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priutod. Mu. .-
fulled to comply with the contract, alleging i
that ho could not get leather to make the
binding. To relieve him of lhi« difficulty,
at your eessiou iu November aud December
last, you authorized tbo Governor to rcocive
tuo book.■> bouud in an inferior style. Siuce
this action on your part, he has not deliver- 1
©d a single copy, and no assurance is given
when the books will be delivered. I have
reason to believe flat Mr. Seals has
Bold a considerable number of copies to in
dividuals or to the trade. I call your at
tention to this subject, and recommend such
action on your part as may be necessary to
compel performance on his part, or to taae
tin printed sheets out of his hands, and
have them bound by others at his expense.
SMALL POX.
The physicians' bills scut to this Depart
ment by the interior Courts ot mauy of tbo
counties, for attention to persons afflicted
v/iiL email pox, have, in my opinion, been
so exorbitant that 1 have refused to pay
them. There are several instances of physi
cians who have made out bills against the
Ftate for one or two months’ attention to
small pox eases, amounting to larger sums
than they would, 1 suppose, be able to make
by one or two years’ practice. I respectful
ly ask that the i&w be so amended as to es
fablish sane just rule by which lamto be
governed in the payment by these claim*.—
The act only makes provision lor the pay
ment by the State of the expenses incurred
at hospitals established by the Inferior
Courts of the different counties*. Many of
the Courts have established no hospitals
and have had the eases treated at the houses
ot the afflicted, in different parrs of the
c untv. It is desirable that tho will of the
L g. ’afare be more clearly expressed in
reference to e*<,;es of this character. While
Ido think thu-f stronger reasons exist why
the State should pay the physician*’ bills
aud other expenses incurred by attention to
prisons who have small pox, and are treated
at home, whew they are themselves able to
pay. than iu eases of other contagious dis
eases of a malignant character, it may be
proper that nth payments be made by the
Suite, when the persons afflicted are unable
to pay, aud might otheiwi.se be neglected
on aveouut of their poverty.
IMFKEBSMKNT Ok' NEGROES.
It will be remembered that Brigadier* len*
oral Mercer ruado arequistion upon the State
while you were last in session, for twenty
live hundred negroes, for sixty days, to work
on the fortifications around Savannah, and
that the Govenor was authorized, by the
action of the General Assembly, to till the
requisition. A call was afterwards made
Dy authority of Gen. Beauregard, for three
hundred negroes to work on the obstructions
of the Altamaha River, which requisition
was also tilled.
Many of t.he negroes sent to Savauuah
h -vc not yet been discharged, because, in
< j uof the military authorities there, the
n ency was such as to make it a military
i ccasity to retain them. New and addi
n aui fortifications have been projected, aud
i, > one seems to know wheu they will be
c jmpleted. It is now' required that the uc
r .och remaiu niuety (lays longer ; or if they
a o discharged, that their places he supplied
i.nmediately by a levy.
jhu uppor >m*- woßicrn perilous ot the
State have not yet furnished their quota. —
ii anew impressment is made, as the law
now stands. It must be lrom these sections.
The warm season is commencing, and the
negroes from these parts of the State are
not accustomed to tho climate of Savannah.
Much sickness and many deaths must there
fore be expected among them. Again, the
crop is now being planted, aud it is a matter of
great importance that as little labor as pos
sible be taken from the agricultural pur
suits of the State.
In this state of the case, I respectfully
ask that the General Assembly, by joint
resolution or otherwise, give directions, at
as early a day as possible, ns to the best
mode of furnishing the labor to complete
the fortifications. It will also be proper that
lome just mod eof assertaining the value, and
compensating the owners for the negroes
who iittve died in the service, and the still
larger number who may die during the sum
mer reason, be prescribed by law.
MILITARY LAW.
Section 1040 of the Code provides that
all elections for military officers, of and above
the rank of Captain, shall be ordered by the
Commander-in Chief.
This will cause a great accumulation of
labor iu the Executive Department, with
much unnecessary delay and expense. 1
therefore reeoruoiid that the old rule be re
established, and all vacancies below the grade
of General, be tilled by election ordered by
the officer next highest iu command, except
in case oflieutenants, whose elections should
bu ordered by the Captain, as precribed by
Act of 11th February, 1800.
I also recomend the repeal of sections 980,
987, 988, 989, 990, 992, aud 99b, of the
Code, which provides for the payment of a
commutation tax iu lieu of miltary service,
as wholly inapplicable to the present con
dition of the country. Tho Comptroller
General, by my direction, has left the col
umns relating to this commutation tax,
out of the Receivers’ Digest, till you shall
Lave conoiderod the question.
RIGHTS OF THE CHURCHES.
