objections *to the proceedings of the Alabama State Convention and of the “Southern Congress” at Montgomery : “ We hold, first, that the ordinance of secession should have been submitted to the people for their ratification or rejection ; secondly, that the ordi nances passed by the Convention should have awaited the issue of this decision; thirdly that the people had the right and it should have been i given them, to have chosen the delegates to a Con-! gress which was to have framed for them a gov-1 ernment for weal or for wo. And we now demand that the Government formed—its President, Vice- President, and officer*—should be submitted to the |>eople for their approval or disapproval. If it is not, we shall, come weal or wo, attempt to fire the people’s heart, to educate the people’s mind to know their rights and to dare maintain them. We are no submissionist, hut right is right and wrong is wrong, and we will not betray our trust. We as sert that the people have a right to be heard, and, being heard, to be obeyed. And we intend to keep them posted in what we consider to be an infringement ol their right* and of their privilege*, let the worst come to the worst. If it is treason against the new Confederacy, make the most of it. We know we are right, and, untrammelled and un awede, we will defend the right.” pK.vriTLTtoN in Mississirn.—According to the Springfield (Illinois) Journal, from which we quote ; below, the people of Mississippi are in a famishing condition. Says the Journal: “ We have just had a conversation which Major B. Hawkins, of Scott county, Mississippi, respect ing the destitute condition of many of the people in thi part of the State. He represents that in the counties of Scott, Rankin, Smith, Jones, Jasp*r, Newton and Nashoba, there are many of our fel low-citizen* suffering tor want of corn, w heat, etc. Major Hawkins is a venerable, sincere, truthful man, and we place implicit confidence in what he says. He is with us ou a mission of mercy, and we trust that all men, regardless of party, will re spond liberally to hia call for help for his people.’’ [rkotl THK RACO* TEUaktrU-l INAUGURAL ADDliksS O* ABRAHAM LINCOLN. Fellow Citizens of the t ttiled Stalest: In compliance with a custom a* old as the gov cinmen’ itself, l appear before you to address you briefly and to take in your presence the oath pre scribed by the constitution of the United States, m be taken by the President before he enters ou the execution of his office. I do nut consider it necessary, at present, for me to discuss those- matters of administrative pol icy, about which there is no special anxiety or excitement. Apnrehension-seems to exist among the people of the United States, that by the occa sion of a Republican administration, their prop erty and their peace am! personal security are to be endangered. There has npvcr been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed the most ample evi deuce, to the contrary, has all the while existed and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly nil the published speeches of him who now addresses you. Ido Imt quote from one of these speeches when I declare that I have no purpose directly or indirectly to interfere w ith tho institu tion of Slavery in the States whore it exists, 1 believe I have no lawful right to do so—and I have no inclination to do so. Those who nomi nate.i and elected me did so with full knowledge that 1 had made this and many similar declara tion* and had never recanted them. And more than this—they placed in the platform for my ac ceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read. “Resole,<l, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its dom'.Stic institutions according to its own judgment ex clusively, is essential to that balance of power in which tiie perfection and endurance of our politi cal fabric depend, and we denounce the lawless invasion bv armed force ol the soil ol any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as the gravest ot crimes.” I now reiterate these sentiments, and in doing so, I only press upon public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is suscepti ble, that the property, peace and security of no section are to be in any wise endangered by the uow incoming administration. 1 add, too, that all the piotection which, consistently with the Con stitution Hod the laws, can be given, will be cheer fully given to all the States when lawfully de manded for whatever cause, as cheerfully to one section as to another. There is mnoli controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labor. The clause I now read is as plainly written in the Constitu tion as any other ol its provision. “No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into an other, shall, in consequence ol any law or regula tion therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.” It is scarcely questioned that this provision wa* intended by ihose who made it, for the reclaiming of fugitive slaves, and the intention of the law | giver is the law. All members ol Congress swear their support to tho whole constitution—to this provision, then, that slaves whose case* come within the terms of this duu.se shall be delivered up, their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not with equal unanimity frame Mid pass u law Itv ijieitua of wind, to keep good that unanimous oath ? There i* some difference of opinion whether thi* clause should be enforced by national or by State authority ; but, surely, that difference i* not a very material one. If tiie slave is to be surren dered, it can pe of but little consequence to him or to others, by which authority it is doue—and should any one in any case be content that this oath shall go unkept in a merely circumstantial controversy as to how it shall he kept? Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the safegurds of liberty known in civilized and human jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a a free man bt* not in any case surrendered us a slave? aim migiit if. not be well, at the same time, to provide by law lor the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that the citizen of each State should be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens iu the sev eral States ? I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construct the constitution or laws by any hypocritical rules ; and while 1 do not choose now to specify particu lar acts of Congress as proper to tie enforced, 1 do suggest that it w ill he safer for all, both iu official *vwl pri rate 0..i I loi J.V, lIV tOJlfuilll to nud abide bv all those acts which stand unrepealed, than to vio late any ol them trusting to find impunity in hav ing them held to be unconstitutional? It is seventy-two years since the inauguration of a President under our National Constitution.— During that period, fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have have, in succession, administered the Executive branch of the Govern ment. They have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success. Vet with till this scope for precedent, t now enter up on the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years, under great and peculiar difficulty. A disruption oi the Federal Inion, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably asserted. I hold that in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution, the Union of these States is perpet ual. Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law ol national governments. It is sute to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for it* own ter mination. A’onriuue to execute all the express provisions of our national Constitution and the Union w ill endure lorevcr—it being impossible to destroy it, except by some action not provided lor in the instrument itself. Again, if the United States be iiot a govern ment proper, hut an association ol’ States iu the nature of a contract merely, can it, as a contract be practically unmade by less than all the parties who made it? One patty to a contract may vio late it—break it, so to speak—but does it not re quire all to lawfully rescind it? Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that, in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual, confirmed by the history of the Union itself. The Union is much older than the Constitution. It was formed in fact by the articles of association in 1774. It was ma tured and continued by the declaration of Inde pendence in 1776. It was further matured, and the faith of the then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by ilie Articles of Confederation in 1778, aud finally in 1787, one of the declared objects for or daining and establishing the Constitution, was to form a more perfect Union. But if destruction of the Uniou by one or lv a part only of the States be lawfully possible, the Union iH less perfect than before the Constitution, having lost the vital perplexity. It follows from these views that no Stale upon its own mere mo tion can lawfully go out of the Union—that re solves and ordimtnees to that effect are legally void, and that acts of violence within any State or States against the authority of the United States, are insurrectionary or revolutionary ac cording to circumstances. 1 therefore consider that in view of the Consti tution ami the laws, the Union is unbroken and to the extent of my ability I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Inion be faithfully executed in all the Stales. Doing this I deem to he only a sim ple duty on my part and 1 shall perform it, so far as practicable, unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold trie requisite means, or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary. I trust this will not he regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will Constitutionally defend and maintain itself, iu doing this there need be no bloodshed or vio lence, and there shall be none, unless it be forced upon the national authority. The power confided ; to tne will be used to hold, occupy and possess the ! property and place* belonging to the government, and to collect the duties and imports; but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, theie will be no invasion—no using of force against or among the people any where. Where hos ility to the United States iu any interior locality shall be ?o great and so universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious