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lounwl an& Pessengtr. \ IS ROSE and 8. B. BURR, »■ ' gpm >rt and PHorßirroiui. Alston Hall Building—CHEßßY BT., ‘ MAtX )N, GA. jorKNAi- A Mkssknokb 1i published Three dollars per annum. L A Ni) LK Y LANK. liV BOBT. browning. ~,i range up. rauge down, lo all ihe 1»”' ’ , so pleasaut uud sweet U UieNMtv*; Sn town, A* iAUgley l » |>uiatle ot square and street? J‘V <l cottages all in a row, where bachelor buttons grow, l),r * **' n,-is m roof and wall, sw Jgivetl ie still, blue sky. And up ‘ lly w iiiie clouds go sailing by— 'm-tiii to beabhs to see it all! in summer. 1 take my chair, l" r , M outside m tie* sun and hear distant murmur o' street and square, r " ,c swallows and sparrows enlrplng near; , Who lives just over the way, ' wither little hand s much so warm and kind, . * me and talk with the sun on my cl.eek, thdlule iv.- hand seems to sic, and speak ; A KuriwnnyU dumh and lam blind. i' oinv Is sweet thirteen, anil she 1 lias"tine black nugleis and dark ' eyes clear, v | u in oltlur by surrunem t.iree, wnv shouldn’t we hold one another so dear? S The*waler-carl’s splash milkman’s call; N \ ft t!relit^e V slngeretlial hum and lly ‘yet know she “l«“ «“*“* ah; Kor me sun is shining, the swallows lly, The bees and bine-fly murmur low, A lid 1 li-ar the waler-.art go by, Wii i us rool splash,splash down the rusty row, m'i.i (!„• little one close at my side perceives upraised to the cottage eaves, Wnere birds are chirping in summer shine, And 1 hear, though 1 cannot look, and she, Though the little son lingers flutter in mine ! Hath nol ttie dear little band a tongue, When It Stirs on my palm, for the love of me! Haiti not my soul any eye to see? I is pleasure to make one’s bosom stir 'j,, wonder how things appear to tier That 1 or.ly hear us i pass around; A tid as long as we sit in the music and light, A/,, is happy to aoep In God's sight. And J ,'IIU happy to keep (lod’s sound. Why, I know her lace, though I am blind— I made it of music long ago! Strange large eyes and dark hair twined Kound the pensive light of a brow of snow; And wheu I sit by my little one, And hold her hand and talk In the sun, A .id bear the music that haunts the place, 1 know she is raising her eyes tome. And guessing how gentle my voice must be, And .v 101.7 ttie music ujxm my face. Tho’ il ever the Lord should grant me a prayer, I I know the fancy is only vain,) I should pray just once, when the weather is 1 air. To see little Kanuy and Langley lane; Though Kanuy, perhaps, would pray to sear Tlic voice of the friend mat she holds so dear, I’ll,, soug ol the bird, the lium of the bee ; II is better to be as we have lieeii— Kuril keeping up something unheard, unseen, To make God's Heaven more strange anil near. Ah ! life is pleasant in Langley lane! There is always something sweet to hear, Chirping of birds or patter of rain ! And Kanuy, my little one, always near: And though I’m weakly and can’t livelong. Ami Kanuy, my darling, is far from strong. And though wecau never married lie, What then? since we hold one another so dear f or Hie sake of the pleasure one cannot see And the pleasure that only one cau hear. [ Providence Journal. THE MINISTER’S GUESTS. Elinor Blake was deeply in love with the Rev. Allston Granger, and her affec tiou was reciprocated. So they were married. Mr. (Jranger lived in (lie country; and if you want to know what kind of a life his was, just, you go and change yourself into a minister, and settle somewhere just out of a city, with all of the inhabitants of which you are more or less acquainted— each and every one of whom will consider it an especial duty to come out and take tea with you a half a dozen times a year, and all of whom will consider it an insult if your wife don’t have three kinds of cake—and fresh milk, eggs uud honey on the table. Os course, people who live in the country are expected to have all these things in great abundance. Mrs. Granger was a very pleasant, agree able woman, and tried to have everything smooth, and she was overrun with com pany. A minister, among other things, is ex pected to keep a hotel, and keep it in a way our modern landlords don’t very weJl understand—without money and without price. It must he open night and day, and hot meals served at all lmurs. Nobody must he refused admittance. People who are too low to stay at the tavern, are sent to the minister’s. Tract peddlers, book ped dlers, agents, women's rights lecturers — everybody,in fact,mustgo to the minister’s. And then if the poor clergyman, think ing of his over-w’orked wife, and then the rmisuiuptive state of his larder, ventures to hint that his salary is a small one. lie is piously reminded that St. Paul and St., lvtcr, and those other line fellows of that epoch, did not dream of receiving any salary at all. But whether they kept, tavern and en lertained all creation upon free cost does not appear. Mrs. Granger was not a strong woman, ami having been brought up delicately, her burden fell heavily. They were too poor to employ help, and she did all the work except her washing. The people who came visiting her never volunteered their assistance about any thing. Os course uot. And most of the ladies were invalids—(didyou ever notice that those people who go visiting most are out. of health ?) But we, on the present occasion, have only to do with the Rev. Asa Drowue, and wife, and their four children, Abel, Pris cilla, Rachel Ann and Ahasherus Nicode mus. Our story is about them, and the host of other people who visited Mr. and Mrs. Granger shall rest in obscurity. The Drownes arrived late one Saturday evening, when Mrs. Granger was almost dead with the headache, having just got rid of three ministers ami a colporteur. Mr. Granger had just finished his sermon the morrow—the doors were locked and the family were about retiring for the night. A Mug at the front door. Mrs. Granger’s bean Mink—Mr. Granger drew a sigh and went to the door. on the Hiyps were two trunks, aiul as many baudboxes, several bundles —a 1 Kindle dug, a fat, red-faced man, a woman of about the same style, and four children. My dear brother Granger!” cried the man, seizing Mr. Granger's hand, and giving it a heart rending wring. “I am the Rev. Asa Drowne— travelling itiner ant—and tins is my wife, and these are my children. We cante at once to your house because we knew v «»u would he mortally offended it we did not. Mv wife is a great invalid! a dreadful sufferer! Been sick for several years! And I will speak of it now in the beginning, we must sleep where there is a tire! i wouldn’t have Eliza Jane to sleepaway from the tire for a thousand dollars; and I want your wife to see that the sheets are well aired before an open tire, very fine! My wife is nervous—exceedingly nervous—she could not sleep a wink in co tree sheets. Linen is best, if you have them.” " t should die before morning if I had to a stout' 1 S,| eets!” cried Mrs. Drowne, fifty. ‘■leS i J a ° r ,u “ a . of torty-rtve or home about a week .uT<f tv V m - y last an unbleached pilU (^ r e ° lu T^fl' 1 . 11 g on I was .lead for 6ver J» y thou « ht “ Have you a stuffed chair-m , Mrs. Drowne, “ I cannot sit a m™* 1 '" tin uncushioned chair ! And 1 win tla, 1 ° D little tea, and a bowl of oysters, or a .1* >f mince-pie ; 1 feel so taint.” 1 ce “ And l will trouble you for a cup of 'tfee,” said Mr. Drowne, “ it will be a 'ort ot stay to my stomach till supper is ready. What time will you have sun- Per?" * Mis. Gnmger retired to the heat of a ‘ 4 ,‘, her temples throbbing to bursting aie U' l lieart tile ieast bit rebelling at tlic lullux.of those exacting visitors. ■ 1 want some ginger-bread, and some ! lu ' k ' £**l, the eldest hoy. “I’m half-starved N\ here’s the cupboard ? I’ll help myself. 1 1 „ I, want a doughnut,” yelled Priscilla; ami i: l ean i have that rockiug-ehair that Mr. Granger s sitting in, I don’t stay so, there!” J ’ “Whata little mean room!” said Nico 'lemus. “By eraekee! what’s that are on t lie table?” and he ffew at a statuette of I’oyche—presented to Mr. Granger by a '!