1 recomend the repeal of section 1876 of
the Code, which prohibits ‘‘any church, so
ciety, or other body, or any persons to grant
license, or other authority, to any slave or
fret person of color, to preach or exhort, or
oih* i wise officiate in church matters.” I
entertain no doubt, that negroes are sonte
i v 3 very useful among their owners people
-: preachers or exfforters. This is a ques
. \ ‘ which the chuich of the living God
. . r the legislature of a State is the pro
r ’judge. The loyal support which the
nehes of all religious denominations have
«. -<th the Confederate and State Govern
la ms aud the aid which they have afforded
t. government, in the muiutenauce of our
.<• v«iy institutions, huvo demonstrated that
f: y understand this question, aud may
**i i) he trusted. The legislature under pre
t*. oe wf police regulation, or otherwise, there
to 4 has ho right to infringe upon religious
ilbuttj or tkv pawar which Wongs U
tuat aie v...
arc (roll's is an injunction which the Stale j
ha? no right to disregard.
oTATL LNDOUiEMLJSTOI CONFEDERATE PtlllT. I
J transmit here with copies of resolutions,,
passed by the legislature of the States ot
Alabama, South Carolina, Miasbaippi aud
Florida, proposing, upou different pluua, the
indorsement of the debt of the Confederacy
by the States. No ouo cun doubt the patri•
| otic motive! which have prompted thr» ac
tion ot our sister States. But- as this is a
question of great magnitude, involving im
portant principles and as our action in the
premises must he followed by consc-queuces
seriously affecting the credit of the State,
I present aud prospective, it is our duty to
| examine it for ourselves, and not to be con
trolled by the decision and action ol others.
If the proposed endorsement will have
effect of arraying the capital of* the country
against the Confederacy, and in favor of a
reconstruction of the old I uion, however
laudable and motive, the act would be most
unfortunate.
Again, ii* the effect will be to level the
credit of all the States to an equallity, with
out regard to the manner in which they have
managed their financial affairs, or the
amount of debt now owned by each, it would
be gross injustice to the States which have
conducted their affairs so well as to incur
but little debt, and have maintained their
credit at the highest point.
Furthermore, if the endorsement of the
i Confederate debt, by the States, can only
be productive of the temporary appreciation
of Confederate credit, without permanent
benefit, and must be followed by serious in
jury to the credit of the States, ibe policy
is unwise, and should not be adopted,
i Let us consider whether these would not
be the legitimate effects of the proposed en
dorsement.
At present, almost every capitalist iu the
country is the creditor or the Confederate
Government, and is directly interested in
maintaining it l - existence, and sustaining its
credit. 1 speak not of individuals, butcapi
tal is geueraliy selfish, and controlled more
by intercut than patriotism. Wheu we have
ascertained what w ill bo the interest of capi
talists we may gtucially have hut little
difficulty iu determining what will bo their
actiuu.
Suppose the whole debt of the Confedera
cy to have reached one biiiiou of dollars as
it probably will have done by the thru the
« States have act» and upon this proposition. It
is not probable that capitalists, as a matter
of choice, would prefer to crediGoui govern
ment with a larger debt than this haugiug
over it. But having already invested this
i out-rmou cutu, if they teed that their only
- hope ol payment rests upou the success, and
jKirmaneut establishment of the Confederacy
and it bccomee ueceswafy to luvest another
biiiiou to establish tho Government and
avoid tho loss ot the sum already invested,
interest will prompt them to atand by tho
government, sustain its credit, and making
lurther advance if they have tho means
But suppose at this period, all tho States
its proportion of it, what effect will
ttiio have upon the miud of the capitalist '?
If prior to the act, he looked only to the
Confederacy tor payment, and havmtr now
~L:uau 1 ilitv lu,r»i,P it s v» uLI ir*. 04 .rul ohlisil
tion of the individual States to pay, he is
satisfied that this secures the debt, his inter
est in the permanent success of the Confed
eracy ceases, and ho looks in future to tho
States for payment. If after this, the old
Luiuu could he reconstructed, and the
States of our Confederacy should return and
become members of it, the capitalists is not
: left to look to a Couledoracy no longer in
I existence, for payment* nor to rely on the
moral obligation of the States to assume and
pay the debt, but he rests upon the solemn
legal indorsement of the individual States,
which would be as binding upon theih, in
one Confederacy as in another.. The capi
talists. having thus obtained the solemn in
dorsement ot the States for a sum as large
as they could reasonably be expected in pay,
would uaturally desire to prevent au inereas-
I ed liability, on the part of their debtors, the
| States, which would weaken tbeir ability to
i pay, and might in future, cause the ppnple
to throw off the whole burned, on account
of its accumulated weight. Knowing, in
other words, that it is possible to increase
debt on an amount so enormous as to drive
: a people to repudiation, they might prefer
j to take their chances of payment of one bil
; lion of dollars of State debt, in the old Con
-1 federacy, rather thau of two billions in the
new. lienee it would be their interest to
oppose the appropriation of the second bil
lion of dollars to prosecute the war for the
establishment ol the Confederacy, and to
advocate a reconstruction for the purpose of
securing an early peace, and of -topping fur
ther expenditure, that they may save what
is already owing to than.