stran gers among the people for that object. While the strict legal right may exist in the Government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating and so nearly im practioaLU withal, that 1 deem it belter to forego, for ihe time, the use of such offices. The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in nil parts of the Union. So far as pos sible the people everywhere shall have that sense ot perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought and reflection. The course here indicated will be followed unless current events and experience shall show a modifi cation or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency, my best discretion, will be exercised according to circumstances actually existing, and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the Matloti&l trouble* anrt the restoration of Iraler iiril svmp allies amt ittt^dii>ii. Tiui there ait 1 pt*i 01..1 in one section or another wbe seek to destroy the Union at all events, and are {'lad of any pieteict to do it, I will neither af tii m nor deny ; but if there be such, I need address no word to them. To those, however, who really i love the Union may 1 not speak ? Before entering uiion so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric with all its benefits—its memories— i its hopes—would it not be wise to assertain pro- : cutely why we do it? Will you buzzard so des perate a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly from have no real exis tence ? Will you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from ? Will you risk the commission of so fearful a mis take ? All profess to be content in the Union if all Con stitutional rights can be maintained. Is it true, then, than any right plainly written in the Consti tution has been denied? I think not. Happily the hitman mind is so constituted that, no party can reach to the audacity of doing thi-*. Think, it you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision of the Constitution has ever been denied ? If, by the mere force of numbers, a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly w ritten constitutional right, it might, in a moral point of view, justify revolution. It certainly would, if such a right were a vital one. But such is irot our case. All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to them by affirmations and negations, guarantees and prohi bitions in the Constitution, that controversies nev er arise concerning them. But no organic law can ever be framed with a provision specially ap plicable to every question which may occur in practical administration. | No foresight can anticipate, nor any document of reasonable length contain, express provisions for nil possible questions. Shall fugitives front la bor be surrendered by national or by State autho rity ? The Constitution does not expressly say. Must Congress protect'slavery in the Territories? ; The Constitution does not expressly say. From questions of this class spiing all our Constitutional controversies and we divide upon them into inajo j ritles and minorities. | It’ the minority will not acquiesce, the majority ’ must, or the Government must close. There is no other alternative for continuing the Government j than acquiescence on one side or the other. If a minority in such a. case will secede rather than ac . quiesce, they make a precedent which in time will ’ divide and ruin them ; for a icinority of their own j will secede from them whenever a majority refuses jto be controlled by such minority. For instance, why may not any portion of anew confederacy, a ! year or two hence, arbitrarily secede again, pre i cisely as portions of the present Union claim to 1 secede front it? All who cherish in this Union such sentiments are now being educated to the exact temper of doing this. Is there such perfect identity of inter : est among the States which compose the new Union as to produce harmony only and prevent renewed secession ? Plainly the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. A majority held in restraint by Constitutional checks and limitations, and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is tiie only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects it, does, of necessity, fly to anarchy or to des potism. Unanimity is impre-l.ie. Th* rule of a minority as a permanent arrangement is wholly inadmissible; i so that reject ug tin- majority principle, anarchy or 1 despotism in -ome fin:, it all that, is left. Ido J not forget thr positl-ui ■ ‘-unied by some, that con stitutional questions aie t l.e decided by the Su j pro me Court ; .iu. do i iy that such decisions | must be binding in any ease upon the parties to a : suit, as to the object of that suit, while they are I also entitled to very high respect and coneidera- I tion in all parallel cases by all other departments ’ of the tioremiueiit; and while it is obviously pos sible that such a decision may be erroneous in any given case, still the evil effect following it being limited to that particular case, with the chance that it may be overruled and never become a pre cedent for other cases, can better be borne than could the evils of a different practice. At the same time