• ar friend, who was now dead, and winch *as very highly valued on that account. “Hello!” cried Nioodemus, “slippery, “uin’t it?” and down went the Psyche on jie floor—caving in the forehead, and littiug off the larger part of the nose. Mr. Granger sprang up with an exclama tion of dismay. “Oh, it’s no matter,” said Mrs. Drowne, you can mend it again with some of ‘-Paulding s glue. I mended a mug with Jftfttftiftl drift By Rose Ac Burr. it, the other day. I hate them things standing around on tables ; they look like dead folks. Mrs. Granger, it seems to me you dress a little too stylish for a wife of a minister of tiie gospel. You’ve got a red ribbon on your hair, I observe. Now, I never allow myself to wear red ribbons. I try to make myself as plain as possible.” “You needn’t try very hard,” said Mrs Granger to herself. “My wife is a model for a minister’s wife,” said Mr. Drowne, “would there were more like her. Eliza Jane, my love you ought to have a batii. Mrs. Granger will see to it at once.” After a while, the Drownes were got off to bed. Such a supper as they had eaten ! Mrs. Granger drew a long breath in think ing of it. she had never dreamed of satdi achievements in the eating line. lhe next morning everything went wrong; Mr. Drowue’s dyspepsia was worse; he must have fresh eggs and soda crackers, and dry toast, and -ome cream and coffee and honey. His appetite was dreadful poor. Mrs. Drowne was wretched. She had not slept a wink, because there were lien’s feathers in the bed. She was sure of it — and she never could sleep on lien’s feath ers, they stuffed her up so. The children amused themselves with cutting paper, and, too late, Mr. Granger made the discovery that his sermon, on which lie had spent the previous day, had been converted into paper dolls, and horses witli any number of legs, from two to twenty. “Law, sake! don’t take on about it,” said Mrs. Drowne; “the little dears didn’t mean to do it, bless ’em.” Just after dinner, Aunt Peggy Trim, Mrs. Granger’s aunt, arrived ofj a visit.— Aunt Peggy was a determined persou ; and she took charge of the kitchen at once, and sent Mrs. Granger off to church with her husband. The Drownes were not well enough to go, they said. Mrs. Drowne read a story, and Mr. Drowne lay on the sofa and slept. Sud denly Mrs. Drowne missed Pan, the poodle. “Goodgracious!” cried she, “where is Kan ?” The children looked up from their employment of smearing the pictures of a handsome Polyglot Rible with red ink, and giggled. “What have you done with Fanny,” queried their mother. “We’ve had a funeral,” said Abel, with a grin. “A funeral!” shrieked Mrs. Drowne; “what do you mean ?” “She in Mrs. Granger’s work-box, all buried as nice as anybody, in the garden,” said Nicodemus. “Abel was sexton. — Crackee! wasn’t it jolly?” Mrs. Drowne rushed to the garden, fol lowed by the whole company, and there, sure enough, in Mrs. Granger’s dahlia bed, tiie dog was found buried. The dahlias were are pulled up liy tiie roots, and lay wilting and dying in the sun, and the dog, very much stifled in the work-') box, looked sorry enough as he leaped oil with a howl. The sight was too much for the sensitive Mrs. Drowne. She tliew up her hands, crying out : “Oh, gracious me! I’m dying! Fare well, Asa!” and fell hack on the ground. “Oh, dear!” cried Mr. Drowne, “she’s dead! she’s had such spells for the last seven years. The doctor said she’d die some time. Help me carry her into the house.” Aunt Peggy lent a hand, and the sense less woman was deposited on t,he sofa. “She’s dead! Alas! she’s dead ! moan ed Mr. Drowne. “Get the camphor, and some hot lemonade, and some flannels wrung out of boiling water.” “If she’s dead, I guess the sooner she’s' laid out, the better,” said Aunt Peggy. “You have got rid of an awful great bur den, Brother Drowne, you’d ought to thank the Lord for it! A wife that’s been seven years a dying must be dreadful to get along with! I should have kept a cotlin in the house all the time. Hand me tiie shears, i’ll take her hair off first tiling ; you can sell it to tiie barber. It’ll make a splendid waterfall for some body. ” The dead woman sprang to her feet, and dived at Aunt Peggy. “You’ll have my hair off, will you? You old Jezebel! I’ll have your’n off first, see if I don’t,” and with that she grabbed Aunt Peggy’s false front, and peeled her head quicker than a Cherokee Indian could have done it. Aunt Peggy’s dander rose. She seized the broom, and in less time than it takes mo U> writo it, alio had driven every Drowne about tiie premises out of doors. And then she piled their baggage' out alter them. There they sat on their trunks until Deacon Buckley of the other church came along —when they told him their tale of wrong—and he took them home with him. The next day he was so anxious to for ward them ou their journey, that lie car ried them ten miles, and left them at the house of another minister. Os course, the affair made a great deal of scandal in Brookville—but some people were sensible enough to commend Aunt Peggy. But Mr. Granger is still keeping a hotel, and is weli patronized by tiie travelling public. If you should happen to pass through Brookville, you will save a dollar or two by stopping all night with Mr. Granger. He won’t mind it—he’s used to t. Curious W ilf*. Some who, in life, would not have given a cup of water to a beggar, by their wills leave enormous sums to charities, to secure for themselves a kind of posthu mous admiration. Others allow not their resentments to sleep with {hem in the grave, but leave behind them wills which excite the bitterest feelings and animosities among their surviving relatives. Some wills are remarkable for their conciseness and perspicuity ; others for (heir unprece dented shapes aud curious contents. One man provides for a college, another for a cat; one gives a legacy to provide bread and herrings for the poor in Lent, and kid gloves to the minister; while others provide for bull-baiting, the welfare of maid servants, and the promotion of matrimony. John Hodges has kept his name out of oblivion by giving twenty shillings a year to a poor man to go about the parish church of Trysail, during sermon time, to keep people awake and dogs out of church. Henry Green,of Melbourne, Derbyshire, gave his property for providing green waistcoats for four poor women every year, such waiscoats to be lined with green galloon lace. John Nicholson, stationer, of London, was so attached to his family name, that the bulk of his property was given in charity for the support and maintenance of such poor persons in England, as should appear to be of the name of Nichol son. David Martinett, of Calcutta, while giv ing directions to his executors, says : “As to this foulsome carcass, having already seen enough of worldy pomp, I desire nothing relative to it be done, only its be ing stowed away in my old green chest, to save expenses.” He then bequeathed to one man all the debts he owed ami to another his sincerity. A Lancashire gentleman, in the last century, having giving his bbdy to the worms of the family vault, bequeathed an ounce of modesty to the authors of the Loudon Journal and Free Briton, giving as his reason for the smallness of the leg acy, that he was “convinc and that an ounce will be found more than they’ll ever make use of.” Another testator, after having stated at in his will the number of obligations he was under, bequeathed to his benefactor ten thousand—here the leaf turned over, and the legatee, turning to the other side, found the legacy was ten thousand thanks. A testator, who evidently intended to thwart his relations and he a benefactor to the lawyers, gave to certain persons “as many acres of land as shall he found equal to the area by the centre of oscil lation ot the earth in a revolution round the sun,:supposing the meau distance of 1 ? l n- 1 twent y-oue thousand six hundred semi-diameters of the earth from it ” Sir Joseph Jekyll left his fortunes pay the national debt. \V hen Lord Mansfield heard of this, he said - ‘sir Jos ep l, was a very good man ami a good lawyer but his bequest was a very foolish one; he might as well have attempted to stop the middle of the arch of Black friars Bridge with his full bottomed wig!” notes on the siteation. BY B. H. HILL. NO. IX. The time has not come to write Confed erate history. Passions control men.