The livers of blood which have been
drawn from the veins of our fathers, broth
ers, husbands, sons and other relatives, by
the bands cf our cruel enemies, from an im
passible guilt between us aud our wicked in
vaders. I Jew can wo* again shake hands
j with them over the slain bodies of our loved
! ones, and again embrace them in fraternal
elections? Were Georgians to do this, the
j blood of our brethren who Lave fallen mar
tyrs to our glorious cause would cry to them
from the ground, and rebuke Abe dastardly
deed. Sooner than reunite with those now
seeking to enslave vs, and under the name
of union with them, become with our pos
terity, hewers of wood and drawers of water
for them, let ns submit, with more than R>
man finnuesc, to the devastation of cur fields,
and, ii need bo, the extermination cf our
. race. But let us do not- hastily, whuff, how- ,
I ever patriotic the mutate, may tend to af- j
I ray a powerlul class iu our midst against
i the Confederate Government. While Geer- i
| gia.'with the dignity of a great State, should 1
firmly maintain her reserved rights, aud, if
| need bo, restrain the Confederate Govern
: incut withiu the limits it bv the
: constitutional compact to which she is a
party, bhe should stand by.it, confined with
in its constitutional limits, with an unyield
ing determination to sustain it at every haz
ard, aa well agaiust injuries inflicted by the
injudicious action of imprudent friends as
against tho thrusts of domestic enemies, wr i
cd with me xtiucy. j U'w H.U.
her eons have uobly immulau-d their live* \
upou its altars, aud the tens of thousands
who survive should sec to it that no rude
hands is uplifted again- 1 if, that no false
policy undermines iu foundations, and that
bo usurpers destroy the beautiful symmetry
of its maguificent structure.
We should not only sustain tho (Mutede
racy at all hazards, but wo should Gso sus
tain the administration. We may differ
from it on constitutional questions, or o 4
ti:ns of policy. Such is the nature of the
human mind, and such the variety of hu
man intellect, that no two honest men'were
ever fully agreed in every sentitneut Jk*
long as freedom of tbaught and freedom of
speech exist, we should have the indepen
dence tu express our dis?en‘ from what we
coosider the hirers of our rulers, and they
should have the magnanimity to tolerate
the difference. But while we contend our
selves what we consider sound principles,
I we should do do act which can seriously em
1 barrass the admistiation in the prosecution
of the war. In my judgment, the proposed
endorsement would, in the end, array a class
of capitalists against the government, which
would amount to serious embarrassment.
Again it cannot be denied that soma of
the States have managed financial affairs
better than others’ Some have submitted
to the necessary burdens of taxation, and
met their liabilities as they were incurred,
while other? have added much to their debts.
Hence the debts of some are muoh larger in
prop* rtion te* their resources, than the debts
of others. The cou--equeuees is, that the
credit of she State tb»r. has the greatest
resources and the least debt is worth most
in the market. But, suppose ail the State*
endorse the immense of the Confeder
acy, what is the result!’ As eaoh State has
its own individual indebtnesa, and would
then have assumed a Kgal liability for the
debt of the Confederacy, the credit of each
State ii* at once placed below the credit of
the Confederacy; and as each would then be
liable lor as much as it could reasonably be
expected ever to pay, the credit of the re
spective States would be placed not only at
a low point, but very nearly upou a level
with each other. This would be injustice to
(bo*e States which have maintained their
credit ut the highest point. Take for instance
our own State. It may be truly remarked,
without disparagement to other Slates, that
the debt of Georgia is less, in proportion to
her resource*, than that of any othor State
in the Confederacy, or indeed, any other up
ou the continent. The consequence i§, that
bw credit is worth a higher premium in the
market thau the credit of any other State
in the Confederacy. Her people are, there
fore, entitled to the benefits of her eoouetny,
ha iviio management, and far seeing st»tc
mansbip- If she an J the other States now
endoire the Confederate debt, her cr*e«iit is
at ouco placed upon a level with Confederate
credit, if not below it, and very nearly or
quite upou n level with that of all the other
States The result is that the people of tho
other States reap the benefits of her better
credit, to whic h the people of Georgia arc
alone entitled. This would be injustice to
the people of Georgia, and to her creditors
«■!*-.• * **c iuv--M.ta in h*ur sccfifirltiefi und are
eutitlo so the benefits offcer superior credit
in the market. If it is *aid, her people
should make sacrifices for tho common cause,
1 reply, that no Btate has responded more
promptly to every call wade by Confederate
authority for men, money, or other assistance,
aud that she is ever ready to comply with
every constitutional obligation.
Having shown I trust, to your satiefaotion,
that the proposed endorsement would place
the interest of the capitalists of the country,
iu the scale, against hazarding further ap
propriations for the establishment of the
Confederacy ; that it would be productive of
injury to the credit of the individual States,
and of injustice as between the States them
selves; I now proceed to inquire whether, if
we waive these objections, it could be pro
ductive of the permanent benefits to Confed
erate credit claimed by its advocate.
Before proceeding however, it ia proper
that I remark, that the advocates of indorse
ment are not agreed arnoDg themselves, and
that two plants are proposed. One propor
tion contemplates a general indorsement of
the whole debt of the- Confederacy, by the
several States; each to he liable iu propor
tion to its representative weight in Congress.