the candid citizen must confess that if the policy of the Government upon vital questions affecting the whole people is to be irre vocably fixed by decisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made in ordinary litigation between parties in personal actions, the people will have ceased to be their own rulers, having to that extent practically resigned their government into the hands of that eminent tribunal. Xor is there, in this view, any assault upon the Court or Judges. It is a duty from which they may not shrink to decide cases properly brought before them, and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to political purposes. One section of our country believes sluverv is rif-l.t anti to bo extended, white liie oilier believes it is wrong and ought not to be extended. 1 his is the substantial dispute. The fugitive slave clause ol the Censtitution and the law lor the sup pression of the foreign slave trade, are each as well enforced perhaps as any law can ever be in a community where tin* moral of the people imperfectly supports the law its* If. The great body of the people abide by the plain legal obligation in both cases and a few break over in each. I think it cannot he perfectly cured and it would be worse in both cases after the separa tion ol the Motions than before. The foreign slave trade now imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived without restriction in one sec tion, while fugitive slaves, now only partially sur rendered would not be surrendered at all by the other. Physically speaking, we cannot separate—we cannot remove our respective sections from each other—nor build an impassable wall between them. A husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other, but the different parts of our country can not do this—they cannot but remain face to face, and intercourse either amicable or hostile must continue between them. Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends ? Can laws —can'treaties t*e more faithfully enforced between aliens than among friends? Suppose you goto war you cannot fight always, and when, after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions as to terms of intercourse are again upon you. This country with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it. \V henever they shall grow weary of the existing government, they can exer cise their constitutional right of amending it, or their revolutionary right to dismember or over throw it. 1 cannot be ignorant, of the fact that many wor thy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the National Constitution amended. While I make no recommendation of amendment I fully recognize the rightful authority of the people over the whole subject, to be exercised in either of the modes pre scribed in the instrument itself; and I should, un der existing circumstances, favor, rather than op pose, a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act upon it. I will venture to add that to me the convention mode seems preferable, i?t that it allows amend inents to originate with the people themselves, in stead ol perm ting thi-i to ; 1 ; or reject propo sitions original f.-d by others rot especially chosen for the purpose, anti win iglit net be precisely such as they would wistt t cither accept or refuse. 1 understand a proposed amendment to the ! Constitution, which amendment, however, I have • llot Beei, i has passed Congress, to the effect that i the Federal Government shall never interfere with | j the domestic institutions of the States, including that of persons held to service. To avoid tniicon struction ot what 1 have said, I depart from mv ’ purpose not to speak of particular amendments, so : tar as to say that holding such a provision to now be implied constitutional law, I have no objection to its being made express and irrevocable. The Chief Magistrate derives all his authority from the people und they have conferred none up on him to fix terms for the separation of the States. The people themselves can do this also, if they | choose, but the executive, as such, has nothing to ido with it. His duty is to administer the present 1 government as it came to his hands, and to trans mit it unimpaired by him to his successor. \\ iiy should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate Justice of the People? Is there any better or equal hope in the world? In our present differences, is either party without faith of being in the right ? If the Almighty Hitler of na tions, with His eternal truth anil justice boon your side of the north, or on yours ol the south, that I ruth and that Justice will surely prevail by the judgment ot this great tribunal—the American People. By the frame of Government under which we live, this same people have wisely given their pub lic servants but little power for mischief, aud have with equal wisdom provided for the return of that little to their own hands, at very short intervals. While the people retain their virtue and vigilance, no administration, by any extreme ol wickedness or folly, can very seriously injure the government in the short space of four year 9. My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. If there be an object