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Jsournal mtb Hlestng^r.
M ,S. ROSE andTbTbURR,
EDITORS AND PROPRIETORS.
<>H'ICE— Ralston Han Building—CHEßßY ST.,
MACON, GA.
Gkokuia Journal a Mkssknukk'ls published
every Wednesday. Three dollars per annum.
GOOD NIGHT.
Good night! I have to say good night
lo such a host or peerless things 1
Good night unto that fragile hand
All ijneonly with lt« weight ol rings-
Good night to lend uplifted eves.
Good night to chestnut braids of hair
G-hkl night unto t.lie perfect, mouth ’
And all Idle sweetness nestled there—
The suowuy hand detains me, then
I II have to say good night again !
But there will come a time, iny love
When, if | read our stars aright '
1 shall tint Huger hy the porch ’
With my adieus Till then, good ulght'
»ou wish the time were now-? Aud l
You do not blush to wish it so?
yon would have blushed yourself to death
io own as much a year ago—
Wilt! ! both these snowy hands! ah, then
1 11 have to say good night again.
Letter mini lA-flovorinir Ilcrsrlicl v
Jolt Man.
Augusta, Ua„ July lltli, 1867.
Messrs. John G. Westmoreland, James V. Alex
ander, James I’. Ilanildeton, T. T. Hmith, Eli J.
Jlnlsoy, Thomas C. Howard, K. M. Brown, It. A.
Alston, Thomas Y. Lowe, Thomas Kile, Aiuos
Kpx, L. J. Winn, and Henry 8. Orme, Commit
inlttee, Ac., Atlanta, Ga:
Gentlemen—l have the honor to ac
knowledge the receipt of your letter of the
>»<l instant, in which, in reply to mine of
the tsnh ult., expressing my adversion to
the publication of my “views on the duties
of the hour,” you insist that I sliall recon
sider the ground of such aversion, and ex
press your conviction that great good must
inevitably flow from it. In deference to
your opinions, and being moved by your
strung appeal, predicated upon the fact
that 1 have, in times past, “ been honored
by the highest confidence of the people of
Georgia,” and that, therefore, “ now, iir
this severest hour of our trials and distress,
* * * * * they have the right
to ask” my opinions, I have determined to
forego my own reluctance aud comply
with your request.
The whites, in Ueorgia, are largely in
the ascendant, and if they would he firm
and united, they could defeat the nefarious
scheme for their ruin and humiliation.—
Hut the tempter is in our midst, seeking
to divide the people, aud thus to induce
them to take the fearful leap into the
yawning gulf. We are advised to accept
the Sherman hill, or Congress will adopt a
more grinding measure, aud auofi, thous
amis of the timid are ready to oiler their
anus to receive the fetters ; to accept It, or
Congress will confiscate opr property, and
anon, thousands, who love money more
than free government, are willing to bend
their necks to the ignominious yoke, to
accept it, or we will not be allowed repre
sentation in Congress, and anon, ottico
mongers are ready to drink the hemlock.
I do not feel the force of those appeals to
our fears.
Congress will adopt a more grinding
measure? What more can that usurping
conclave do? lias it not already broken
down all tiie constitutional safeguards, for
the protection of property, life and liberty?
Have they not obliterated (ho sovereignty
of the States? Have they not destroyed
the federative feature of our government ?
—its character of compact between co
equal States, and converted it into an un
limited and irresponsible despotism?
Let us glance at I lie provisions of the
Sherman programme of reconstruction.—
It authorizes the suspension of the privi
lege of the writ of habeas corpus, in the
midst of profound peace. It clothes the
military commanders, in their respective
districts, with unlimited judicial powers
in the face of the Constitution, which de
clares “that tiie judicial power of the
United States sliall be vested in one Su
preme Court and such inferior courts as
Congress may, from time to time, ordain
and establish.” ft authorizes the denial
of the “right of a speedy and public trial
by an impartial jury,” by investing the
military commander with power to organ
ize military courts for the trial of offenders.
II authorizes any civilian, iu the ten pre
scribed States, to be held to answer for
crime, upon a mere military order, in di
rect contravention of the expressed lan
guage of the Constitution. It authorizes
searches, seizures and arrests, without
warrant or sworn accusation, whereas, the
Constitution declares “the right of the
people to be secure in tlieir persons, papers
and cl loch) against unwarrantable searches
and seizures shall not he violated, and no
warrant shall issue, but upon probable
cause, supported hy oatli or affirmation,
and particularly deseribingthe place to lie
searched and tiie person or things, to he
seized.” It authorizes the abrogation of
all legal process, and substitutes, in its
stead, the irresponsible order of the mili
tary commander; whereas, the Constitu
tion declares that “no person shaft he
deprived of life, liberty or property, with
out due proeess of law.” ft abrogates, iu
ten States, their governments, republican
in form, aud the establishment therein of
military despotisms, although the Cousti- j
Union declares that “the United States j
sbal! guarantee to every State in this |
Union, a republican form of government.”
It subverts the sovereignty of the people
of l lie States, aud denies their reserved
rights, although the Constitution provides
that “the powers not delegated to the
United States by the Constitution, nor
prohibited by it to (lie States, are reserved
to the States respectively or to the people.”
It proceeds upon the assumption that Con
gress is supreme—the Executive a nullity
and the judiciary "a nose of wax,” and
that the several States, or the people there
of, are entitled to such rights only as Con
gnus majfr permit, it assumes to confer
State citizenship, and prescribes who sliall
exeu-ise tiie elective franchise ; whereas,
the Constitution clothes Congress with
power only to pass “uniform notwaUsatlon
laws.” It disfranchises thousands of the
best citizens of the Smith, as a penalty for
participating in, what Congress is pleased
to term, “the rebellion.” It assumes their
guilt without the right of a “public and
speedy trial by an impartial jury,” iu de
fiance of the maxim that. “every man is
presumed to be innocent until legally con
victed ;” and provides the punishment,
after tiie commission of the alleged crime,
despite the-constitutional inhibition against
file passage of "ex post facto" laws. 11
t '.ntigress had taxed its ingenuity to see
how niliny and what grievous infractions
of the Constitution it could compress iu
the fewest words, they could have origin
ated nothing more successful or nefarious
than tiie promised scheme ol reconstruc
tion. They have outraged every principle
of Magna, Charta. lake Aaron’srod, they
have swallowed the Executive and Judici
ary Departments, amt erected the most
odious form of despotism upou the ruins
of a wise, beneficent, and nicely-balanced
representative republic.
.Now, supjxtse we do not accept the
Sherman bill, ab we are sweetly advised
to do, lest Congress should adopt a more
rigorous measure, what more rigorous can
human wickedness devise? It is threat
ened that they will add confiscation. That
will be utterly impossible, if theyguttempt
It under the forms of law. They may
plunder; they may rob ; they muy spoli
ate, by military power ; hut every man of
common sense kJWKvs, and Judge Chase
has so decided, that property cannot ho
legally confiscated until after trial and
con viution, and he will he compel Its I
to decide, whenever the question shall he
made, thatiauy act of Congress, for that
purpose, v rj|Le unconstitutional, because
‘Y.r pout f<v But suppose the worst—
that Conge . attempt to confiscate,
whom will .eiyrfti,. • it will hurt only
those who iaxwliqtapcrty, and who are not
willing their perishing treas
ure, at the pr . lc i minor and freedom. —
To -ii.-.li, prop* , ! fs dust, when weighed
in the balance with constitutional liberty.
JLiUJe. property is left, n» Hie true men of
the South. Asa general remark, such
men have emerged from the war with
nothing left hut poverty and patriotism.—
There are those who were blatant lor se
cession in (lie beginning, who denounced
speculation and speculators, whilst they
enriched themselves by speculation, aud
who are now willing “ to bend the supple
hinges of the knee that thrift may follow
fawning.” Thnj may have something to
lose by confiscation ; and if they can save
it by recreancy to their homes and liearth
stones, by abandoning those whom they
led into secession, by becoming false to
their race, and by playing the part of pall
bearers at the funeral of the Constitution,
be it so. Verily, they will reap their retn
butiou in 1 lie execrations of niankinu.