The other which may, I believe, properlv
designated the South Carolina proposition,
propose the indorsement of $5000,000,000
of the bonds hereafter to be issued by the
Confederacy; each state indorseing its propur
tion of the bonds, on basi* of its relative
representative weight iu Congress. The lat
ter proposition is, to my mind the less ob
jectionable of the two ; as it does not hold
out the temptation above mentioned to capi
talists, to whom the present debt is owing,
to favor these reconstructions of the old
! Lniou, to prevent an increase of debt to
maintiau the further existence of the Confed
eracy.
iho advantages claimed tor both proposi
tions arc. I believe, substantially the same.
The chief of which is, that the proposed in
dorsement would reassure the confidence of
capital in Confederate credit, and cause its
investment in the bemds of the Confederacy,
in amounts sufficient to fund all Treasury
' notes issued iu redundant y of healthy cir
culation, aß<i thus reduce the circulation to
! amount only necessary to meet the legiti
• mate commercial demand for currency.
This looks well on paper, and might work
well in the practice, if there were enough
; surplus capital in the Confederacy to con
yen hundred dollar bills into interest bear
; ing bonds, and lay them away on iDvest-
I mettj as fast as all the paper mills iu the
country can make the paper , and all the en
gravers can print upon it in the likeness of
circulating medium, an urmy or government
clerks can sign these promises to pay. But
here lies the difficulty: "Whatever may be
the confidence of capitalists in these securi
ties, the couutry, devastated as it is by a
destructive war, cannot >ield surplus capital
for permanent investment, as fast as hun
dreds dollar bills, or thousand dollar bonds,
can be mtnufuctiired.
Prior to the commencement of the war,
ths ruipUs capital ts Um b'owifc was invest’
iu Confederate boud.sj and our people Pave
not now probably tba half ot five hundred
million* of dollars that they can spare, to
invest iu aoy securities, however dei*irable.
This measure might afford partial and tern*
por&ry relief, by inducing some capital now
employed to seek investment in these bonds.
But if the war goes ou und the Government
is under the necessity ol issuing two or three
millions of dollars a day, of its notes, lor
the uext one, two or three years, it must be
admitted, that we have not the capital to
absorb them as fast as issued j and the in*
dprsement temporary sus
pension of the depreciation which must fol
low our over issues j for the ultimate pay
ment of which no adequate provision is be
ing made.
The advocates of this plan also contend, that
the Government could fund the debt at home, at a
heavy premium, in its favor, after the indorsement,
baseing the calculation upon the fact, that State
credit is qow worth a large premium, when com
i pared with Confederate.
To show ibe fallacy of this conclusion, it is only
necessary to inquire why the bonds of the individ
ual States command this pruraium 'L The debts
of most of the States are small, compared with
their resources and ability to pay ; and capitalists
naturally conclude, that iu case of failure of the
Confederacy, or ultimate repudiation by It, the
i States would jjay their individual,indebtedness,
resting upon bbth iegal and moral obligation, in
preference to their indirect Indebtedness resting
upon moral obligation with no further legal obli
i gatioo than that their people submit to such taxa
! non as may be imposed by Congress to rai*«* the
! money to pay the debt. Georgia’s seven per cent.
! bonds is said to be worth 40 per cent, premium,
'iu currency, in the market. Why ? Because her
j resources are great and her debt small. Increase
| her indebtedness to one hundred millions, and her
! bonds will cease to command a premium. If vre
■ adopt either of the proposed plans, her debt may
: soon exceed ihi~ 3um. When the States have
| committed themselves to the policy, and have in*
j dorsed the present Confederate debt, or have in
! dorsed $500,00u,000, they must extend their in
i dorsement* as future exigencies may in the opinion
I of the Government requite, until they have iudora-
I ed all future issues to be made by the Government.
The advocates of the plan will have much stronger
reasons lor claiming the extension, when the
; State* are once committed to the policy, than they
uow have lor claiming the first indorsement. It
i is like a whirlpool from which, when the States
have once plated themselves within its power,
: there is uo teturu. When the amount indorsed
become*, as it »oou must, an enormous sum, the
i effect of the indorsement will be to biing down
, State credit erer; below Confederate credit,and not
i to bring up Confederate eredit to the present level
: of Stale credit.
j It is again said, that the proposed Statu indorse*
: incut would enable the government to negotiate
j Its bonds abroad, at a premium, and that there is
: a sufficiency of foreign capital to. absorb ail our
| iasues. The sufficiency of capital in that cast is
admitted; but the inquiry is, would the indorse*
meet induce its investment in tbeee bonds, at a
premium, or at par, or even near to par ?