— falsehood and slander are more acceptable than truth, to the spirit of revenge. Truth would shame revenge, but falsehood grati nes it. Besides, the most important con federate archives, containing the reason, the philosophy, the explanations of con leuerute actions and history and motives, are not accessible. It may be proper to add I do not know where they are. They have not come to light, and it were weli for some who seem to be in high favor with themselves and the deluded people if they never do come to light. lam no Sadducee, and however the wicked flourish now, I have firm faith in the resurrection of tiie just. But many will write. Confederate his tories, biographies,memories, recollections, &t“., &e.,&c., are getting to be plenty as blackberries in June, but not half so valuable. I Jiave tried to keep up with these premature births, but find it dilficult. I have seen enougii to know that nearly all of these books are written either by or under the immediate supervision of those who were chiefly intent during the strug gle in making war on the Confederate administration. The were, therefore, ex cluded or excluded themselves from tiie Confederate councils, and reallv know less than most people; and the little they do know, or think they know, they receiv ed through a very jaundiced medium, which gave it horrid colors. Some of them •seem, at last, to be discovering, what un selfish patriots always knew, that, in mak ing war upon, and in breaking down the people’s confidence In the Confederate administeration, so unjustly and so falsely too, they made war upon and broke down the Confederate cause. They fear the world will find this out. Conscience being thus troubled and reputation in danger, they become restless and cannot wait. They rush forward, like most criminals, to justify before they are formally accused. Others write to get pay, and say anything to fill a book. Hence these works are generally self-vindications,or self-eulogies, or miserable libels and perversions, and are not only unworthy of credit, but should be held as insults to an unfortunate but gallant people. General Earlv’s book is an exception. He writes of wha't he saw and did, and writes like a patriot, His work will be valuable to the historian hereafter. There may be a few other ex ceptions, but I do not now think of them. Some others of like character are said to be preparing, which I hope will ap pear But the fiercest storms exhaust them selves, and so will even this storm of the American passions. Revenge cannot always rule. The full truth will appear and impartial history will he written. In that day, I venture now to say, no fact will be brought out more clearly that this : The Confederates were not conquered by either the skill, or the power, or the num bers of their armed enemies. The Confed eracy was crushed by ideas, and not by bayonets. And the ideas were very few— indeed may all be embraced in two ; and neither had the slightest foundation in truth. They were Dorn of treachery and dispointruent, and nurtured by those worse than Gorgon whelps—ambition, selfishness and revenge. Here are the ideas : L That the Confederate Government had become or would become a permanent military despotism. 2. That our people had but to lay down their arms, and they would be restored, at twice, to all their rights in the Union. There were several considerations which made our people peculiarly lia le to be entrapped into believing these ideas. In the first place, tiie masses of tiie Southern people really loved the Union according to tiie Constitution. In truth, they were tiie most faithful and devoted friends that Union ever had, or, I fear, will have again. It required many years of slander, and intermeddling and threatened aggressions and bad faith on the part of Northern extremists, and of importunity and fiery exhortation by the Southern extremists to make the masses of our people entertain the idea that their rights were not safe in tiie Union. And, when finally they did consent to leave the Union, the great actuating motive in going was to save the guarantees and principles of the Constitu tion, which they were persuaded could not be preserved by remaining in the Union. And they were assured by the extremists, North and South, they could go peacabiy. Again : Wliile many of our intelligent men and counsellors were actuated with sincere convictions, and did honestly be lieve a division must come sooner or later, and that the sooner it came the better for all sides ; yet, there were others who had far other motives. These last did not act from convictions; but from desires. There fore, they were very noisy and clamorous. They abused everything in the North, and denounced as traitors and submissiouists and cowards those of our own people who did hot believe the Union ought to be dis solved for existing causes, or could be dissolved at all peaceably. As slight tilings rise when tiie air is stirred, so in the ex citement of passions these men became the favorites. They expected to be the founders of anew government, and go down to posterity as the Washingtons and Jeftersous of a Republic. But the war came and that portion of the masses who were most anxious to se cede, were disappointed. {Secession was to be peaceable. Ho the high offices in tiie new govern ment were filled, and alas! how many of the noisy and self-sufficient were disap pointed? Republics were ungrateful, and the people strangely thought it was neces sary to select considerate men to make Washingtons! As the war progressed, hardships in creased. These hardships caused some to grow unwilling, and the Confederate Gov ernment was driven, as have been all people who go to war, to employ harsh measures to make the unwilling do their duty. These harsh measures required agents, and agents, as agents often do, be came exacting and oppressive. These harsh measures were seized upon by the disap pointed politicians, and used as pretexts to make tiie people believe their government intended to establish a military despotism. Tn the meantime speculation became ri otous; the example being set by some in high places, others also thought it no harm to use these “God given talents to make money.” These evils multiplied the ne cessities for harsh measures to suppprt the army, and the harsh measures increased the noise of the politicians aud the conse quent demoralization of the people. While this internal treachery was doing its work, the United States, in every form, aud by every department of their govern ment, were assuring our people they had seceded under a mistake; that their rights were secure in the Union; that they had no purpose in prosecuting the war but to preserve the Union unimpaired ; and that, indeed, our seats were vacant in both Houses of Congress, and we had nothing to do but to send members to them.— Emissaries came from the North under preteuceof being driven here as Southern sympathisers, aud joined our malcontents to disseminate these two ideas. Treachery became bold and desertion became respect able. , In tills way the masses of the Southern people were conquered, and the remnant of patriots were overpowered. The actual statistics show 7 that during the last two years of the war, for every one of our soldiers whom the external armed enemy killed, disabled or captured, the internal unarmed enemy inducedtliem to desert. And this work went on, too, in the fact that General Grant’s only policy for defeating General Lee was in wearing out his array; and also in the face of the fact that Mr. Lincoln, in his last annual message, declared the hope of suppressing the rebellion consisted in the abandon ment, by the Southern people, of their President or Chief. Therefore, I affirm, the treachery within was thrice as strong as the power without in subduing the Confederates. Thus, some of those who were most ac tive in destroying the Union, were also most active in destroying the Confederacy, and these are now the favorites in the South with the Radicals of the North. They are received into the counsels at Washington ; and they are clieek by jowl with Wilson ami Sumner aud Stevens in their efforts to destroy the Constitution. Men, who I know made hitter secession speeches, have been travelling through the North proclaiming their sufferings as Macon, Ga., Wednesday, July 10, 1867. “ persecuted loyalists:’’ and having roused their fragmentary conclave of a Congress to secure measures to disfranchise those whom they denounced as traitors, because they opposed secession, in order that they may get the offices of these States as rewards for their “ devotion to the Union!” And the poor, deluded, helpless Southern people are thus bespattered with their own filth ! These facts suggest several points which deserve the most serious consideration of the Northern people. 1. The first is that they are under the most solemn obligation possible to recog nize these Slates as existing members of the Union, with no diminution of their lights, except as to slavery. This w;u> the avowed purpose of tiie war. This was the promise to the Northern people by their government to encourage them to fight; and tliis was tiie pledge to the Southern people to induce them to cease fighting. 