But generally the true men ot the bouth
have little to confiscate, ana that little
they are willing to surrender, il need he,
as a holocaust upou the smoking altar of
their country.
li'Ose Ac ilurr.
To the suggestion that if we do not ac
cept the proposed scheme of reconstruction
we shall not be allowed representation in
Congress, 1 am, if possible, more indillcr
ent. Who cares for such representation
as will be foisted upon tl;e people under its
operation ? They will be representatives
in name, but niisrepresen tati ves in fact.—
Much as 1 deprecate military government,
it is tar preferable to such a government as
will probably be inaugurated under tlw
Sherman programme.
Entertaining these Views, I never will
approve, consent to or accept the poisoned
chalice ottered to our lips, nor will I ad
vise my fellow-citizens to do so. if per
mitted to vote, in view of the turn of
events, I should register, and 1 hope every
man in Ueorgia who can will do so, with
tiie view of defeating the scheme for our
degradation and the overtlrrow of republi
can government.
It cannot fail to strike themind of every
reflecting man, that t lie consent of the
people to the | reposed plau of reconst ruc
tion is desired oy the dominant party ; for
having obtained our consent they will in
sist that whatever is irregular is thereby
cured, that whatever is unconstitutional
is thereby waived, and they absolved from
their sins. Then the door of redress, in
every form, will have been forever closed.
Then ail future remonstrance will he vain,
anil its Voice silenced by the retort upon
us, that tee consented to the scheme, and
that the State Government and Constitu
tion, organized in pursuance of it, arc, in
truth and in fact, the Government and
Constitution adopted by the people. Let,
us never consent, but having the power,
let us see to it that we reject it. This we
can do only by registration and voting
against tiie proposed convention.
Many good men are embarrassed by the
idea that the/uefof registration implies
consent, mid will hind them to abide the
action of the convention. There would he
force in this, were it not Unit the Consli
tutieu to be formed by the proposed con
vention, is to be submitted to the people
for ratification, which clearly shows that
the mere fact of registering does not carry
with it sueli consent, but that it depends
entirely upon tin* ratification of the Con
stitution. Registration, therefore, is u
necessary slop lor every citizen to take in
order to put him elf in position to consent
to or dissent from the action of the con
ventiuu.
On the other hand, if those opposed to
the scheme refuse to register, is it not plain
that they put. themselves their children,
and the interests of the State, at tile mer
cy of the Radicals? Kor by so dohig.tlie y
can vote against neither the Convention,
nor tin* ratilication of the Constitution
which it shall frame. Are they willing to
tills? Will not the radicals construe Itieir
refusal into an expression of wllingness to
abide liie action of those who do register?
“ Silence gives consent,” they will say, and
our future remonstrances will be met by
this potent old maxim. Therefore let all
register and wield their ballot to save the
Slate from utter ruin aud degradation.
This is tiie club of Hercules, by which we
can, if united and true to ourselves, crush
this horrid Hydra that basks in and fattens
upon the slime of the JLeruean lake of
radical corruption.
We are in a great struggle for the rigid
of self government, which our forefath
ers intended to secure, forever, to tiie
people of Uie several States. We are asked
lo consent ; nay, it is sought to compel us,
by appeals to our fears, to consent to a
fundamental change in our system of
government—a change wbeli must prove
fatal. 1f we consent, our ruin is inevita
ble; we can be but ruined if we refuse. I
prefer the latter horn of tiie dilemma.—
We are afloat upon a storm-tossed sea : in
the darkness and fury of the tempest we
have hut one plank—the Constitution.—
Lot us cling to that, and, if submerged,
let us go down, grasping it with the des
perate energy of death. Property and life
are nothing without good government.
We bequeath to our posterity a heritage of
woe, if we surrender them to the mercies
of despotism.
We cannot say what changes Congress,
now in session, may make, but it is not to
he expected- that they will ameliorate
pending issues. From the temper which
seems to characterize their deliberations,
they will probably extract from the eup
every little ingredient that tends to miti
gate its bitterness, ami require us to drink
it;- poison undiluted, it seems to bo tlieir
purpose to clothe the military Command
ers in the several divisions with unlimited
powers. This should intensify our oppo
sition ; and if there lie a slumbering love
of liberty in the North, it should arouse it
into activity and summon them to the
rescue. 'They can, if they will, save liber
ty ; we caunot without their co-operation.
Our oppressors can put chains ujton us,
if they will, seeing us impotent and pros
trate at tlieir feet; hut let us consent to it
never. We are overpowered, hut not con
quered. They can mb us of freedom , hut
let us never agree to be stares. They may
overthrow e-otuttUuftonal liberty ; but let us
never etnbra.ee tlieir despotism.
f despair of redress by Executive inter
position. The President is powerless. I
despair of redress by any appeal to tin-
Supreme Court. That tribunal isuotequal
to the occasion. 11 bows to the black surges
of radical fanaticism. My only hope, and
that not sanguine, is in a possible re-action
among the people of the North and tin*
Northwest. They want the harmony of
tiie Union restored ; they, like us, at heart,
are attached to the great rights of sell
government; t hey are in a passion now,
but that passion may subside in time to
save the Constitution if, by rejecting the
Sherman scheme, we afford them an op
portunity to rally. When freed from its
blinding influence, they will see the danger;
for that power which will crush us will
involve them in consequences fatal to all
tlieir interests. This great issue must go
before them, in their next elections, and i
desire that it shall not be closed against us
by our consent to t lie chains forged for us.
If it can be fairly presented, they may say
to the angry sea, “Thus fur slialt thou go
aud no farther.” They may cleanse the
Augean stable, purge the statute books,
and restore the administration to its an
cient landmarks. if not, nothing will be
101 l us hut acquiescence in the sad necessi
ty of our condition. Then, and not till
then, may he inscribed upon the tomb of
constitutional liberty, “/Ilium fait."
Let us he firm, calm, self-poised and
united —prepared for every aspect of the
future—trusting in God as our ouiy wis
dom, guide and protection.
I have tiie honor, gentlemen, to be your
friend and fellow-citizen,
Hkrschel V. Johnson.
The number of pious murderers who are
dying on the gallows just now in various
parts of the country, is quite remarkable.
From these dying speeches tiie shortest
and most triumphant route to heaven
would seem to be through Murderer’s Al
ley. No saint or martyr of the olden
times ever died more ecstatically for his
faith than do these scoundrels for their
crimes. The lirst Christian martyr, stoned
to death for his devotion and blameless
life, died with humble prayers upon his
lips; these ruffians exult in their certainty
of salvation though their souls are black
with guilt. There is something infinitely
disgusting in all this—utterly shocking to
one’s sense of decency and revolting to all
just distinction between virtue and vice.
There is no telling to what absurdities a
fierce and crazy fanaticism may not carry
its victims; but it strikes us that tiie
blaspheming rhapsodies, and self-compla
cent exultations of these brutalized villains
—who are so steeped iu guilt as to make it
doubtful whether they have enough that is
human left in them to make Christians of
—might lx- sensibly and usefully confined
to their cells. —[New York Times.
Not far from Susquchana county, Pen
sylvania, a clergyman, celebrated for bis
talent at making blunders, after having
pronounced a happy couple man and wife,
concluded the ceremony by wishing them
“a happy and pleasant journey through
life, and hoped tliat'lhey would be blessed
in their marriage relations as were Abra
ham ane Barah in days of old.” Before
the company diffused themselves to tlieir
respective places of abode, a youth of
Scriptural pursuits informed them that
“Sarah was one hundred years old before
she bore Isaac!” That was so ! The cler
gyman acknowledged the corn, and—
“then the band played.”
A Radical editor says that confidence
in his |*arly is “ without bounds.” S<> is
vacant space.
JANETTE’S HAJK.
milks 6’heilky.
‘ oil! loosen tin? ntKir.i that you wear Janette.
Get me tangle a luuiU in your tilin', Iny jh-i
Kor the worh! to mo had no (luhttor maid
Ti an yottr brown luitr voidin', yoin si Hinklers
white.
As 1 (angled a hand in your hair, my get.
It was brown, with a golden gloss, Janette,
U was liner limn silk of the lh>«s, my got;
’Twas a beautiful mist, falling down to your waist,
Twas a thing to he braided and jeweled and
kissed,
"Twas tiie loveliest hair in tiie world, any pet!