to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would never take deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time, but no good object can be frustrated by it. ; Bach of you as are tow dt c-a’i-ified still have the o.d Constitution unimpaired, and on the sensitive point, the laws of tour own framing, and upon which the new administration will have no imme diate power, if it should change either. ! If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied, hold the right side in the dispute, there still is no good reason for precipitate action. Intelli gence, patriotism, Christianity and a firm reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken this favored land, are still competent to adjust, in the best way, all out present difficulties In your hands, my dissatisfied friends and coun trymen, and not in mine, i3 the mo'rneiuoiis issue of civil war. The government will not assail you —von can have no conflict without being your selves the aggressors. You have no oath regis tered in heaven to destroy the government, while 1 shall have the most solemn one “to preserve, pro tect and defend” it. lam loth tot-lose. We are not enemies hut friends. We must not be enemies. Though pas sion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic chain of memory, stretching from every battle field ai*d patriot grave, to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely it will he, by the better angels of ottr nature. MACON COMMERCE. It will be seen by the following extract front the proceedings of Congress, that our immediate and able Representative is caring well for the com mercial status of the central emporium of the South : Mr. Niscf.t, of Georgia.—l hold in my band, Mr. President, a memorial from the Chamber of Commerce of the citv of Macon, the [dace of my residence, winch I beg leave to offer to the con sideration of the Committee on Commerce. I de sire before presenting it to make a few remarks as to its object. It was known to some of you that there was held during the past year a Fair in the city of Macon, which was numerously attended.— It was the Cotton Planter’s Fair. Its object was to invite the co-operation of foreign capitalists in the business of inaugurating direct trade with the nations of Europe. It was only partially success ful, on account of some disasters against w hich the committee having the Fair in charge could not prevail. These memorialists, in endeavoring to carry out the objects of the Fair, ask that the j city ot Macon be made a port of entry and deliv ery. There are some advantages in making it such. For example—it occupies, geographically, the centre of the State of Georgia, which our sis ter States have been pleased to term “the Empire State of the South.” It is near the border ot the cotton growing region of the State. It contains a population of eight or ten thousand, amongst whom are men of enterprise and wealth, and mer chants diligent and successful in the pursuit of their vocation. In addition to this, it is connect ed with the sea-board by the great Central Rail road—it is at the bead of navigation on the <>c mulgee, and in direct communication by railroad with the north and west. There is, however, one single thought which may commend itself to the consideration of the committee on Commerce.— It is knowu to all of us that the ports on our Southern coast are subject to the scourge of yel low fever and ocher autumnal fevers and epidem ics, which have in years past affected the cities of Charleston, Savannah aud New Orleans ; and on that account, have prevented the accumulation in those ei'i< -• o importing capital to the extent we should o.: - have witnessed. From such fe vers and e; mios the city of Macon is happily exempt. For tuis reason alone ii would invite capital for .importations to a much greater extent than the other cities likely to be assailed by pes tilences. It is the opinion, Mr. President, of these memorialists that if the Congress of the Confederate States of America should establish the city of Macon a port of entry anu delivery, they would thereby greatly enhance the revenues of the Confederacy. With these remarks 1 re quest that the memorial be referred to the Com mittee on Commerce. £gY""The Tuseumbia North Alabamian, in its number of the 2dd instant, given the following spirit of dissatisfaction prevailing in that quarter with the proeee.dings of the Montgomery Southern Congress : There has been a manifest distrust or disregard of the popular sentiment by the leading politicians of Alabama, ill withholding the secession ordi nance from a vote of the people ; and the tenden cy still is, if we are not mistaken in the move ments of the political chess-board leaders, to remove still further all power from the immediate action of the people. Whaq voice had they in electing members to the Congress now- in session at Montgomery? And what voice, kind reader, do you think you will have in ratifying the Con stitution which that Congress has adopted? B? what authority have a President and Vice Presi dent been elected to the Confederate States of America ? When you elected jour members to a State Convention, did you authorize a bare major ity of that body to elect members to a Congress