2. That this purpose has beeu defeated; this promise lias been violated ; this pledge has been broken by their Radical leaders, with the clear and unmistakable intent of destroying the Constitution; aud that in this work they are now joined and aided by the most vindictive, the most active and the most unscrupulous of the original Southern secessionists. and. That the Southern people became weak iu prosecuting tiie war only because they listened to this pledge, “'and laid down their arms only because they be lieved it. That though this generation may he helpless because they w’ereentrap ped, the next will refuse to believe and remain strong—invincible. That these deceptions can breed nothing but distrust; that these oppressions can produce noth ing but hate ; that oppressed and oppressors can never live together in peace, aud that our children and children’s children will be the victims of this Typhaan union of the Northern Radicals and tiie Secession ists, with no gain to either section, but “havoc, and spoil and ruin.” no. x. But it is said the negro race is now free, and made citizens by our laws, and, there fore, are entitled to political as well as civil equality. It is idle to reason with a fanatical mind. A fanatic is a lunatic. The con clusions of such are never founded in rea son nor affected by experience; they are founded in feeling and live only on pas sion. We must appeal and still appeal aud not cease to appeal to the rational Ameri can mind, and by reason, and the experi ence of mankind, save, if we can, our country from the awful, indescribable horrors which must result soon, from the crazy domination of men who make “lib erty and equality” the touchstones of political wisdom. This mad theory is nothing but war upon Lite teachings of reason, tiie experience of all ages, and the law of God. It was never the doctrine of any but the agents of revolution, and it never bore for any people any fruits but anarchy and blood and tiie evils that fol lowed in tiie train of, unrestrained pas sions. But to suppose, as an abstract proposi tion, we concede the negro race is entitled to political equality; how does that justify these Military Bills? Does the negro’s right to vote authorize a violation of the Constitution by Congress ? If it is right to enfranchise tiie negro, is it right to dis franchise the whites? No principle is better or more universal ly conceded in American polities than that the people of the States alone must regu late the political franchises of theircitizens —each State for itself. If this principle is to be rejected then no other need be re spected. The first great question we must determine is this. Do we mean to support the Constitution, or do we mean to violate it? Do we mean, when we swear to sub port the Constitution, to vote for that which violates the Constitution and justify our perjury by some vagary about abstract right ? I press the question to every man’s conscience. Have you obtained your con sent to disregard the Constitution ? Don’t dodge, ot explaiu, or qualify ; answer the question. Have you obtained your consent to disregard tiie Constitution ? Have you obtained your consent to swear to support the Constitution, and then flippautiy write or say, “ The Constitution is dead”? If dead, why swear to support it? If not to be regarded or respected or observed, why swear to support it? The Military Bills are conceded to be unconstitutional. — Whether we be States, or Territories, or Provinces, Congress is forbidden by the Constitution to deny trial by jury, or to authorize a warrant Without oath’ or out upon trial without indictment, or suspend habeas corpus, except during insurrection or invasion, in case of a citizen, or estab lish military rule over citizens in time of peace, anywhere—in cony single foot of land — State , Territory or Province. These, these, oh, my deluded countrymen! t/wse are the constitutional shield, and buckler, and helmet, and breastplate of every American citizen, of every grade and color, on every inch of American soil.— They are the whole armor of Utterly. And every one of these Military Bills author thorize to bedis regarded, and placed at the will of a military officer, who is not even a citizen of tiie State or territory in which he dominates! 1 ask again and again, and I beseech all men to ask —it earnest, anxious, piercing appeal of the dying hope of liberty; Are you willing to violate the Constitutiont Are you willing, first, to swear to support, it, with the intent, at the same time, of swearing to violate it? Then, I proclaim—all posterity will proclaim— your hell-mortgaged concieuce will never cease to proclaim : you are perjured, and perjury is not half your crime—you com mit perjury in order to become a traitor ! And now mark this: The very oath which you take requires you to swear to support the Constitution, and if you take tiiat oath ami then vote for a convention to carry out these Military Bills, or aid in carrying them out, yon vote to accept, to approve, to establish that which is a vio lation ot the Constitution, aud, just as sure as passion shall subside, and reason return to our people, and sober, oath observing patriotism shall again rule in the land, so sure will you be branded, and justly branded, as a felon and whipped throughout the laud with the stinging ceaseless lashes of public infamy, because you took an oath to support the Constitu tion with intent to violate, because you committed perjury in order that you might help to destroy your country. And in vaiu will you hunt excuses to pal Hate your changeless infamy. The malignity which now makes you call patriots rebels; the cowardice which continues a war upon the unresisting whom you induced, with the most sacred pledges, to lay down their arms; the mean ness, the vileness which presses dishonor on those you have entrapped into your power; the worse than hypocritical states manship which disfranchises white men in order to enfranchise black men; the crimiual philanthropy which provides for the sure destruction of the deluded negro race under pretence of elevating it, all these will only rise up to mock and laugh at you then. Like the hellhounds which “death, by rape begot of sin,” whenJHeav en’s Almighty hurled down to hell those who, by deceit and force, sought to destroy His supremacy, these very pretences which hate begets of hypocrisy, in this at tempt to destroy ttie Constitution, w r ill become “yelling monsters” in tlie politi cal hell into which the genius of constitu tional liberty will cast you, and will “ken nel in the womb that bred them,” and “howl and gnaw,” and “vex with con scious terrors” forever. I know how fallen is human nature; I know how nations and peoples have often become the mere prey of bad,ambitious ru lers; I know thestreains of blood withwbich hypocrisy, under pretence of saintly pur pose, has often flooded mankind; I know how countries have often been destroyed, that a few wicked men might continue in power. But can it be that our people have become willing to violate our Constitution for our own dishonor and destruction ? Will they take an oath to get a chance to violate it, in order that they may degrade the white race, and ultimately destroy the black race? How many will thus violate it? How many will stand by it, uve with it, or die for it? That is the next count. NO. XI. In all ages governments have been over turned hymen who made great professions of. patriotism and good intentions. The serpent induced Eve to eat the forbidden fruit by flattering her, and declaring his counsel would do her good. He greatly desired, he protested, to improve her con dition. From that day to this traitors have been unable to find any better method of accomplishing their purposes. Ignorance is more easily duped than in telligence, and, therfore, knaves have always been advocates of conferring power on fools; and so, fools have generally thought knaves were their best friends. For this very reason commonwealths— free countries—have produced more dema gogues, and have become more fearfully the prey of anarchy than any other forms of government. The people generally mean well. They think they follow friends wheu they follow those who fiatter them, aud they follow with “cheers and a tiger.” They go, like tiie fatted ox with pretty ribbons streaming from his horns, frisking to their own slaughter! Were not they glorious Southern leaders who established the right to carry slaves to Kansas? What, if God had decreed slavery