My arm was tiie arm of a clown, Janette,
ll was sinewy, bristled and brown, iny pet,
But warmly and soltly it loved to earess.
Your round white neck and your love of tress,
Your boaullUii plenty of hair, my pet.
Your eyes had a swimming glory, Janette,
Revealing Uie old dear story, my pet,
They were grey, with that ehasti ned tinge of t he
sky
When the troll I leaps quickest to snap tiie fly—
And t.toy matched vulii your golden liair, my
pet.
Your lips—hut 1 have no words, Janette.
’1 hey were Iresli as Hie tv, liter ot birds, my pet.
Wlicn the spring is young, and Die roses aie wet
With uew drops iu each red hesom set,
And they suited your gold-brown hair, iny pet.
Oil ! you tangled my life in your hair, Janette,
’Twit* a silken and golden snare, my pel ;
Jiutse gentle the bondage my soul did implore
The right a» com bine tins slave evennhre .
With my lingers eunieshod iu your hair, my pel.
Tims ever j dream what yon were, Janette,
Will) your lids, aud your eyes, and your hair, my
pet;
iu the darkness of desolate years I moan,
And my tears fell bitterly over the stone
That Covers your golden liair, my pet.
♦ *
Details of tbc Execution ol .ttxxlmliiuii .
An extra of the New Orleans Times,
published on Tuesday evening, contains a
letter from Mali Luis I’otosi, giving addi
tional details concerning Maximilian's
execution, in company with Mirainon and
Mejia, as follows:
At six o’clock on the morning of June
16, the troops of Escobedo formed a short
distance from Uie city for the execution of
Maximilian and his Generals,the penplcof
Huerefaro Hocking by thousands to see the
rinsing scenes in tiie life <*| the men they
loved. As the clock sinks seven the hells
101 l and announce that the prisoners have
left t heir prisons for the last time, and an
on their way to their execution. Alter a
lew moments they appear, drawn in car
riages ami a large guard around them, the
Emperor first, Mirainon next and Mejia
last. As they near the place of execution
convulsive sobs break from the crowd.—
The carriages stop and the prisoners get
out. Among the conclnve you can hardly
see a dry eye. Tokens ol dissatisfaction are
manifested,
Maximilian, on alighting, is saluted by
the people. In an easy and graceful man
ner, and with mi elastic step, he marched
to the fatal spot. The prisoners were
dressed in a plain manner. They were
not hound nor blindfolded. In taking his
position, the Emperor spoke in a clear
and lirm manner, and with nothing of
bravado. He Seemed to feel bis situation,
ami said when lie was first waited uf>ori at
home by the deputation from Mexico,who
came with credentials offering him the
government of the country, tie refused. At
a subsequent meeting the proposition was
again presented, and lie replied that if
convinced that the majority thought that
it was to their interest to place him at the
in ad of the Govern ment, lie might eonsen t.
Another deputation waited on him and
brought additional testimonials. Upon
advice front ihe powers of Europe, who
advised him that there was no other course
to pursue, he accepted thecall. He denied
that tiie Court that tried him had aright
to do so. His was a ease of good faith. The
nations of tiie worid had pledged tlieir
faith to him. He never would have done
the act had it not been for the good of
Mexico. In conclusion, he hoj-ed his
blood would stop the effusion of blood in
the country.
Mirainon spoke from a paper. The only
regret he felt in dying was that, should
tiie Liberal party retain the Government,
his children would be jxdnied out as the
children of a traitor. He told them lie
was no traitor, but hub always opposed
Liberal principles, and always beenaguinst
the disorder of tiie country. He should
ilie as lie lived, a (lonservative, satisfied to
die for his country. The fame of his acts
would live, ami posterity would judge
whether lie was right or wrong, He
closed with the words, “ Vita la Jimperor !
Virata. Mexico /”
Mejia made no address ; lie went to Es
cobedo and said he would die ]*>or; that
lie hud never made an effort to make
money. His only wealth consisted in
forty cattle in the mountains. He asked
that the merchants of Matamoras, to
whom ho owed considerable, would not
press his wife to pay his debts when they
came into posession of the money left
them by the kindness of the Emperor.
After Mirainon ceased speaking, the
guard was drawn up. The prisoners were
standing facing them. The Emperor
called the sergeant, and drawing from his
pocket a handful of si’u pieces, lie gave
them to him, and requested that after his
deatli he would divide them with his
company, asking as a favor that he would
aim his bullet at his heart. The ollicer.s
gave the signal, the volley was fired, and
the prisoners lay stretched on the ground.
Tiie Emperor was not quite dead. Two
soldiers were then called out, who shot
him in the side. Mirainon and Mejia
were killed hy (he first volley. Each of
the four halls entered in the breast. A
sheet was thrown over the Eirqieror by
the doctor, who was to embalm his body.
The I todies were then taken by their
respective friends, and the troops moved
back to their quarters, while thousands
remained, kept by a supernatural agency.
A solemn requiem mass for the repose
of tiie soul of the unfortunate Emperor
Maximilian, was celebrated in New Or
leans on Tuesday morning, at 8 o’clock, in
the Kedemptorist (St. Mary’s) Church.—
The mass was given without invitation by
the reverend lathers. The interior of the
Cliurcli had a grand aud sombre look. In
the nave, near the channel rail, was the
catafalque, draped in heavy folds of black
velvet, a death’s head, skull aud cross
bones forming part of the furniture. A
hundred wax candles were lighted and
illuminated the sides. All of the foreign
consuls and the Austrian navai officers
were in attendance, and occupied the
pews immediately along the catafalque.
The Austrian Consul has received orders
to provide subsistence for the Austrian
soldiers recently landed at Mobile, and
they will he returned here in a day or two.
The unfortunates are to be furnished with
transportation from this place to Europe,
or to lie permitted to remain and settle in
the country, as tlie-y may individually
elect.
The relatives of Mr. Clarence H. Selleck,
who have been in suspense as to his fate
since his disappearance over four years
ago, have recently received intelligence of
him in Savannah, Ga., from a lady of
Tennessee.
He was killed in a skirmish near Fair
field, Bedford county, Tennessee, about
the 22d of June, 18ti2, while General Bragg
was in command of the Western Army.—
A lady, who lives in sight of the ground
where the engagement took place, took
care of his body and had it buried, but the
officer in command of the Federals refused
to give her his papers and letters.
Mr. Selleck was well known in this
place, aud also in Hue West, where he was
a student at Elskiue College. Dar
ing the several years of his residence
in Savannah he enjoyed much pop
ularity, and was highly esteem e'd
and respected. “Os his virtues or his
faults,” says the News and Herald, “ it is
unnecessary to speak; his friends knew
him well enough, for he was generous and
whole-souled. ”
Abandoning the favorable prospects
which were opening to him, ho was among
the first to volunteer. The Savannah Ogle
thorpe flight Infantry, tire original com
pany of the lamented F. S. Bartow, were
his first comrades in the war, and he will
be remembered by the survivors of Ker
shaw’s brigade, witli which lie served in
Virginia from the spring of 1801 until the
summer of 1862. When killed, he was a
member of a Confederate cavalry regiment,
the 2d, attached to General Wharton’s di
vision.— [Abbeville (<V. (!.) Maun ct.
The Kads have a great many ”irons”Jiu
the fire—for the South.—[Jlosfcn Pont.
Whcoh, Ga., July 34, 1867.
SPEECH
OP THE / ‘ x pfr r
HON. BENJAMIN H.
(INC £ XlNDlTHiNUKTllKt'GtlNli^ii^B
k. lie- A ' *,
[REPORTED BY J. HENLY SMITH.]