We ara eugaged in a gigantic war. Our ports
j are b’oekaded. The great poweis of Europe re*
! floee even to recognise us as a government. Our
| expenditures are enormous, which cause onr debt
• to accumulate rapidly, and w« are uow collecting
I taxes sufficient to pay interest; much less to create
j a sinking fund for tho ultimate extinguishment of
1 the principal. Iu this state of things, foreign capa
• talista refuse to invest in Confederate securities,
: and the credit of the individual States is far below
| par in foreign markets. How then is it to be
; reasonably expected, that the indorsement of the
; Confederate bonds by the States, will give them a
| value in foreign markets, which is attached to
; neither the credit of the Confederacy, nor of the
individual States ? While the war and the block
i ***-\ •**•*- “ n d *b’b* -vr rtf rut) tg^nbrnlr ‘o taxation
safficient to retire a reasonable proportion ol our
, paper issues, it is vain to expect, that we cun fund
j the debt abroad, withowt the most ruinous saeri
| hoe, no matter how oltea the paper is indorsed by
j the partioa now morally bouud for its payment.
But it may be said, if the State* are now moral
ly bound for the payment of the debt, and their
people are legally bound to submit to the ueoessa
ry tax for that purpose, when imposed by the
Confederate government, why not indorse the
bonds, aDd let the States take upon themselves
the direct legal obligation to pay. To my mind
there are very obvious reasons why it should not
be done.
While the constitutional obligation rest* upon
the people of the States, to submit to the taxation
imposed by Congress, to pay the debts of the
Confederacy, the Constitution imposes upon Con*
grew, which is the power that creates the liability,
the sole responsibility of devising the means, and
assessing the taxes, necessary to discharge the
obligation. This is as it should be. The power
in the government that creates the debt should
have resting upon it the sole responsibility of pro
viding the means for its payment, and of imposing
• the tales tor that purpose which may be necessa
i ry. The people tfyen know how to hold their
j agent* to a proper accountability.
Suppose, however, the States indorse the aeht,
end pledge their individual faith as States for its
payment at maturity ; and Congress, afraid of if*
popularity, does not wish to take the responsibility
to aasess the tax to meet it. What follows? The
States to maintain their individual credit must
themselves a*fc3a, and collect the lax, and make
the payment. Congressmen could in this way
avoid an unpleasant responsibility, and retain their
places with leas difficulty, would, alter having
contracted the debt, when pay day came, turn
I over the responsibility to the Legislature* of the
! states. Tnua we should have one government to
spend the mopey, and another chargeable with
the responsibility of raising it. Cong, ess would
then occupy very much the position of the rich
man’* prodigal son at a college, who, having no
responsibility about footing the bill at the end of
the year, feel* very little concern about the size
to which it accumulate*.
Again, sad experience has shown us that the
tendency of our government is to consolidation,
and that the central government ta ever ready to
usurp as much undelegated power as the States!
| consent to lose. As the central government
‘ g’ow* stronger, the Sutesgiow weaker, and their
. ju*t i iguie at e unregarded. Nov, I can imagine
| no one act of the Bute*, that will tend so much
j t 0 strengthen ibe central government, at the ex-
I f elite, to UiOin, of the los# of their just powers, as
; tlie adoption of the policy now proposed, which
; blude them individually to provide for the pay
i meut of ad the debts which Congress niav choose
to contract, but may not be willing to impose the
taxes to pay. The eoaeuramation'of the po}icy ie
the i oojplete consolidation of the government
| unUuji the States the mere burdea bearers of the
, central superior.
j I may be met here with the remark often made,
j Hut i; j* no time now to defend the rights of the
State-, or to maintain principles. State Eights
and Constitutional principles are the same in times
of war as in tunes of peace; und should be main
tameu at a:; limes and under all circumstances.
I ow«r once usurped, with acquiescence, is never
teiaxed but at toe point of the bayonet; and we
i slioula c <>t forget that rights surrendered in war
are never regained in peace. We should there*
tore do no act tending to destroy the States iu oue
grand consolidation, and lay the foundation of a
central despotism.
Having given some of the reasons which satisfy
my mind, that the hopes entertained by the advo
eatee cl State indorsement, that the adoption of
then poncy would retire the excess of ihe eurren
cy, and reduce it to a healthy condition, are en*
tirely delusive, I may be asked if there is no rem
edy :or the evil. My opinion i«, that ao long as
the war is carried on in its present magnitude, re
quiring the amount ot daily expenditure uow made,
and the demand for all the accessaries of life ex-
Megtf tb« Supply *• i.t ouw dea*. there Is ao coat*
Dut-u', kua vi.c Ultimate p»jru«viJi> c. .
induce the investment of surplus capital of tue
people of other Governments, us well as our own,
:q Confederate bonds. Tba; remedy is taxation
bv Congress, sufficient to pay the interest on the
whole debt, in gold, or its equivalent, and to cre
ate an annual linking fund, sufficient to extinguish
the debt within some reasonable time. Convince
capitalists every where that this is the settled policy
it the government, and that our people are ready
to submit to it, and make all the sacrifices ueces
sary to carry it out, and the Confederate securities
wiii be sought after in the market, and most ol our
excess of circulation tuuded, witnouf the question
Oeing once atked, whether State indorsetaeut.-> hare
btteu written upon the hoc.is. . •
place of the indorsement of toe bonds of the
Conrederacy by the State*, I therefor* recommcLd
as our response to be made to the propositions of
our sister States, and as the Georgia policy in
which their co-operation is respectfully asked, the
passage of ft joint resolution by the Geoernl As
sembiy, urging the Congress of the Confederate
States, in view of the full magnitude of the crisis
to come up with nerve and bimuess to the dis
charge of it* duty, by the assessment of a tax
adequate to the purposes above mentioned, and
pledging the people of Georgia to a prompt and
cheerful payment of their proportion ot if. If thia
be done I have no misgivings about the result.