to form anew Government, and authorize still far ther the members of that Congress to elect a President, a Vice President, and other officials? These are questions for your serious considera tion.” The Cabinet. Elsewhere in this paper, says the Columbus En~ i/uirer , may be found the appointments of Presi dent Davis completing his Cabinet. It is objec- ■ tionable on the score of its exclusive party char- j acter. Every member of the Cabinet, we believe, was a Breckinridge Democrat and an original secessionist. The Bell and Douglas men have been entirely excluded from a share in the admin istration of the new- government. Even such men as Geo. W. Crawford of Ga., and Thos. H. Watts of Ala., who supported Bell but sustained secession as soon as it w-as made an issue, are passed by, and politicians of less ability and influence with the people selected. Presenting, as the Bell and Doug las men did, such fine material for Cabinet appoint ments, their total exclusion cannot be regarded otherwise than as proscription on account of their course previous to the secession issue. The new government, we believe, has made a great error by this exclusive promotion of a particular party —a party that was in a minority in two of the seceding States. It has, however, several very excellent and able men in its administrative de partments and we may yet hope from them a re pudiation of the partisanship that appears to have influenced their own selection. Such men are Hou. C. G. Memminger of S. C., and Hon. L. P. Walker of Ala., gentlemen who have ever exhibi ted an independence of party in emergencies re quiring devotion to their country alone. Georgia u: vRy Institute.— The following named gen tie n have been appointed by His Excellency th Governor, a Board of Inspectors for the Georgia Military Institute at Marietta un der the provisions of the act of 17th December, 18il0: Hon. David Irwin, Gen. A. J. Hatisell, Col. Witt. Phillips, Col. Wlll. S. Rockwell, Gen. G. P. Harrison, Hon. A. H. Colquitt, lion. L. VV. Crook, Col. J. M. Smytbe, Hon. Jared I. Whitaker, Maj. M. D. Huson. [.l/ itlcJi/eville Jiecortier. Wliat Major Anderson Mayw. Washington, March Ist, 1801. The War Department to-day received despatches from Major Anderson, in which he flatly contracts the absurd report started by a Charleston paper, to the effect that be was ill. He declares that he never was in better health and professes to be ready for any emergency that may arise. Speak ing of the battery on the sandhills of Cumming’s Point, he says that the work is still rapidly pro. grossing, but that when the occasion requires it, he can, in a very few minutes, with his heavy guns, Sweep away the bomb-proof battery on the Point. They say they have adopted whisky a9 their National Confederated Drink in the Southern Republic. —JVaskviUe I‘atriot. On the contrary, they have admitted everything but whisky, which we import largely from Tennes see, duty free. We congratulate the Patriot on the prospect of cheap whisky at home, in conse quence of a tax of 33 per cent, imposed on it here. Some of our more impatient secessionists are in sisting that the people of Tennessee have nospirit, but we think that hereafter they will have plenty. —Colmnhtis Enquirer. Carter9ville Express cornea to ua much enlarged and improved. MACON, GEORGIA: Wednesday, March 6, 1861. cOX t O V MARKET. The market remains about the same as last wee! There is a ready sale for all fair qualities offered at lo to 10* cents. Other grades, according to quality. MR LINCOLN'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS To the exclusion of other matter we hasten lay this document before our readers. We have neither lime, space or inclination to criticise it _ It will be .een that he assumes clearlv anld;.. tinctiv the position of the late administration, and reiterates the doct.-ines enunciated in Mr. anan'.s Message upon Federal Relations. Unless an extra session of Congress is promptly conven ed, and relieves, by immediate legislation the President irom what he deems a solemn duty the enforcement of the laws—we see not how w,t can lie prevented, (he extent and duration of which no one can predict. Indeed, we much fear that a collision will take place before Congress could assemble. THE SUPERIOR COURT, Os Monroe county, which was opened on Mon day of last week, we understand, has been adjourn ed to the first Monday in June, in consequence of the indisposition of4ude Floyd, and other prov idenlial causes. The Superior Court in Crawford county, which should have been held this week, has also been adjourned by Judge Lamar, to the second Monday in May, in consequence of the illness of a lead ing member of the bar of that county. ELECTIONS. It is supposed that North Carolina has gone against holding a State Convention, by a small majority. Arkansas will hold one, it is thought, with a majority of its delegates against uncondi tional secession. A large majority of the Missouri Convention is against secession. The Peace Conference at Washington terminated its labors on Wednesday last. It adopted a series of proposed amendments to the Constitution ; the one upon slavery being substantially the old Mis souri Compromise. Even this was rejected by Congress, and Mr. Cor win’s proposition, guaran teeing merely the protection of slavery in the States was adopted on Saturday last. . ESF” The able aud dignified speech of Senator Davis on retiring from the L T . S. Senate, will be ; found on the first page of our paper to day. CRIMINATIONS. We regret exceedingly to observe that certain editors and their correspondents are incessantly • ngaged in stirring up bad feeling between the citizens of the old and new Confederacy. Espe ; daily is the spirit of crimination and re-crimination indulged in between the seceded and border slave | States which still remain in the old Union, much to jj be deplored. Unless this feeling is checked, it j) will lead to the most unhappy consequences.