Ladies and Fellow Citizens:
Human governments, like everything
else human,naturally teud to decay. They
call only be preserved by constant watch
fulness, courage, and adherence to correct
principles. These remarks apply v.'i tit
unusual force to free goveruqjents, winch
are the most difficult of all to maintain- —
If we, the people of the United Stall ',
were the lirst. iu history wJm had atfeo'pt
ed the experiment of living under a dem
ocratic or republican form of government,
we might ho excused if we failed to dis
cover the symptoms of approaching d< nth,
and to apply tiie remedies to preserve our
liberty and tiie blessings we have hiiierto
enjoyed. But we are not the lir-t who
have made this experiment. Othef peo
ples and nations, for thousands of j ours,
have had Common wealths, KepubLit ami
Democracies, which have risen und’tallcn
times almost without number. 1 b-u as
sert a great truth —one which limbs no con
tradiction or exception in all history-- j
when .1 say that the gn at leadinj: and
substantial causes of the decay of ftv<slom.
in nil countries, have ever been the -nine.
How inexcusable must we be if weßaii to
discover the symptoms, and bow coward
ly and recreant if wo fail to apply Uir prop
er remedy to prevent so foul'a (lentil!
No people ever commenced to build up j
a free government mid--, such favorable I
auspices as we. VVlial a climate, soil, va- j
riety of productions and material rc- cu ce '
do we possess ; and what an ancestry and j
what a common s.lriv gle for liberty md on: t
fathers pass through! Did any jeopk i
ever before comunmee with such n<;van j
tages ? Koine commenced a small city,
and was despised hy t lie barbarians sir mud ;
it. She extended her jmwer by her arms .
and increased till at las: in- aim n,:.;.-
tress of the world; We eouiim m■ and with •
such a people, country and product mils :e
no people ever had before, and We had t
lower di--"nlioUa aud ok mom -of discord I
titan any people ever suffered from ; and
Providence, as if tnsejianito u from tie
crimes and corrupting inllueuces of the,
old world, spread out tiii- great continent!
before us, with tiie wide sea to separate us J
from them,with no inUtienccof monan-by :
and oppressive systems to threaten or
make war upon us. if we fail, it will in
hy oar own folly. What e.\ a;e can we
render to our posterity and to the world, if
we, In this nay, with the lessons of history 1
before iih, allow free institutions lo perish i
on this continent? And our race will have !
been the soonest run. Wo have not yet:
lived a century. It is hut seventy-eight -
1 years si nee the ('nnstifution vu» formed,*
ami but ninety-one years since indepen- >
donee was declared by our fathers, while
the commonwealth of Rome Jived four
hundred years before the measures which ■
produced her decay were proposed. Wien ;
;» spectacle ! Tiie bt-.t people, the richer ]
soil, the most valuabi. production-, ekail j
hahed as If hy tiie Providence of God a- *
new era in tiie history of the worid » h
bidding fair t<> be the shortest lived of any
free government in the History of na
tions !
There is no difficulty whatever-and I;
as-ert it without fear of contradiction In I
discovering when and how a nation is liv
ing. J cannot now go mto an analysis of,
ail the symptoms of national decay and I
death. Ft is only iinjHirthnt to present
the leading one which controls a;] others
which existing, produces all others, and
which being remedied, cures ail others.—
Then hear it: the great symptom of the
decay arid death of a government is the
disregard Os tic’ FI’NDAMI'.NTAL I.AW of
that government. Whenever a people
come to treat lightly tlieir own fundamen
tal law, they have arrived at the most
dangerous point that is jiossible, short of
entire destruction. Republics, ai*ovo all
other kind of governments,aremaintained
by respect for law. If the people of the i
United .States fail to have a sacred regard ]
j for their own law—which is not like that i
of other nations, to be a- "Rained by ar
gument, by decisions, or by searching, but
is a plain and wisely written <Mnstittitiou j
—they will deserve the awful bate that I
awaits them ; and he who disregards its]
plain language has no excuse lo shield j
himself from the inf mug of a trait r\ |
[Applause.] Old as it i- trampled upon ;
torn and tattered as it is—my ihemc 1«. j
day is the < ''institution of our count ry and
for all our country. [Applause.] 1 charge
before Heaven and the Atm Ticaii people]
this day, that every evil by which we !
have been alliicted is attributable directlv j
to the violation oftheCon.-titmiou. 'l ink:
ers may work, quacks may pr - Tibe, and I
demagogues may deceive. But I declare t ,
you that there is no remedy for us, and no
hope to escape the threatened evil.--, but in
adhering tn tin Constitution.
Fellow citizens . Pardon tn while I -a :
that in presenting my views, I think of no
living man, IndieiduaUg, lo whom my re -
marks are to apply. 1 have come to talk
freely, to you aoouf the dangers of the
country. Little minds ■iscribelittloobjects
to those whoso views they do not agree i
with, ami he has attained an unenviable
reputation whose friends say “ you mean
him,” when I am speaking of treachery
and showing the evil consequences of a
certain line of policy, i have no personal
attacks to make on an enemy, even if !
have one, God knows if I could, with
my own bauds, I would gladly place a
crown of imperishable honor on the brow
of my most bitter foe, if f could thereby
rescue my country from tiie perils that
environ it! [Applause.] Rut if I have
an enemy, and haven vindictive spirit,
and desired him to become forever infa
mous, i could ask no more of him than
that, he should support the hellish
schemes of those who tire now seeking to
’subvert the Constitution and destroy our
liberty. He is digging a grave for himself
which posterity will never water with a
tear, ijet him alone. 1 have come to dis
cuss the present phase of the revolu
tion.
We have had a war which raged furiou:--
ly for four years. It originated simply in
a difference of opinion as to our rights un
der the Constitution. This difference ex
isteil from the first. It existed among the
framers of the Constitution. It could not
be settled l>v argument, and an appeal was
made to the sword. It was an open,man
ly light. There was nothing secret or am
biguous in the issue. It was waged by
men influenced in the masses by patriotic
emotions on both sides; and it was not to
destroy the Constitution, hut to assert on
each side their different views? On our
side it was asserted that tiie States were
separate and independent sovereignties,
and that the Constitution was a compact,
which each party was at liberty to dissolve
at will, and sw we seceded and declared
ourselves out of the Union. On tile other !
hand, it was contended that we were not
out of Uie Union—notwithstanding our
secession acts; and that the Constitution
was not a compact, but a binding law up
on the States resulting from a compact,
and therefore no one of- the number could
dissolve tiie connection at will. Upon
this issue we went to war. The war was
fought till we laid down our arms and
agreed to what our enemies said—that
we were in the Union.
Rut there is now another question to
settle. It is still within the range of ar
gument. its proportions are huge. Tim
iaiuw ai t- uia.i-t.Hng. It !s not a difference
of opinion as to what (be Constitution
means, and what, are our rights under it ;
but its object is plainly, unmistakably, to
set aside tbe Constitution and provide
something else. I have never doubted
that we were coming to this issue. In
speeches made by me, five, six, eight, and
ten years ago, I predicted this t and every
page of our history since that time lias
verified the correctness of the prediction.
The people of tiie North honestly love the
Constitution, but the leaders there hate it
and intend to destroy it, and tiie convul
sion through which we have passed lias
thrown the opportunity of making the
effort into their hands, and the present
military bills aud the one which is not yet
promulgated as Jaw, are the means adopt
ed to accomplish their design. These
bills are proposed for our acceptance.—
There is a remarkable feature in these
measures, that while force is employed to
execute them, there are yet nominally
submitted to us for our acceptance or re
jection. ;
■ ' .eet to the whole scheme, became it
I ’!fK” n sUtutional. A distinguished man
5 me, Ipughl to say a notorious
and,.. JP‘jbtl— said.to mu a lew days ago,
H ‘bight noth) waste time to prove
Rationality «>f lie measures
y-v' he
“’"lli'i! Xle c;l.,V%,>Uthlulij.
r-nat inspiring, gruy-hAtVU'f 7
Pennsylvania for perpetual iicamy, w'f. f
s building for himself a monument of
malignity that will overtop the pyramids
of Egypt, said the Constitution had noth
ing to do witli it. I shall never g: t done
shuddering, ami horrors will never cease
'o rise up in my mind, win u 1 sec men
taking an oath to support the Constitu
tion, and then legislating to pm in force
measures which are outside of it. A great
many of our own people ilippantly say the
Constitution is dead. Then your rights,
anil hopes for the future, .and all hope for
your children are dead. I ask every man,
if the Constitution i.-. dead, why are we
always, every day, and at every m-w step,
required to take an oath to support it ?