The good common prautical sense of the people,
which la seldom properly appreciated by politi
cians, has already grasped the question. The peo
ple understand if. Every practical business man
knows that paper promise?, with paper indorse
ments, can never sustain our eredit a« long as «.e
appropriate and draw hundreds of millions of dol
lars annually from the treasury, and return nothing
to it. No matter bow many expedients wc may
try, we shall be driven back to the same point.
Government has but one way of raising money to
reduce its Indebtedness and that is by taxation,
director indirect. And as our ports are blockaded
ao that we canuot raise money by indirect taxation
upon imports, we have no alternative left but di
rect taxation, As long as we attempt to conduct
this war, and maintain our armies upon paper pro
mises alone, we must expect to endure all the evil*
ol depreciated credit, inhaled currency and high
prices.
European Governments are already convinced
by the gallant deeds ot out armies, that we can
never be conquered as long as we can keep *ud
maintain those armies; but they verv well under
stand that the financial question underlies and i>
the foundation upon which the whole struoture is
built. Thus far our policy has l>een such as to
afford them but tittle evidence that this is with ns
a sure foundation. Whenever we have convinced
them that we are prepared to make the sacrifices
necessary to establish a safe and permanent finan
cial system, we may expect both recognition and
credit. Till we have done this we cannot reason
ably expect either.
Again, we lose almost nothing by submitting to
the taxation necessaiy to pay the interest and
create a sinking land upoa the gold basis. When
ever this become* the settled poliey ol’ the Gov
ernment the depreciation is very nearly stopped,
and the currency left in out hands is worth nearly
or quite as much as all we had was worth before
we paid the tax. To illustrate: The mechanic ha*
oue hundred dollars of Confederate Treasury note*.
He wishes to purchase a good cow and ealfand he
find* it will take the whole sum to pay for them.
The cun cocy is still depreciating and at the end
of the next ihrec months it may take oue hundred
and twenty-five dollar* to make the purchase. At
this point suppose the Government assesses a tax
ot five per cent, to establish the paliev above in
dicated and he is required to pay five dollars of |
bia hundred to the Collector. The effect of this
is to absorb that much of the •ver-issue and to
give confidence in the ultimate redemption of the
whole. I bi* will at once stop the decline in the
value ot the notes, and may cause them to appre
ciate. The conscqueuee will bo that he can pro
bably purchase the same property with the ninety
five dollars which reuaiu In his hands after the
payment of the tax. Iu a word, by paying back
part of the redundant currency in the Treasury, !
we *top tii * of ive value and leave the
balance in circulation, worth a« much in the pur
chase of properly as the whole was worth befoie
the tax was paid. But suppose the tux to be bur
densome and to absorb a large proporti on of our
surplus income. Is this a ri-ason why it should
not be collected? We must submit to burdens
and make b*avy sacrifices to sustaiu the Govern
ment, maintain our credit and support our armies;
or all we possess must go down together in a crash
and involve us and all our posterity iu oue com
mon ruin.
Before closing my remarks upon this subject, I
beg leave to express my firm conviction, that the
policy advocated by some of assuming the Cosfe
derate tax, when assessed, and adding it to the
debt of the State, Instead of collecting it, has al
ready been carried as far as wise statesmanship or
the exigencies of the times will permit. It is sim
ply shifting the burden from one shoulder to the
Other. Or, in other words, Uis an attempt, In an
other form to conduct the war upon paper, with
out its costing us anything, We have no right to
turn over ail the burdens of the present genera
tion to posterity. This would be as eoatrary to
justice and sound principles as It would be f„r
Congress to contract the debt and turn over to
fkc governments the responsibility of pro
viding the means for its payment.
The policy I*9 exceedingly unwise in this also,
that it causes the Ptate to borrow the present cur
rency at par, to be paid back years hence with
interest, in gold. What prudent man would do
this in the management of his own affairs? Sup
pose one planter owes another ten thousand dol
lars, would ho sell property cow at the prices in
currency and pay the debt' or would he hold on
to his property, and pay the interest upon the debt
till the war is over, and the price of everything is
again estimated upon the gold basis, acd thpn sell
five times as much property to pay the same debt'?
If he adopted the latter alternative, we would say
he needed a guardian. If we agree that this poli
cy would be unwise in individuals, we must, not j
iorget that the Htate is but an association of indl- f
viduahs. When upon a question of this character, \
we have ascertained what would be the interest of
a prudent individual, or a small number of indivi
duals, we have only to enlarge the circle, and we
have the interest of the State. This is a rule by
which 1 have been guided in the management of
the finances of the State, and I believe it to be
the only true and successful one.