— Every consideration should cause us to cultivate friendly relations with our immediate neighbors. HOME ENTERPRISE- Now is the time to excite aud encourage all kinds of home industry aud enterprise. Last week i we happened to step into the establishment ot Messrs. Schofield A Bro., and found them indus triously engaged in manufacturing Steam Engines of small size for ginning cotton, sawing lud her, grinding, &e., as well as many other articles. An engine just completed for South-western Georgia, struck us, being a beautiful specimen of workman > ship, with very appropriate devices. These gentlemen, have, l>v their own unaided : exertions, built up a very flourishing business, which we hope to see very considerably increased, i See their advertisement. RECONSTRUCTION- We appreciate the feelings of those who fondly cling to the hope, however vain, that the dissev ered Union may again be restored. We entertain no such hope. “ Broken is the goblet, wasted the wine.” For some wise, perhaps beuelieeut pur pose, God has suffered us to be broken iu pieces like a potter's vessel— the end thereof no man knoweth. We evidently should not waste our breath and strength in unavailing regrets, but rouse ourselrps to grapple with the new duties and responsibilities that are upon us. A herculean task is before us, let us meet it like men. If in the hidden and uncertain future the good Provi dence of God should remove the scales from the i eyes of our quondam brethren, so that they shall j not look upon us all as deluded sinners, unworthy ; of religious and political fellowship as equals, wc ! may again be united under a common flag, and 1 work out a common destiny. We confess, how | ever, that the utmost we now hope for, is to be ■ permitted to depart in peace and live undisturbed in the enjoyment of such blessings, or the endure nient of such chastisements as Heaven may lay upon us. THU CAPITOL. The Montgomery correspondent of the Colum bus Times , says : •• It is not probable that Montgomery will be se lected as the permanent Capitol. The high board and rather poor fair have turned the scale against her. Atlanta, Macon, Columbus, or some other central spot will be looked to. The poor fair would certainly be an objectiona ble feature in the eyes of some persons ; but high rent would doubtless be more so by those who have to foot the bills. Speaking of the President’s house, the same writer says : A house has been rented for him for the period of one year at the sum of $5,000, in a convcuient part of the city. The Vice President, Mr. Steph ens, and the Secretary of State, Mr. Toombs, have rooms together iu a small, pretty home, a few blocks from the Exchange. They are the great men, to whose advice and council, much weight is attached in the present crisis. DEATH’S DOINGS.’ One of the oldest and most respectable citizens of Thomas County, Thomas G. Mitchell, says the Enterprise , died on the 22d inst., at the age of sixty-seven years. Ife had been an invalid for several years, and only recently returned front Tennessee, where he had been in hope of improv ing his health. Mr. Mitchell lived a Unlversalist to within a few days of his death when he was converted to the orthodox faith, and to the great joy of his family renounced Universalism and em braced true Christianity. A few hours after his death he was followed to eternity ami the grave by an elder sister, Mrs. Ann Blaek.shear, a lady like himself, lamented for those sterling virtues that never fail to give their possessor a home in onr affections. We learn, also, that Col. William 11. Reynolds, another of our most valuable citizens, died ou Monday morning the 26th inst., at his residence near Duncanville. Col. Reynolds was a gentle man of regular habits, rigid consistency and high accomplishments. His death is a serious loss to the county, and will be lamented by hundreds who knew him in life. Many persons in this vicinity will mingle their regrets with those of our Thomasville friends, at the death of the above named persons, and par ticularly Mr. Keyuolds, who formerly resided in this city. Reward of Merit.—Hon. C. G. Memminger, ot South Carolina, lately appointed Secretary of the Treasury, of the new Republic, is a native of Switz erland. He started in the world an orphan boy educated in the Orphan School in Charleston without friends or the paraphernalia of wealth, but by dint of his own energy and great talent he h*a inscribed his name high on the tablet of fatoe*