Now, I affirm that those military bills
are not only contrary to the Constitution,
but directly in the face of the amnesty
oath you were requited to take after the
surrender. Tim Government thought
proper, in accepting your .submission to
take yum oat it to support the Constitution
of the United States aud the Union of the
States, Why was that oath required if
the Constitution \va- dead?
Rut it is said tiie Constitution dot s not
apply to us. Then don’t swear to slip
1-orL it.
Rut it is said again that wc are not in
the Union. Then why swear to support
Uie Union of these .Stale.-i ? What “Union”
■foes that mean? When you look that
oatii w.i jit tie- Union of the Northern
Stales aloiie that you swore to supistrt?--
\Viiat bin-.m- s have you with I hat I uioit ?
No, it i. the I 'll ion of all tie- Stab - known
10 uie \ on.stsiuuon uiai you tuv • worn
to support.
Rut they say that oath was prescribed
by tile President, and that lie is not loyal.
Then J muni answer a fool according to
hi-.i folly, mid u truiU/i uecoruing to bis
Uvumi;. What do they require who
jut-? .(•'l tlmse - huhtury Jugi/tT-
Haul : They require every man who reg
isters his name lo vote, to -wear to .--i.p
port the Constitution, and counsel and
persuade others to do so and -till it is
said the Constitution lun> nothing to do
with it! They say the scheme i- outside
of the Con.-Litution, and yet in the process
of carrying it out, they require an oatli to
supj-oi t the Constitution and to counsel
and iier.Miadc others to do so* That is
more than Mr. Johnson ever required in
the oath which lie prescribed.
It is my business to support the Cousti
tuiion, and my duty and pleasure to p'-i
--suuile others to do so. Some of you why
favor the acceptance of the military bjil
tuke an oath to this ellbct, aud alii! intend j
to vote for a convention which jou admit
to be ordered contrary to the Coitalitulion !
How its this? Ifyouhavt a con.soieuce, I
have said enough, if you vote
for a convention you are PER
JURED! [Trememlnu- applause.; Ol
I pity the race of tiie colored jajople who
TT .n- never been taught what an oath is,
ior what the ConuliUition meat is. They
jare drawn up hy a -elfish conclave of trat-
U’sto inflict ;i death-blow upon the life of
the Republic by s wearing tln-m to a fa!
hood. They are to begin tiu-ir political
life hy perjury to aceompiiisii tin! 1
would not visit the p< Baity upoti i hetn.—
They are neither legally nor morally re
sponsible, but it i~ you—educated design
ing white men—who thus devote your
sa ves to the unholy work—who are tin
k dhy parties ! You pt ate about your loy
alty ! I looa you in :B e ; . e-and denounce
you! j Applause i 1 are morally and
legally perjured traitor-! You j-erjuro
yourselves and perjure the poor negro to
help your treason ! [lmmense applause.]
You can’t ce-.q it! Y imuybn tof it
now, while pos* ; ou is ri:V, but the time
will Come when the very thought will
witheryou soul and make you hide from
thc'fte e of mankind.
Wtall di.-.'ltafge the obligation of the
siniltfsty oath. 1: required me to support
tiiO lution fiii ! 1* j t b-muih ipiitioii ol
the negro, and I do. i will not bind my
wjul to anew slavery, to hell, by violating
it. i tab; plainly, hut i -imply want to
strike through [the incrustation of the
hardened conscience, aud make men feel
and realize their true situation.
I have proved tlia: these military bills
violate tiie ('(institution, and that you, in
carrying them out, violate it an t your
amnesty oatli and yout registry oath. —
And what is your purpose It must be a
great good you seek to induce you to com
mit ito much crime and folly.
.Sometimes men wink at what is by
strict tcelinicaltics wrong in the individ
ual, to accomplish some great good to the
public. Ido not recognize the correctness
ot - ttcit action ; hut what do you propose
by trampling ujsm the Constitution and
violating your own solemn oaths’? Is it
to save the State and preserve liberty ’? —
lids not the object, but tbc purpose is as
in.'amou. as the measure resorted to to ef
fect it. !i ou first projx.se lo abrogate your
Suite governments by authority of tin- so
called Congress—a mure conclave of a por
tion of the members of that laxly. Ry
whom is this dictated? The principle
that whoever forms a government should
Inrni it for themselves its well as for oth -
ers, is ;t correct one; but tiie men who
propose this for us do not live in any of
the ten States to Is- uttl-cted by tln-ir legis
lation. It is not made tosuit either white
or black, or any other (*l:is; of our people,
but lo suit themselves, while they are not
allected by it : and if you art upon tiieir
proposition, in a manner to suit yourselves,
you will not be accepted by them ; nay,
you violate the Omstlitution'to subvert the
government. And by carrying cut these
measures you disfranchise your own poo
pie. Suppose you concede, for argument,
that it is rigiit to enfranchise all the lie
gt'ii- • if this he right, hy what principle
of fuw or morals, (io xvc disfranchise the
wlhte people? “ Oh, but,” you say, “ the
w’f'i's have been rebels.” Then they
should all be disfranchised, and not a part
of them. Resides, the government you
are to frame is to be a civil government,
and last for all time, .-Aid for peace, when
there can lie no rebels. I see it stated that
Gen. Sickles lias advised that the disfran
chising feature bo repealed or modified,
and for the reason that tin- enfranchised
class are not lit to fill tiie offices. Well, if
lie has done so, iie has acted wisely, and
shown himself capable of appreciating one
truth. Audit is a great truth—one that
will hide a multitude of sins; and it might
be well for his fame if this recommenda
tion alone could be remembered of his ad
ministration. In the face of the fact that
a republican government can rest upon
and be perpetuated only by the virtue
and intelligence of the people, you propose
to exclude the most intelligent from par
ticipating in the G overnment forever.
You will by these measures inaugurate a
war of races. A people who will abrogate
their own government and disfranchise the
most intelligentof them at the dictation of
those who are not to be allected thereby,
and live under the dictation of a foreign
power, have no conscience; but if you
have a conscience i hope to reach it- Ry
all you hold dear i warn you that by ac
cepting these military bills you inaugurate
a measure that will exterminate the Afri
can race, Some of you who have come
among us are taking tiie negro by the arm
—telling him that you are his friend, aud
that you gave him liis liberty ! Ye hypo
crites ! Ye whited sepulchres ! Ye mean
i.i-ymii heartsvTMeeeive and buy up the
negro vote for your own benefit, 'i’lie ne
groes know no better; but 1 would ask
| them: if those men are faithless to the
; Constitution of the country, how can they
; be faithful to you ? Yet these men admit
i in the very act that they arc disregarding
i the Constitution! They take an oath to
I support it with tiie purpose and intent
! formed before hand to violate it, and vote
1 for measures contrary to it. They are not
i lie to lie trusted b.v any animal, dog or
man. Such a man would betray his point
er, and such a woman sell her poodle!—
They are not capable ol being the friends
of anybody but themselves, i don’t pity
the whites so much who are to suffer by
these measures. “ You knew your duty
but did it not,” and'.ifyou are beaten with
many stripes we have the authority of
Scripture for saying that your punishment
lis just; but to see the Africans Jed oil'by a
claptrap which they don’t understand,and
I used because they don’t understand it, and
i thus led to the slaughter by men who are
I faithless to every principle, under thebe
* lief that they are being elevated and exer-
, effing (lod-given rights, is enough to make
ant man feel sick at heart and experience
tin:deepest pity for the unfortunate race.
TUs is not the first time that such
things have been attempted. Unfortuu
itely, there have before been lx>Ui (Vkils
md knaves in the world, and some of you,
t would seem, will not learn wisdom from
be lemons of the post, if the Constitu
- >n i* dead, we are outside of it, and, 1
]v.''list gtiverument have we? We
have nothing, in that case, ImT tin- will
of an unlawful conclave, and don't you
know this means only anarchy and then
despotism and tyranny? What induce
ment is held out to you to accept their
propositions? You say it is to get back
into the Union! and for this you art will
ing to submit to disiianchisement and the
inauguration of policy that tends to a war
of races! ail to get back into tiie Union —
just where you are already, and always
were !