Our people can now pay live millions of dollars
in the present currency easier than they can pay
on* million in gold, in what are usually called hard
times, when property is low and money scarce.
It may be said, why not keep our property and
leave this matter to posterity ‘i Who are to be
posterity? Our children. For whom are we la
boring? Our children. If, then, our property is
expected to descend to our children, whv accumu
late a debt to bang over it and descend with it
by borrowing money at the rate of twenty cents
tor a dollar, to be paid back by them out of our
property in gold, dollar for dollar, with interest.
I trust this policy will tiud very few advocates.
It is infinitely better ior ue to submit to all the
taxation, and make all the sacrifices necessary to
maintain our Government and sustain our credit,
than to permit the enemy to overturn our Govern
ment, plunder our home?, our wives and our
daughters, confiscate our property, and enslave
ourselves and our posterity. We cannot avoid the
oue alternative or the other. Humbly imploring
a contination of Divine favor, let us resolve to
stand in our allotted places, make all the sacrifices
necessary, aud place our entire trust in the God of
Israel, who is “a very present help in trouble”
and all will yet be well.
JOSEPH E. BROWN.
Latest prom Duck River.—The Rbhmond Die
patch has this important intelligence, that “Our
boysup at ‘the front’ have been encamped so long
on Duck river that they can’t ‘ mark time’ withouf
waddling.
Extravagant Pompey,
does you know whar de Planters’ Hotel is f 7
rndvW-T Kn ?* de Planters’ Hotel is?-
i, u. much aon%l “ 1 kß,w
the E'iio.v mg acvcuu.
uond Examiner:
The long silence at Erode rick ab ar* w
bean broken by the clash of arms e; bv.
has begun his “advance movecne o{ ” S .Y C
firat step by attempting to cross rher’t - rtiar: ’’ k!j
Ford, above Fredericksburg. Or. V J ■ ;’r
morning, about 9 o’clock, th* adv» ’ t s A ***--;
my, some 2,000 strong, ai estimated j n Y ;
dispatch to General Lee, and « rppcc H t - 4
rib’s division appeared on the north t,°
Rappahannock, and succeeded L eTe * C '
sing. Acc-oudis bronght «lowu b?} *,,,!!*
the enemy’s forces little higher r
or five thou.s<tnd. Thev wnri* here Pi.*t ►
rion of Gen. Fuzhugh Lee’s coir man and. e c'
strong, according to the repots »-« J*Y * •
engagement ensued. Trie fighting ;* Sn '; er «
been terrific, and ihe enerc* are repjr.,- [ t ' c
fought with great «tubborues>i. Tt)« * Te
ed a long time, and the great braver vc; .7**’
alone won the victory. Our ir.cn da*, 1 :-j L. * L
enemy with all tba force of an avnlau ‘
a long rime the fight raged hand to har'd
Yankees contested every inch of t:.e o to .' j
finding the fire of out- meu too much tlu-v U ‘
iu greut disorder, and retired io the ot( f •
ihe liver. As soon as the re!r->ai was ur ,j. ,
Yuuxecs fled in great dismay und cou u«...
iug beniud them their dead and wounded o-i t '
field, and a number of supplies. Bo rapid v? .*
enemy’* dight aoross the river that his l.o*>
establiihed in the rear of hiu wounded -n-.i -
doned, and bis dead lay strewn over the ;\- r Y
everrihing left behind in his panic.
Ol ihe loss iu the action we can *et verv
Information. It is quite certain, however i- •
enemy suffered severely We can ro * e
estimate of f>is loss, but from the accouui - hroJ-v.
down by passengers last night, aa wt-ll % \
official dispatches, it is very plain that
was a hard and desperate one, and the loss -*v t:
The Yankees would scarcely have been throwi
to such confusion and disorder had they not been
terribly cut up.
.So far as rpgards our own 1033, we are wit’r
any definite information. It is to be <■
the accounts we get that our meu suflt-r. j r . '
riousiy. The dispatches we have convey nr> v
as to the extent ot our los*, beyond the :j u.?
ihnt Major Polhaui and Major Pullen arc . L .•
our killed. Major Pullen was from Giouc •»!.
county, in this State, and was esteemed bv a K
knew him. He was a man ol high charucter ■
stood well as an officer. Major Pelham was p
Alabama, and was a young officer ol i
raise. He gtaduated at West Point in tiie rl.i-’j,
Ml after the outbreak ol the war—ar.i o.
ootuing South entered the army. He had p, ....j
tbrough all the battles in Virginia, and Was
tinned for his gallantry by General Lee in 1 « , •
cial report of (he battle of Fredericksburg Ji
was comparatively a youth—scarcely over \* ; ,
two years of age. He was killed, we underst* I
by being struck on the head with a piece of »•.
shell, while iu the act of cheering his men on in s
Charge. His body was brought down bv ihe ( -
last night and was deposited in the Capiiol ur. i
a military guard. His remains, we learn, will
taken to Alabama.