could not prosper there, and our fathers had agreed it should not go? Who cared for God and our fathers if their decrees and compacts stood in the way of “our rights!" Oh, how good theories and fair promises have wrecked hopes, destroy ed prosperity and subverted governments! Every command in the decalogue has been violated in the name of God, and every precept of tiie Saviour lias beeu trampled upon under pretence of promoting religion. Never, at any period of human history, have bad men, or traitors or devils under taken to accomplish a wicked work, with greater professions of good will, or with circumstances more favorable for exciting The confidence of tiie people in the sincer ity of their professions, than those by which and under the influence of which these Radicals have undertaken to destroy the Constitution of the United States and tiie frinciples of free government in America. With sincere convictions of right anil necesity, but in a suicidal way, tiie Southern States and people seemed to place themselves in an attitude of hostility to the Constitution. And these Northern traitors, who provoked the South to her folly for the very purpose, have since been enabled to tickle and divert the minds of the Northern people with the flippant cry of “rebel” and “traitor,” and tlmsnotonly unpreceived, but in the midst of the wild cheers and mad aid of the giddy foolish masses, have given the Constitution a thousand stabs. And still the arch-leaders give out the key-note rebel; and tiie Babel crowd catcli up the refrain, and fools in office cry, rebel; and knaves trying to get office cry, rebel; preachers of lies, and haters from pulpits cry, rebel; luuaties in schools cry, rebel; and, foulest of the foul, Southern renegades cry, rebel; and the traitors thank God for the wild dis temper of tiie people, and stab on ! And the outraged Constitution, under which our common fathers lived, and loved, and prospered, and which would gather all, black and white, “even as a lien gathereth her chickens under her wings,” bleeds and reels, and no one will hear her cries or heed her totteaiug! Equally insane, but equally favorable to the purposes of the Radicals, is the hy pocritical pretence of elevating the black race. All wise or good men everywhere, and more especially those in the South, desire to elevate the black race, but Rad ical traitors and their Southern tools alone desire to degrade the white race. By what ever other means the work may lie done, it is certain the black race cannot be secure in privileges or rights, by taking away from the white race these same privileges and rights. Whether either race, and which, shall finally gain the mastery, or whether botli races can live and rule together as equals and in peace, are questions which good men may dis cuss, and, about which, possibly, even true men may differ; but one thing is very certain, neither race separately, nor both races together cau rule or be ruled wisely or peacefully, or with safety to life, property, or franchise, by violating and trampling upon theConstitution —the fundamental law for all. He who would, therefore, be a friend to either race must first be a friend to the Constitution. He who violates the Constitution is au enemy to botli races. He who observes the Con stitution is a friend to both races. Tiie very reverse of all this plain reason ing is every principle which can be ad duced to support these Military Bills. These bills violate the Constitution. These bills degrade the white race. These bills trample on the rights of both races; and all these things these bills do under pretence of elevating the black race! The wuvk '•(is uLtiurU -Mill itnptmidldc.. 'JL'he means’-proposed tan not accomplish iife end firofessed. Botli races must go to gether, or ttie greater must control the less, or the two must collide. And when the two collide tiie less must perish, or lie driven away, or be brought under con trol, however tiie greater race may suffer ; by the collision and the struggle. And the Radicals know this ; and, therefore, the means they propose are not intended to accomplish tiie end they pro fess. The real end is to secure these ten States to keep the Radical party in power in Ihe approaching Presidential election, and this they seek to do reckless of conse quences to black or white, to the Const itution or Government. The traitors are seeking to retain, by this fraud and force at the South, the power they are losing by the detection of their treason at the North. They annul tiie Constitution in the name of loyalty ; they exterminate tiie black race in the name of philanthropy ; they disfranchise white men in the name of equality; they pull down all the defences for life and prosperity in the name of liberty; and in blasphemous hosannas to the Union, they are rushing all sections and all races into wild chaotic anarchy ; and all, all, that traitors may hold the seats of power they desecrate, and riot in tiie wreck of the prosperity they destroy ! And will the Southern people, whom they have so long slandered and oppressed, take them up, as tiie Northern people whom they have so long flattered and de ceived are casting them away ? It was my purpose to discuss at length the questions of civil rights and politscal trusts, and by what means the first could be safely secured,and in and by whom the last could lie wisely reposed and exercised; with the view of showing how illogical and contrary to human nature and ex perience and safety is the dogma that political equality is a right of citizenship, or necessary to tiie enjoyment of civil equality. But why labor and worry the printer and weary tiie reader hy proving that untrue which none but fanatics are unblushing enough to pretend is true. Why labor to prove these military bills will not work good to the negro—are not adapted as means to secure good to tiie negro; but are intended simply to add ten States to party power ! The negroes are enfranchised because it is believed they will vote for tiie Radical party, and the whites are disfranchised because it is believed they will not vote for the Rad- ical party. If the belief were reversed the rule would be reversed. The object is not to punish disloyaly, and the proof is found in the fact that tiie most bitter original secessionists are at once received into Radical favor by agreeing to support the Radical party, and the most unscru pulous is always received witli the greatest marks of favor, because such are the most congenial and best suited for the work of destroying the Constitution under pre tence of preserving the Union; and pre serving the Radical party under pretence of loving the dear people! It is proper, without fully elaborating the argument,to suggest a few elementary principles, which all our people ought, in these times, to keep coustautly before them. In all society or government are rights to be enjoyed, burdens to be borne, and trusts to be discharged. Among the rights are the right of proji erty ; the right of locomotion , the right to appropriate aud dispose of the proceeds of our own labor; the right to worship according to conscience; and the right to protection from society, in the enjoyment of all these rights, and the right to have all the legal processes and remedies provided to make this protection effectual. These are called civil rights, and when we speak of civil equality we mean that these rights beloDg alike aud equally to all citizens, to all classes, to all colors, to all sexes, to all ages and to all grades of intellect, society and worth. These rights necessarily attach to and become conditions of free citizenship: The negro is entitled to all these rights. And being now deprived of the protection which, asa slave, lie receiv ed from liis owner, all good men ought to rejoice that he can still be safe under the I protection of tiie law ; and being unac customed to assert his rights, a work which was formerly performed by his master, all true men ought to be ready to aid him iu that assertion. Anti all but Radicals and renegades are willing to aid him, but they seek to use him uuder pretence of aiding him. Among the burdens of society and gov ernment I may mention: working the public highways; providing public build ings; paying the public taxes ; defending the public safety, Ac., Ac. These burden s ought to l»e borne by all according to fit ness and capacity, for these burdens con stitute the consideration we pay for tiie protection we get. Women and children, lunatics and idiots do not work the high ways or defend