What do you want to get back into lliut
sort of a Union for? If you are not now
in it, what can you expect by gelling in
such as they present to you? You say it
is to get r<p, esent/Uinn in the Union ! is
not Kentucky in the Union? Hus she
any representation? The telegraph in
forms iw that a resolution lias been intro
duced into the so-called Congress making
inquiries whether Maryland, Delaware
and Kentucky have State (toverninents or
not! Are you so stupid as not to see what
ail this means? The result will lie the
substitution of the radical party lor ult
governments, h >th state and Federal; and
the substitution of radical wilt for all law !
Take, that home with you and digest it.
That's where you are going! Kentucky
i- excluded from representation because
it i alleged her representative- were voted
for by disloyal rnfen. What is meant by
(l.siogaj: Everyman wine doe- not slip
per! the radical party will soon lx* declar
ed disloyal, mid every Slate which doe
not vote the radical ticket will lx-disloyal,
ami her :;o’.eminent illegal. 1 tell you,
unless patriotism sliall wane up from the
jiim wlte-li (lie horrid confusion of war
fix- ■; ve:i it, tin-radical party willffieour
only government, and radical will our
only law.
I look for this revolution to go on.—
Wfio -ver thinks this war upon the Uoindi
tioion ill slop with the ten States is a
madman or a simpleton to he pitied,
or a knave to he dc-pised. I have expect
ed tln-m to take charge of Connecticut,
ix-eau-e she dared to elect a Goovernor
that did not agree with the radical party ;
and sun- enough Sunnier, ilia late letter,
trike-that key note. He says a similar
nil! lor all the States i- a short cut to uni
versal suffrage. Tin- so-called Congress, j
imui diately on its meeting, took charge
of Kentucky and excluded iter whole
delegation with one exception. If they
• •ati reject these, they can reject every one i
who differ- witli them, and they will do
-o; and they will receive only those who I
agree with them. Tht-e they will ri-eeivc. j
I care not wiiat may have been tlieir sins j
heretofore; if the very worst secessionist |
in all the land will whine around the]
streets and say he is radical now, lie is u.-
good as tiie saints in Heaven for radical 1
purjKisi -. [Applause.] They care not for
rae. or color, nor for antecedents; if you
now favor radical scheme- you are loyal,
and if you opjxwe them you are disloyal!
Rut you say you are in favor of going
into the Union, because if you do not
your property will be confiscated. A gen
tleman of tills city a few days ago, said to
me that he was in favor of the acceptance
o tin sc military bills, liecause he thought
it tii' be-t we could. I said to him : “ You
do not say that for yourself, but for your
hrl dor /” [Applause.] Rut you are
not half so wise as you are knavish ! You
wo ! !"-• the Constitution and the coun
try 70 save your brick stores, and then by
your very course you will lose your brick
-to. ■ - :;!-(,' J am ashamed to talk or use
argument- alxiut confiscation in time of
{ ace! It is a war jtouer, not known to
international law except as a war power,
to !>e used only in time of war, upon an
enemy’s good-! Uanliscation in time of
peace is neither more nor lees than rob
bery ! *
Rut you -ay they have got the power
and they will exercise it, unless we do as
they hid us. And will you, in this case,
abandon your only protection t Jt is like
;.,ing< ut into the highway and surren
dering your purse to the robber to keep
him from taking it!
I could introduce u great deal of high
authority to establish this ]x>int, but i will
r.ot insult the radical portion of this audi
ence by reading from any authority for
them except from a Massachusetts Judge.
Here i what he says:
"it ha-been supposed that if the gov
ernment have the right- of a beligereut,
then, after the rebellion i- suppressed, it
will have the rights of conquest; that a
State and it- inhabitants may be perma
nently divested of all political privileges,
and treated as a foreign territory acquired
by arms. This is an error, a grave and
dangerous error. Belligerent tights can
not l>e exercised where there arc nobellig
ents.”
I’hat i- wiiat I said: “Confiscation is
only a war measure, and ceases with the
war.” Again:
“ When the United States take posses
sion of a rebel district, they merely vindi
cate their pre-existing title. Underdes
jk»ti«• governments the right of confisca
tion may lit* unlimited; but under our
government the right of sovereignty over
any portion of a State is given and limited
by tiie Constitution, and will be the same
after the war :is it was before.”
There is one Lot in Massachusetts, and
if Abraham were alive to-day I would
have him pray to God to spare that State
and trust it —not only to ten men, but—
even to Theie is at least one good
man in it, and In* is a Judge, and dares to
proclaim to all that security to property is
given by the Constitution, the same after
us before the war. And now I will read
for the patriots of the audience something
from the most distinguished of all writers
on international law:
*“ When a sovereign, arrogating to him
self ( he absolute disposal of a people whom
he lias conquered, attempts to reduce them
to slavery, he perpetuates the state of
warfare between that nation and himself.
Should it, he said that in sueli a case, there
may be peace and a kind of compact by
which the conqueror consents to spare
the lives of tiie vanquished on condition
that they acknowledge themselves his
slaves; he who makes such an assertion
is ignorant that war gives no right to take
away the life of an enemy who has laid
down 1 1 is arms and submitted. Rut let us
not dispute the }x>int: let the man
who holds such principles of jurispru
dence keep them for his own use and ben
efit; he well deserves to be subject to such
a law. Rut men of spirit to whom life is
notiiing—iess than nothing, unless sweet
ened with liberty, will always conceive
themselves at war with that oppressor,
though actual hostilities are suspended on
their part, through want of ability.”
My friends, tins was written by a man
who lived in despotic times, by a man who
was taught under a despotic government
ami how, his love of liberty and law
shames tlie praters about loyalty in free
America! .
But 1 will dwell no more on this subject.
Confiscation is the law of enemies in war,
and in peace it is the law of the robber.
If they have the will to rob you, you will
never escape by submitting to tlieir pow
er. If you submit, give up the law and
substitute the will of the robber, he bold
ly avows that it is his purpose, not to give
the blackmail his rights, but to bring
about sueli measures and so to shape
things as to perpetuate the rule of tiie
radical party ! Everyman who joins the
party and can satisfy them that he will
sincerely help in this work, will be ae
cepted. They will put tlieir arms around
your necks and call you brothers. [Ap
plause.] You can make a friend ot the
devil upon these same terms, [Laughter
and applause,] and there is but little dif
ference between them. [Great applause.]
if you please the one you will go to the
other, and 1 am not sure but you will get
what you deserve, but I object to your
taking the country with you. [lmmense
applause.]
Rut, O, it is sad to see the Constitution
trampled upon and the country destroy
ed, only to perpetuate their hellish dy
nasty; and then to see some of our own
jxjopiejoin iu this unholy work, calling
upon us to submit and become the agents
of our own dishonor! This is sad, sorrow
ful, and fills me with shame!
These bills propose at every step to ab
rogate the Constitution —trampleupon tiie
State and its laws—to blot out every hope
—to perjure every man who accepts them
Vol. L.X., TVo. t 2().
with every principle of honor, justice and
safety disregarded— all to perpi-t;!
power of their wicked authors. Can this
scheme succeed? Will it succeed That
is the question, f feel truly thaniknl in
my heart that 1 have an suiswr wlccli
lifts my soul amidst all tiic ;.i.•om and
apprehension of the hour. 80:11c of vai
may not appreciate it, but to me it is the
only oasis in this desert: This scheme
will never,'in ner succeed, and 1 proclaim
|»Ui ultimate failure to-day in sour hearing.
[Unbounded applause.J i lumw that
some think it will. The nrr is full-of the
words of those who proclaim that there Is
no power to prevent it. Men have before
this been weak and foolish, and eowards
and traitors have before believed as you
talk now, hut I have a reason for the
faith that is in me, which is absolutely
sublime in the strength o! its foundations.