Unimportant as this action may appear, so fam
the numbers engaged, it must be taken as a d<c
ded success for u?. If was the advuuc* it i.ird oi
the enemy and it was his first step in lis 0>
Richmond. The preparations he had a
his packed provisions show that he wa* i.roi .iu..
for a loug march, und that it w«.s no mei rp' o:
noiaance. Had they have been Bucct*6«! I. t’nt:-
is uo doubt but they would have been oo: ioilnw
ed by the whole of Hooker's array. Tue a.fair is,
therefore, important iu its result, and wid no doubt
have an effect on the enemy’s plan in his meditated
advance on Richmond. Foiled and dnven *> k,
he is now disconcerted in his plans and far.'.ei
ftom Richmond than ever.
LATKR ADDITIONAL PX.HTICtI.ARS.
From a dispatch received from Gordons vi. o Jsj
night, we get some later newg of the fight. It ap
pears that the enemy crossed the Rappahat.nori
in the morning at Kelly’s Ford, vitfi • o ? h aea
rv and artillery force. They udvanred within o.ne
six miles of Culpeper Court House, a her. o ir ra*r,
made a stand The fight was severe. . and laaied
several hours. The Yankees wt-re Snailv re .
atid fell back, in the real John Gilpin et;le—rovl*.
and panic stricken.
By some of the prisoners taken by u«, thr ene
my’s force is said to have been two division—but
this is hardly so. It is thought that their fne
force was two brigades, which have been coufc .Di
ed by the prisoners with divisions. The pri.-one-■»
confirm the great slaughter of their men acd con
fess that thev were badly whipped.
It is stated that we took a number of priso er«,
but how many we are left to conjecture. Aiu ■
her of our men were also made prisoners, but if it
thought that they will not exceed thirty orU'.J
Among them was Major Breckinridge.
From the accounts that have reached Gorier.-
ville of the fight, and from the best estimate that
can be made, our entire loss—killed, wounded ani
missing—is about 250. That of the enemy is
to be much greater.
A Season of Trial.
A “ winter of osr discontent,’' indeed, has been
that gloomy season which is so reluctantly 1 elat
iDg its grasp upon tho sunny South. Not evet, tb
sombre winter of 1861-62 so severely liied the
spirits and endurance of om people. Not that
gloomy period in which occurred the
disasters of Fort Dooelson, Nashville, Roan* se
Island, Memphis, and New Oilcan?, so tes'vd the
faith and constancy of men’s hearts. On the con
trary, each successive military calamity arouse '
new pride and determination, until we had avenged
them one and all in a series of the uv*t brilliant
victories on which the mn ewer iihone.
Nor has aught of military failure since occ rr?:
to cast shadows over ouv humon. The wo -rs.
defeat of the Federal army last June in the :.*i® '■
borhood of this city was ioiiowed by a sen
glorious victories, culminating in the crowijit;
crash of Bunside’s overthrow at Frederic*, hi.
I.veu in the West the enemy Lave only vi to
to boast of in which, like Murfreesboro’, they. *<
4,000 prisoners and fort? pieces of canur.: ..d
gunboats have become exploded humbugs; Y
burg holds out; Charleston defies them; e *
where they show signs of vasciilatiou and in
sion. Our own army, on the contrary, ? ' ••
spirit and energy. But the public at 'large
have been subjected to severer trials than tt
military defeats. The enormous price.- o; 1
et absolute necessity to life, the distress p:<- ii*--- 5
by speculators and extortioners, the shadow u: * ■
upon many a hearthstone, and the convi : -
wise legislation might have remedied many 0!
evils, have made the last winter as cold a idr *
less indeed. But spring is approaching '>
emblems of resurrection and hope, and, why
advent, we shall hail with delight a wNer policy
our legislatures upon matters of vital moment ■
the public interests. We have no fears 0: «
if our farmers are encouraged to produce - v '-
articles which Government and tbs peoph r
to the exclusion of cotton and tobacc In
comes from the haiid of God we can su‘ ! -
with iortitude, as to every other ear*Ny
But when the result of our own want <d v
and foresight, neither philosophy nor ; •
can bear up under such a calamity. —-*’•
Dl*patch.
Orgaulz lug liivur reel ion#.
According to the Hilton Head corre :
the New York Tribune , deliberate p^'P*; 1
have been made by the Federal command;" g.
South for marching a bodv of 6,000 ,
cered by whites, and supported by reg--- r ‘
into some of the most thickly populated • p <t
of one of the three States coinpri-ed h
partment of the South, to act as a liberate
to the bondmen of the chosen field of °\Vi r * a
whojttnow when they will appear, and s'* ' -y
rise in thousands and swell it to a '/ _•,!
that it will sweep both rebellion and s** ve
txistence wherever it may roll. .4 such
There Can be'Tito answer to each P‘ aCI r
utterances as these, iu words.
to put them upon record, and Ist
posterity make its owa toanteot.— *>" * *