the society with arms, because their positions or capacity forbid, but they are all citizens—or members of the society—aud pay taxes. These are called burdens because they are borne, not for ourselves only, but for others— for tiie public. Lastly, in every society or government, there are trusts to be discharged ; offices are to be filled ; laws are to be made, exe cuted and administered, else there could be no rules or process for protection, and agents are to l>e selected for all these pur poses. The whole business of selecting agents to discharge duties, as well as the discharge of tiie duties themselves, come under the head of trusts. They are called trusts because they are powers exercised not for one’s own goodftu/ for the. good of others —for the public. The authority to vote is, therefore, a trust reposed, and the exorcise of the authority, is the exercise of a trust —the trust of selecting agents to provide and execute tho laws by w'iiieh rights are to be protected. All men are born to rights—which are jiersoiial—affect ing each person only ; but no man is born to a trust —to a power which affects all other members of society. You htul as well say a man is born to an office as to say lie is born to a vote for that office. So, again, all trusts imply capacity and integ rity. No man liasa right to be entrusted to discharge a duty affecting others who does not understand that duty, or who has not integrity to Vie trusted with its faithful ex ercise. How can the rights of the members of society be safe if the protection for those rights is to l»e provided or applied by igno rant or vicious agents? And how can ignorant and vicious agents be avoided if ignorant and vicious persons are born to tiie right to select them? Rights are personal —born with persons —belongto tiie person, and affect the per son ; but trusts are relative— and born with society—belong to society —and are for the good and under the control of society.— How is any man born with a right to take my rights, or to select another to take my rights ? Suffrage, then, is not a right —it is not a privilege—it is a trust, and a most solemn and sacred trust. It is the trust of preserv ing society, of securing rights, of protect ing persons. Would you select an ignorant, or vicious, or untrustworthy man as your trustee, or the trustee for your wife or your child in the smallest concerns of life? How, then, would you make a trustee of an ignorant or vicious man to discharge these great du ties, on tiie wise and faithful discharge of which all rights, and all protection, and all things depend? The burdens of society are light or heavy according as the trusts of society are wise ly or unwisely, faithfully or unfaithfully discharged. The heavy taxes under which America groans, spring alone from the unfaithful and wicked execution of the trusts of our people in selecting agents, and of tiie agents in discharging their du ties. Universal, indiscriminate, ignorant, vi cious white suffrage has buried a million of victims slain by eacli other’s hands, de stroyed tiie peace and prosperity of the country and saddled an innocent and un born posterity with burdens too grievous to be borne. Will it be wise to extend tiie sacred but desecrated trust of suffrage to more igno rance, to more vice, and at the same time withdraw those trusts from intelligence and worth ? Men born with a light to vote! as they are born to breathe the air, or enjoy the proceeds of thgir own labor ! Then, why is it that women aifd children and lunatics and idiots are not allowed to vote? They breathe and eat and pay taxes. It is, therefore, the right of society to decide upon whom shall be devolved the trust of preserving society and administer ing protection to rights. And It is the duty of society to withhold these trusts from the ignorant and vicious—since the ignorant and vicious should never be en trusted, and have no right to be entrusted, with the exercise of a power by which they may rob or kill or torture others. And it follows that every society must determine this matter for itself, for it alone is to be affected by the exercise of the trusts created, it is flagitious; it is mean ; it is cowardly; it is treason to the very fame work of society, to say that Massachusetts, or a fragmentary conclave of perjured Congressional traitors from other States shall determine who shall be entrusted with the great duty of preserv ing society hi Georgia; and language breaks in the vain effort to express the contempt and scorn I feel for the dastard Georgian who would consent for Massachusetts or that fragmentary conclave to so determine. The negroes in Georgia are citizens of Georgia. They are free and have equal rights, and shall enjoy them. They will be required to bear the burdens only in proportion to their capacity. They will lie empowered to discharge the trusts when time and experience shall show they “are capable and worthy,” and (he good of so ciety will he promoted thereby; and thus Georgia will determine for herself, and not to please enemies or to keep traitors in part ypower. NO. XII. T have now shown that the Military Hills are unconstitutional. There can he nothing clearer than this, for they are in the most direct conflict with the very language and purpose of the Constitution, and the position is conceded. Os course there can lie no possible good reason for violating the Constitution, for to say so, is neither more or less than to say tiie Con stitution is wrong, and tin; Government organized under it ought to be subverted! And this is exactly what every man who voted for or approves these bills did say and does say ; and every man who votes to carryout these bills, votes to set aside the Constitution find subvert the Government! I care not what his mouth says or bis lips profess about loyalty, his heart is far from the Constitution, and his act is to destroy the government. The poll lists of regis tered voters will tell us precisely who is for the Constitution, and who is against it.; who is for the government of law and who is for anarchy. In plain words, the ques tion wiio is “for a Convention” and who is “against a Convention” means precisely “who is against the Constitution,” and “who is for the Constitution.” But I have shown that all the excuses or apolgies made for these bills are, like the bills, also unconstitutional; ami are untrue in themselves, are contrary to the laws of everycivilized war,and are founded in false pretences, and are insincere in purpose, and really tend and intend to subvert the government and degrade the white race in order to prolong the exist ence of the part// that is thus faithless, deceitful, oppressive and dishonoring to botli Government and people, and to their own pledges. If, inthe face of this plan statement of the issue, the correctness of which state ment no true man can gainsay, and no honest mind will gainsay, there is still to he found a man in America who can see in these Military Bills any safety for property, or life or liberty; or any pro tection in the enjoyment of either; or any elevation for the black race ; or anything in government but anarchy, with its long ordeal of blood, and robbery, and factions, and havoc, and spoil, and waste, and crime in every form and grade, until power or powers shall arise and proclaim the peace to a deluded, exhausted and ruined people through an empire or empires, a despotism or despotisms; such a man Ls simply given over “to believe a lie that he may be damned;” yea, and to act a lie that his country may be damned! The next question, in the natural order of argument, is this: In what way shall these be resisted, or by what remedies shall their enforcement and final establish ment be prevented? I enter upon this branch of the discussion witli pain and pleasure—with pain because I shall con- Vol. LX., No. 18. sider it my duty to declare some grievous errors committed by friends of our side of the Constitution; errors, too, which amount to no less than a surrend* rof some of the most effective remedies against these measures; and with pleasure because I can still see remaining to us remedies ample to save the Constitution, the coun try and liberty, if, as rulers and people, we still have even a moiety of that glorious moral courage which makes us not afraid to tell the truth and defend the right. Never, never had any people in any age of the world such au occasion—such ne cessity—for moral courage as have now the people, not only of the ten States on which rape is being perpetrated, but of the