Ist. It will fail because it is not possi
ble to perpetuate a government of force
under the form of a democracy. Jtinay
take some time to comprehend this
thought, but you will not forget it. That
which is now proposed is fort* It is pro
posed by men who do not live in elds
Stale, and whose agents do not live here;
and it is sought to be accomplished by
military power, but under the pretense
of your .' ain’tion—not to please year-el v> s,
but them. There is not an instance in
history where a government of i<••,•<■ P is
lieen )H'rpetuat<-d under ;!e •ornis < f c
institutions- It is an ■ ..., and
can never succeed. [Appl.-m
—d. 1 lilt j t is sought Id in' .; 'com :id-1 e ,i
by deceit and fraud, which i- t , It
longer O' (tape detect ion. The m • <•’
the people of the North love tin- 1 . ‘ u
tton and fought for ii and tin I’dine. .. g
the leaders Uni no! light ter it, ami do not
love it; and they cow seek to , r,
under pretense that we must c\x .me
furtlier guarantee for our hit i:> •••.1 i let sa
vior than merely •‘Upport.m ' t; >■!' . >iiu
lion. As soon as the men: o which
their deceit and fraud have been coveied
up are removed, the. scheme will beern- hod
to dentil by the people. It i- donlde
slmped monister, like the sentii.el at it. li
gate, which can live nowhere except In a
politieal paudcnioniutii.
And wlial must I** the r»-e ll l l - • 1 do
not say we will come out of all this with
free institutions preserved, hut //»'-■ *e/o uu
can never succeed. A desjwtisni over the
whole country and over all the jmople
guilty and innocent alike may cesHe.
You’ll fail t>ut you may bring ruin upm
all. Whenever you pull down the t« :,iple
of liberty, you also will is- crushed by ihe
fall. You cannot level or lower u- and
elevate yourselves. We must either all
rise or all go down together. Ue.-ixitKin
may come, empires may ri-e 'and fall
among us, but whether■ th*-v do • r not, w
sliall not have th< r,iiju<j / u,‘ < ~
Understand me : 11 1 -ay n man .e ,i*>:
live high up in the air, id »m ’ <•
Cannot go up ill a balloon ai.d r■ ; ■ . : r
■a time : nr if 1 >ay n man c .. , . r
water, Ido not say he cannot - :-. vn in
a diving hell and remain a wi:;k pm
Radicals will as certainly fall *>; > t cc
their power under this selicuj'’. as ; a
man will fail who attempts to dwell ,u tie
air, or drown who make-his horn.- under
water. Such a government wo: hi »■>-
unnatural—a political monstrosity, mid
cannot possibly last; but you may -Toy
the form- as well as the principles «. free
government, and then you will have a
monarchy, an autocracy, an empire, or a
des|x>lism, as the case may be.
I his very scheme wax attempted in
Rome by much better men than you
Radicals are, and for a much better reason
than you give It i- not original with
you. You are hui ptagiarhing traitors at
best, and get your scheme from the crimi
nals of long ago. il l did steal, I would
try to steal something better and from a
more respectable source.
II you will examine, and compare with
former times. Flic productions ot such men
as Hteveus, Phillips, and Sumner, and
their lesser followers and second hand
plagiarizes down South, you will iind
all their miserable jargon uisuit “iil»erty
and equality,” the “natural right of man,”
and “the born rigid of manhood-mirage,”
are borrowd from the men. who fomented
social and civil wars in Rome, and which
have been repeated in every age e. by
those who have no statesmanship but ih -
devilish ability of exciting ignorant men
to cut each others’ throats. Re; . ■ Mean
Rome had an immense number of
and freedmeu, and non-voting < tiz.-ns. —
She had a landed aristocracy embracing
comparatively few of her people.
An agrariau law was proposed, and for
a time was immensely popular, but it
failed and its first author was -lain, His
brother renewed the law and enlarged it
by proposing suffrage to the slave- and
freedmea with equal jiolitical rights. It
wassaid“therecouhl he no freedom without
equality.’’ Rut the brother also perished,
'i .: *n ti great general became the leader of
the Radicals of that day, and he had more
: fame and merit and ability and honesty
than all the Radical party of this day
combined, hut he also failed. And why
did they fail? Because they were attempt
ing to engraft a government of force and
robbery upon republican forms attempt
ing the absurd tusk of making equal things
which <iod had made unequal— attempting
equality by taking that which indu-iriutis
and frugal meu had made and giving it
irt thriftless vagabonds, and by depositing
in tire k’te; tag of ignorance and viee,
powers and trusts which intelligence
alone can know how to exercise and pre
serve.
But by the struggle Republican Rome
perished and never knew liberty again.
Nor was tliis all ; her history from tin?
beginning of the Agrarian allcuip: was
one of blood, and faction, and waste, and
ruin, until the goal of lCmpin was rc.-ciicd.
In the social and civil wars which marl and
the struggle, more than seven hundred
of her best citizens were ,-! -.in,
ami besides these, whole imputation
some of her most populous territories
were exterminated.
It may be that we of the United States
have been so crazy in leaving the Consii
tion —the only Ark of safety -that our
Heavenly Father lias doomed us to perish,
but l am gratified with a hope that it is
not so. If not, there is hut one method
for our rescue, and that is by a prompt
restoration of the Constitution. Will it
come? Will we escajre an agrarian war,
with resulting despotism, and save our
institutions for our children ? I hope we
shall; I Ittlieve we shall. Though a great
effort is being made- a designed effort—to
destroy us as Koine was destroyed, 1
believe the etl'ort will fail. I have great
faith in the Anglo-Saxon biota I. I derive
great encouragement from Anglo-Saxon
history. Our liberty was not horn in a
day. It is not the work of one generation.
It is the fruit of a hundred struggles, and
its guaranties have been perfecting for
eight hundred years. -Many have been
the efforts to destroy it. Olleli the Eng
giisli Constitution was trampled on.
Often traitors sought to substitute arbitrary
will lor well-established law, and often
have the people for a time been misled.
But tints tar they have always waked up
and called the traitors and’ faetionists to
account. Charles I. trampled on the Con
stitution. iie had judges who decided
that his will was the law, and all who
resisted that will auddefended the Consti
tution were punished as disloyal. And it
did seem as if his power was irresistible.
No doubt if you weak-kneed Radicals of
the South had lived in that day you would
have said, “the Constitution is dead and
we must consent to wliat we cannot resist.”
But John Hampden would not consent.
He resisted. He was tried as a criminal
for resisting, aud was condemned. But
what was the sequel? The people finally
asserted their power. Charles and his
minister perished. The very judges that
condemned Hampden were themselves
tried atnl condemned as criminals, and
the very officers, even the sheriffs, who
executed the orders of Charles and his
courts, were sued by the citizens for dam
ages, and had to pay nearly a million of
dollars for executing the processes of a
void, unconstitutional law! For a time
traitors held the power aud trampled on
rights, but vengeance came, and perpetual
infamy followed.
80 Cromwell and his Parliament viola
ted the Constitution, and though they also
flourished for a season, they too were
overthrown. So James 11. trampled on
the Constitution, and lmd to fly from
Ids kingdom a fugitive for life. In all
these struggles good men, for a time,
suffered, and bad men, for a time, ruled,
hut the English race have never yet
failed to rescue their Constitution from the
power both of traitors and fanatics.
I tell you the American people will not
gountiil &
J} OO K A _ N JD JOB
PRINTI IsVO
OF EVERY »ESCBII*TIpN,
EXECUTED WITH SKILL ASI» DISPATCH,
ON REASONABLE TERMS,
OFFlCE—Ralston Hall BniMing—CHERRY ST
MV‘JON, CIA.
T- J "
always he deceived. They will rise iu
defense of their Constitution, and traitors
will tremhie. They who rallied three mill
ion strong to defeat what they considered
unarmed assault on the Constitution and
Union, will not sleep until a few hundred
traitors from behind the masked battery
hf Congressional oaths and dec plive pre
tentions of loyalty shall utterly ballet
down the Constitution and Union forever.
I warn you, boastful, vindictive Radicals,
by the history < • your own fathers, by
every instinct of mauhood, by every rigbt
of liberty and every impulse of ju -t ice,that
liie day is con ic., toco you will feel the
power of an .. .
[Applause.] (■iimi <onliscnting! Arrest
without warrant or probabli’ cause; destroy
hab<Mx (-"l'pu--, ; lieu y trial by jury; abro
gate State government.-;; dcliie your own
race, and liippsiiitly -ay the < oust'on ion
is dead ! On, on with your work oi ruin,
ye hell-born rioters in sacred things! hut
r for all those things the p •'pie
will call you to judgur-nt. i iTol- nged
Applause.) Ah 1 whai an i-.-ue you have
made for ourevive.-. Succeed, and you
destroy the Coiistitiilion! l .di, and you
have covered the land with mourning.