United States, whoareall involved in the crime and must pay its penalties. That devilisli spirit of treason, which, comes not with arms and open, manly warning, but creeps aud hides itself in some unsuspected, yea, trusted form, is now our political Eden, and, with artful words, and with t lie prestige of authority, and assurances of safety and blessing and greatness, is persuading our people to eat that forbidden fruit of using fore . to or - serve a Government of consent and of making by statute, that 7G and i juat, which God, by neitun made until and uncyual, and in so doing to disobey the commands of the Constitution! And some are already persuaded, ami lustily cry “ it is true, let us disobey, aud taste, for we shall thereby be great ;” and ifour people awake not now to their danger, and drive this modern political Satan of Radicalism, with scourging and hissing from their her itage, then death—political death—will come, and quickly, fiercely come, with blighting eurse all over this la-t and no blest domain of freedom, and doom our selves and our children to the “ blood and sweat ” of despotism forever ! Oil, that some voice would rise whose thrilling notes of patriotism could cover all the land, and, hustling this Bedlam 'dire of sectional el imination, distrust ami oppression, inspire the people to uniteand make one more manly national elibrt to save the Constitution, and stop the deep and ever deepening si,'\hs which treachery, through force and perjury, are madly making at the very vitals oi liberty ! We need a fearless Hereules—strong in moral courage and a universal country-wide patriotism—to kill this Xenueun lion; to burn to tlie roots the more than hundred heads of this Lermcuu Hydra; to clean tliis Augean stable, whose 'fierce rapacity, and prolific terrors aud boundless tilth are all combined in this destroyer of States, this assassin of written Constitution, this more than brutish detiler of its own race —modern Radicalism! Tiie framers of the Constitution doubt - less supposed they had provided, or left existing, ample remedies tor all violations ofthatinstrument; both preventive and curative remedies, whether those viola tions should be made by the Government or by the States, or by the people; and had also provided for the amendment of; the Constitution in a proper manner, to suit it tosiich unanticipated necessities as tiie future might developc. These reme dies were distributed—some being lodged in the different departments of the (Jov ernment and some left under regulations witli tiie people. These remedies should always lie applied in their proper order according to the na ture and source of the violat ion. In my opinion, tiie first remedy against these Military Hills was witli the cxecu tive department of the Government. The Government is divided into three departments, and separate powers given to each department for tiie great purpose of providing mutual checks and balances, so that no one department shall be able to destroy the Government. Now, if either department can, by any means, absorb to itselfthe powers confided to the other departments, or of either of the others, it, by that means, gets to itself powers which it was not intended it should exercise; and can, by reason of this in crease of powers, accomplish what tiie division of powers intended to prevent— destroy tiie Government. So, if either department, instead of thus absorbing to itself the powers of tiie other department, can, in lieu thereof, adopt some means by which it can compel or induce the other departments, or either of them to execute its unlimited will, it can thus as effectual ly and perhaps more conveniently accom plish the forbidden end—destroy tiie Government than if it had absorbed the powers to itself; because tiie department so compelled or induced to serve, ceases to be a check or balance to prevent destruc tion as was luteudu(i< nut degenerates into a mere tool or aider 'and abettor in the work of destruction. Here —right here—is precisely tiie pro cess by which tliis fragmentary conclave of a Congress is destroying tiie Constitu tion and the Government under tiie Con stitution. The first excluded from both Houses all the representatives of ten entire States because they were supposed not to be wil ling to the scliemesof tiie majority making the exclusion, and, to make the exclusion effectual, they denied the right of repre sentation to the ten States, all, in the teeth of the most explicit and positive provisions of tiie Constitution, declaring how tiie Congress shall he constituted, and of what tiie two Houses shall he composed. They next, under various transparent pre tences, excluded obnoxious members from other States. This process of exclusion continued un til two-thirds of those remaining were of one evil mind. The Executive Depart ment, though earnestly denouncing tiie body as not organized as the Constitution required, yet recognized this fragment as the Congress. Tims organized and thus recognized, this fragmentary conclave — now become very hold and dictatorial be gun to absorb to itself tin* powers ami func- I ions of both tiie other departments of 1 lie Government, and to threaten impeach ment and re-modeling aud non-appropria tion of salaries, if the other departments should presume to form cheeks upon its will. Tiie President sent back with his now ineffectual objections tiie several steps of tliis conclave in the work of destruction, and accompanied those objections witli an earnest patrotism and a fevor of meaning which have not. been excelled. Hut why talk patrotism to traitors, or address rea son to fanatics now conscious of their pow er to destroy and of safety to themselves in the work? They \vW laugh and grin, and pass the bills to destroy tiie Constitu tion with the glee of the cat which plays with the contortions of its captured, dying mouse. In an evil hour the President con sented—agreed it was his duty—to execute as Jaw whatever two-thirds of this frag mentary conclave might desire, declare,or order! “Then I, and you, and all of us fell down Whilst bloody treason flourished over us.” I have no doubt tiie President acted, in this matter, from tin* purest and most patriotic motives. His course was ad vised and commended Gy men distinguished for ability. He is surrounded by circum stances peculiarly responsible and embar rassing, and every desire of my heart is to help him and not to say anything that may weaken any man’s faith in him. Hut tiie country is passing thTouch a most fear ful ordeal. Everything we all have or can hope for is involved. Errors may ruin though motives be angelic. On questions of policy or expediency I love tiie yield ing, conciliating spirit. I despise, from my heart, tiie bigot or the fanatic. But a principle—a vital principle—should never he abandoned for temporary relief, nor yielded to conciliate an enemy. The Con stitution ought to tie administered in a spirit of concession, but no man entrusted to administer it should allow its destruc tion upon any pretence, ido believe tiie idea that the President is bonusl toexeeute whatever a two-thirds majority of Con gress may declare is tiie most fatal and dangerous error of tliis generation, not excepting secession, or ceorcion, or even fanaticism itself—the hideous mother of both secession and coercion. It is tiie er ror which, being committed, will be tiie greatest lever of strength to fanaticism, and which, not having been committed, would have been the death-biow to fanat icism aud to all its hellish brood of horrors. lam not writing to please any man. I see—have no doubt, I see—unprecedented evils ahead of us. I firmly believe there is no way to escape these evils but by cleav ing t<i the Constitution. I love all who love the Constitution in this crisis, as I love my property, my life, my liberty, and tiie peace and happiness of my children, for by that Constitution alone can these blessings be enjoyed. I iiate all who vio late the Constitution as I liate tiie thief ■ who steals my property, the tyraut who jfotmul & ffKessenqet. COITNTING KUO7I OPEN for Busines* FKon T A. M. TO 9 P. M. Rkahino Room (connected) supplied with all important newspapers and periodicals—free to the public. Authorized Aoknt.