Succeed, and you bring ruin on yom.elvi
and all tin* country ! b ail, ami you bring
infamy upon yoiirselviaim all your do
lulled followers! Ssucct -o. and you aic
the perjured axsas-in- of liberty! I ’m*,
and you are defeated ; d< q. ed I raitwrs
forever! Ye who aspire to be Radical
Governors and Judges in G x-o I pa; • :
before you this day your destiny, (Un
bounded applause. You are but cowards
and knaves, ami the time w.d come when
you will cal! upon the rocks, and moun
tains to m!i on you and the darkness lo
hide you from an outlay <1 j•' pa . v-Yp
phlUs'e.)
Does it <io you good lo Uampi. til
<kniHlitUtioo — deet ve tie II JO>l>ale! mill
the country ? It, may -v.. now, hut
1 teil you the suiptiiirous lire •</ public
infamy i ;i: i er ■ oi , sour
spirits, i.Appalu.-e.) . ■!;• •> m.ni mv
soul. Would i ;<:>.! u »;• Level’
come when j had ;o -tai.d a,- • . ..j ia's
soil and thus'.ai a lo* oe. i.i. . niggle
is coming. Km. e- ; ■ o i
one, and you v. lm :ide ■, ■ ii..« wicked
scheme will perish in i:. null s ibe people
now arise and check i ousumtnatioo.
Ketevery true !:,v» ..... m.ni raiJy at
once to thcslandui dos tin > ■ iiluta.ui of
his country. (Applause, i t oine. i>o no;
abandon jMitir rights. Jlefeud i lieni. Talk
lor them; aim .: . t-d i . l.eiiii l—i and
the coiuiUy, ;:gi:! -u .uo ; . Cum. . ;
thiisiastie and j> >ii .♦ I apidaii.-e. ■ i
not talk or linns of disunion or -<a-.-sioa,
butcoineupto the goiet old piatforiu of
our fathers—tin l oii-liiiuion Tel all,
North nod r-ou:coin, and swear ; ■ o-
God that we will abide by i! :u g . I laitb,
and oppose everything that vioian - it.-
Tlie man win; love - the < >i; -l itir: am
ami is willing to live a;nl die for i . i- my
friend and brother, though lie eon,.• from
the frozen peak of Mount Washington :
and the man wlio is for trampling upon i>
is my enemy, and i sliali imi.l inm so,
though become from the sunny clime of
tlie orange and theei<ite!. do,mi. That is
my issue.
O how sorry a creature is the man who
cannot stand up for the fruin , w’iien the
country is iu danger. There never wa :
such an opixirtunity a-now exists for ;•
man to -howoi w.cit nr ,- made. How
can you go alsrui tin: stc*-. •an . -ay, •• af
is wrong hut 1 can nut iiein n ’ You wan.
courage, my friend! You me a coward.
You la<-k couragi !•< leii the truth and
would sell your blrtn: _l■; f>: a . mjs»r .:y
mesa of pottage, even for a imie bit ol
Judgeship or <d‘u Bui'-.in ; U;. ■ place.
But someone says; “ H<n. wdi you
resist it?” I will re-ist it hrst by not
approving it. if everyi»o«iy v, .mid >!<• a
it would beefTectually ; e,: .-o oa- •.,<
are concerned, jin t the s---<•;;!!• and ( M . ie.-
lias provided a cover for il.-.-ii in adva:; e,
under which to hid - from the • dium
attaching to this scheme. It in. iTovnied
that you can vote either f r or a ,;n-i a
convention and again vole f*>r o c.a : -t
whetever constitution it m
sought to makew-sresjioiisii ■■. * ii.i < .< <
maybetheconseijnencesandr . > o-m.
After a while when you become alarmed
at the results, they wiii say, “ V, e did not
do this ; We only gave you a eiiance and
you did it.”
But if we defeat this, it ■f i, military
min ill continue. 1 ■ . i . until
wicked meu shall be driven from pow Tr.
But let it be so. General i’ofie seems to ’ >,■
a gentleman, and i infinitely prefer hi.
rule to the rule of siieh meu as \ ou
under this scheme. Besides, lie n< w
government, if iuauguruied, will m i Ik
able to live a day without military protec
tion. It is safer to be governed i*y |X»wer
than by treaunery.
Perhaps you will think 1 ha • over
drawn the picture of ti. •'le„. conse
quences of accepting tiiis s.-h"n:-’. in .j
--leet an incident which occurred ov» r ,-ix
years ago, when 1 was urging tic j
of Georgia not to secede, be iu-e tiie coun
try would thereby fail iuto liie baud- of
Radicals, and p;> dieted v-a; and it- aUcii
dant sufferings a» the re-ub thoncii tin n
deemed visionary. ! would Le aim.-a
ashamed now to read my; ■mark -of that
day —my picture would !».- -. mm and
far short of tlie dreadful lvahly that ha
followed. Avery promitu'i.; geiitlei.ian
replied to me, urgi m Rial . • . woum be
uu war, and to prove it, lie ic.,g . ; a a •.e ;
from Horace Grti a y’s Trilmne, and old
Ben. Wade’s sjteoeh declaring tin: r-caiit
had a right to-cede, and ;; in - do-, m
exercise that rigid, iliey slid.! I . ■ allowed
to do so in jteaee. He then said that Give
ley and Wade were heller iVicud- of the
South than i, who was Isirn he:--, for i
w.as trying to frighten the Southern pee
pie from the exorcbeof a right, which they
conceded, and they were representative
men of their party. What could i say iu
reply? 1 could only tell him the truth
that these men only desired to encourage
the South to disunion for their wicked
purposes to destroy the I 'oustitution ; and
that a great government eou.i! not be
dissolved without blood; and wh;.;
have Greeley and Wile done since that
time! and now 1 advise you lo rec-ct ibis
,-eheine of force, fra mi and and. eii which
Congress has devc-i and. ; . s' y..11r
own free will.suJimi; ;o it,; r-, i.
consequences of it.
I advise you to register. Tic e i- no
dishonor in tliai. It is an y...ir-.
with an important power to Im* wielded
against the nefarious scheme, but don’t
vote for a Convention—don't go for ;m\
thing whatever which i- an a-cm to the
scheme, but be against it at even ,- ;cp.
Never go halfway with a traitor, nor . oin
proniise with treason or ro!»! ry. if they
. hold a convention, vote against ratiliee
tion —vote against all their measures »ud
men, and Indict every one who, under
such void authority, invades your n di>-
according to existing State laws. Thai's
my policy. Tight this scheme all the
time. I have no more idea of obeying
than John Hampden had of paying ship
money, because i have taken an oath to
support the Constitution, and I intend to
keep it.
This whole scheme is in violation of all
tlie issues of the war—all the promises
during its progress—and all the terms of
surrender. More than a hundred thousand
meu abandoned Iree’s army lieeause they
were assured that if they laid down their
arms they would he in the Union again
with all their lights as before. 1 knew the
promise was false, and warned you again
the seductions of the Syren. The people
the soldiers of the United States —were
then willing to fullill the oblc aiion ; but
the politicians intended to deceive you.
Such meu as Sumner uinl Stevens never
intend to carry out the pledge of the nn
tion. They would acknowledge the inde
pendence of the Confederate State to-day,
before they would agree to restore the old
Union, even with slavery abolished. i
respect the Northern man who honestly
fought for the Union, but I despise tin
traitors who, under,the name of the Union,
have used the Northern people to destroy
the South, and then to destroy the Con
stitution. The people of the North have
been long discovering this deception, hut
they will be compelled to see it before tin
traitors can go much further in their
work.
How many people in Atlanta belong to
tlie “loyal league?” (Laughter.) I warn
all decent men to abandon such dens. 1
know the times have been such that man v
have naturally gone astray. Rut save
yourselves before it is too late! Destroy
all the evidences of your membership
bind all your comrades to mutual conceal
ment of the fact t hat you were members
and come out. You are pardonable for
the past; but if you continue you will be