— Mr. Clarence Aldrich is our authorized Agent for collecting and receiving subscriptions. fetters my liberty, the murderer who seeks my life, or the monster who would destroy all the hope for my children ; iiecause, in tiie destruction of the Constitution by force and fraud, all these curses will come. If the Constitution needs amendment let us all—all the States— amend it; if free government has failed let us admit it, and form another like men of reason and hon esty. But whatever government and laws we* have let us obey them while we have them, ami not seek to evade them by fraud, or overturn them bv force, for then we have o/torc%,!whU)li means the utter ab sence of ail safety and iiope, and the actual presence of every danger, for person, prop erty, liberty and life. Os all enemies to individuals, to society, or to government, he who deceives aud takes advantage of trusts reposed, or power conferred, to in jure, slander or betray, is tin* meanest, the most cowardly and tiie most dangerous. Therefore, I denounce the Radicals and all their disciples. I know the President is a patriot, but his error threatens to place him and his country in the unrestrained atid veuegful powes of foresworn enemies, and he who believes it is an error owes it to his country to say sound give his reus - sons for his belief. In the construction of all human instru ments there must arise quest ions on which nieu will honestly differ. These doubtful questions have arisen under the Constitii tiou. It was anticipated they would arise, aud arise, too, between the Executive and Congress, and the method of settling such differences was provided. When the Pres ident thinks a Gill presented to hhn is un constitutional, he must return it with his objections. Congress must reconsider it, and if two-thirds differ with the President the bill becomes a law, notwithstanding the President’ll objection*. Now, that this refers to eases of men* honest diflcretioes as to what is tiie meaning of the Constitution —to cases of doubt is very clear from tin* deliberation which is required of all part ies. The President is required to send hisofyec (ions to Congress. The objections miisi In in writing. The House to w hich the ob jections arc sent must enter them on their journal, and then proceed to reconsider. If two-tliirdsdiffer with tin* President, tiie bill and objtedon must be sent to the other house. Tiie other house must also recon aider; and if, after all sides are fully heard, and the matter has been considered and re considered, two-thirds of hot h houses differ with tiie President the bill shall become a law. That is, in these doubtful questions if two-thirds of l> >t 1 1 1 louses, after full con sideration of all sides, shall lie of one opin ion and tin* President and one-third shall he of another opinion all presumed to tie honest aud unselfish and desiring only to govern the country according to (.lie Con stitution—l lie opinion of the two-third* shall prevail, Such were the Bank and Taritl’and I nterual improvement quest ions and many others. In all such oases it is very manifest tin* President must execute the law until the Judiciary shall pronounce against it. Tiie President can not, himself, become the (’mirt, or at sorb l<> himself the functions of the Court. This is the whole extent of the doctrine of tiie PresideiiL’sobligation to execute the laws. No more, no less. Does tliis give two-thirds of tiie Con gress power to subvert the Government, and is the President bound to help them wubvert it? Tiie Constitution, in separate clauses, defines what Congress may do, and then, by other clauses, dee la res what Congress shad not do. Doubts naturally arise in ascertaining the extent of the meaning in those clauses which seek to define what Congress may do. But sup pose Congress undertake to do that which the Constitution says Congress shall not do? How then? If two-thirds say they will do it any how is the President bound to execute it? Tiie Constitution says: “No hill of at tainder or exjiostfacto law shall be passed. ' Suppose two-thirds pass a bill of attainder, is it a law'! If so, two-thirds of the Con gress can annul tiie Constitution. If so, the will ol two-thirds of Congress, am! not the Constitution, is the supreme law. Hut the President is not bound to execute that which is not a law. The President ad mits the Sherman Hill is a bill of attainder against nine millions of people! How, then, can lie be bound to execute that which tiie Constitution says shall not be done, ? (suppose two-thirds of this conclave shall declare that the present ’ patriotic Gov ernor of Connecticut was not properly elected, because the colored citizens of that State were excluded by tiie laws votiucr in tlia election ; should then declare the government was provisional, and send a military comman der there to govern the people until they should change their laws and hold another election in which the colored citizens should participate? Must the President execute this order ? Suppose this two-thirds shall declare that ail elections, State and Federal, of persons not of the Radical or Republican party, are void, because such persons are not loyal, and shall reduce the people quietly of such disloyal elections to mil itary subjection; must the President ex ecute tiie mandate? Suppose two-thirds of tliis couclaveshall declare that the President is disloyal and lie is, therefore, not a legal President and is removed , or not to be obeyed ; must I lie executive department execute its own de molition ? Suppose they say the Supreme Court is an obstruction to progress and is abolished; yea, more—suppose they shall declare, what they have often said, that the Federal CansliLution ‘is a covenant with iieil and a league with the devil,’ and that no State Constitution is republican in form, and that all shall beset aside, or de clared only provisional, and the whole country shall be placed under military rule with commanders subject, only to the orders of this conclave, until new Cousti tutions State and Federal, shall b o ap proved by them, and in making which all wiio agree witli them shall be enfran chised, and all wiio differ from them shall lie disfranchised, must tiie President lie hound to execute this revolution nrquietly look on and see the < iovernmentdestroyed? All these tilings some of this conclave have declared ought to lie done, and have threatened to do! Mon than all these they have done, aud are now actually doing for ten of tiie States. Why may they not do so for all ? The power is the same over all that it isoverone. They OUGHT to do so for all or for none. They send a single officer to Virginia, who is not even a resident of the State, and claim for him power to repeal the laws passed in tiie days of Washington and by the votes aud approval of Jefferson, Madison, Mon roe and Marshall; and a similar non-res ident individual, by his own irresponsible edicts, sets aside whole constitutions and codesin the States of Macons and Pinck neys, and proclaims other* in their stead, in a manner more summary and arbitrary than any monarch in Curo|x- dare exhib it! All this is admitted to be piaiuly, grossly unconstitutional, but it must lie done, and the President is hound to see to it that it is done, because two-tliirds of this conclave says it must he done! Thus, not only two-thirds of a Congress, butof a fragmentary conclave of members —who secure that two-thirds by unlaw fully excluding from their seats those members who are not willing to commit perjury to destroy tiie Government —be- come not only greater than the Constitu - tion, not only have power to destroy the Government, lint can command, order, compel every other department of the Government to aid in the destruction. Was ever conclusion so Jarne, heresy so dangerous, or patriotism so self-destruc tive ? Henceforth, not tiie Constitution and tiie laws passed in pursuance thereof, but tiie will of the two-thirds of Congress, or of a conclave taking forcible possession of the Capitol, shall be the supreme law of the laud. Would it not lie well to require us all, from tiie President down, to take an oath to support that will, instead of re quiring us to swear to support the Consti tution, and then compelling us, by the higher power of this will, to violate our oaths? No Congress, not even a legitimate Congress, by even a unanimous vote, have power to destroy States, to pass laws for bidden by the Constitution, nor to subvert the Government; and when they under take it, and in the meanest aud most dan gerous of all ways—undercover of oaths and office —it is as much tiie duty of the President to suppress them as it is bis duty to suppress an insurrection or an invasion. The contrary doctrine is a pro clamation to radicalism that it shall lie aided in its work even by the friends of the Constitution. It is license to