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itYom< PEARL.
h iloor aweary and lono,
t be oa the cold door-stone;
\ blind "^i tt er. the snow fell fast,
The «' ml " mK voice in the fitful blast,
A ,i.l» DloC ?‘ r w ccbo her moaning cry,
» buJ evcr ? for alms of the passers by;
have pity, I pray;
; H CS^ n,ybeadißgray
ro rinir ing the hour of prayer,
The bell* were wero gathered there,
And many Cura and miyides warm,
put. o overe ‘ nlist through the wintry storm.
They turrit
nrp hooinff their souls to save,
""f "Z *’ re thinking of death and the grave,
fS' they had no.imc teheed
• V ' ■' r soul asking lor chanty s meed.
L were blooming with beauty’s grace,
£"' ly .muffled in veils ol lace;
1: . /not the sorrow, nor heard the moan
I'«r'who sat on tlie cold door-stone.
it Hst came one of a noble name,
ii eitv counted the wealthiest dame,
t ,and the pUrls that o’er her neck were strung,
.She proudly there to the beggar flung.
TV n r () |iowed a maiden young and fair,
Adorned with dusters ot golden lia.r;
B, lt her dress was thin, andscinty, and worn,
Not even the beggar's seemed more forlorn!
Withatearf.fi look, and isty.ng s.gh,
ghe v.hispe.ed soft, “No jewels have I
~,, r you my payers, good frieud,”Ba.d she,
■•And surely 1 know God listens to me.”
On l„T poor weak hand, so shrunken and small,
Ti„ blind woman felt a tear-drop fall,
~.hJM it, and said to the weeping girl,
„ Jt w von that have given the purest pearl!"
The Newark Journal predicts a split in
the Jacobin party in New Jersey, should
negro suffrage be one of the issues. That
prophet, with the light of similar “ splits”
in the past in that party, don’t deserve
any honor, either in his own or any other
country. They’ll swallow the devil, to re
tain their ill-gotten jsiwer.
It turns out that Mr, Young, one of the
excluded Democratic members of Congress
from Kentucky, was refused his seat on
the forged testimony of a negro!
(du Tuesday last, mm (Dug store in At
lanta sold 1 ,*>oo ounces of quicksilver to
parties engaged in mining near Allatoona.
Freighting business still good over
Western & Atlantic U. K. On Tuesday,
110 car loads of freight ware brought into
Atlanta. \ live road and a live man at
its head /
Robert P. Peunall, Deputy Sheriff'of
Shreveport, Louisiana, was way laid and
murdered last week by a negro named
‘('ash”. Tlie scoundrel had, some days
before, given Peunall the lie, and been
knocked over the head very righteously
with a bottle, for his impudence.
A survey of the Dismal Swamp canal,
preparatory to its enlargement, lias just
been made, ft is in a very dismal way,
and will cost $600,000 to be put in perfect
order.
A bridge across tho Chattahoochee at
Port (iailies, will soon he commenced—to
be finished before Christinas.
The Columbus Enquirer reports regis
l ration in three precincts of Chattahoochee
county to stand 139 whites, and 3(18
blacks.
A sloop arrived in Savannah, on Mon
day, with 3,000 oranges from New Smyr
na, Florida. Fifteen thousand rotted on
I lie voyage.
A cargo of lumber, measuring 387,219
fee*, and valued at $9,000, was shipped
from Savannah, on Monday, for Buenos
Ayres.
Radical malignity “bit a file” in filling
Charleston harbor with hulks loaded with
stone. Vessels come in drawing more
water titan before.
A genuine lynx . was killed in the court
house square of Milwaukee, Wisconsin,
recently. Os course he was first spied by
one of those “ lynx-eyed” policemen the
penny-a-liners tell us of.
The Boston Post suggests a shorter
method of getting rid of the President,
than by impeachment: Put Washington”
City under command of a Major General,
and then he could remove Mr. Johnson,
and appoint who fie pleased.
The Lowell city physican, in his mor
tuary report for June, gives as one of the
causes of death, “ homoepalhic foolery.”
A Virginia Valley paper reports a pros
pect of loss of a portion of the wheat crop
from lack of labor. The registry list,
though, tells a different story.
The Nashville Union says an old lady in
Knox county remarked lately after hear
ing Drown low’s militia proclamation read:
“ I just believe this war ain't over yet. —
I’ll tell yott, folks, what it is—if Brown
low don’t die soon, he’ll go to hell alive /”
A notorious guerilla, named Nick Car
ney, was shot through the heart, on Satur
day, at Clarksville, Teunessee, by a bar
keepwr.
On the same day, one of Brown low’s re
cent converts was shot down in Goodlelts
ville, about 15 miles from Nashville, by
the comrades of a man he bad murdered !
Seventy licenses to whites, and ninety
to blacks, were issued by the Ordinary of
Fulton county from January Ist, lo
July Ist.
Geruit Smith. —Someone sends us a
four page pamphlet entitled “Remarks of
Gerritt Smith on Words of the Chief Jus
tice” an answer to Chase's dictum about
“treason”, recently pronounced in the U.
S. District Court at Raleigh.
The sender will accept our thanks of
course, but we do not intend to read it.—
We have no patience with the author, and
no respect for anything he speaks or
writes. After aiding by money, influence,
tongue and pen, the incubation and rear
ing of the abolition snake whose loath
some coils are crushing out the liberties of
eight millions of white people, conscience
awakes and takes the old sinner by the
throat. Under the pressure he goes back
on his record, and preaches tenderness,
where he once breathed hate and denun
ciation.
Thefriemlof thatold murderer and horse
John Brown, eanuot command a
hearing from the people who suffer to-day
111 1 interest agony, the logical sequences
of the theory of the one, and the practices
ol the other.
J he elj’or U- of Snpth,»q ui omnegenus, to
make such puny atonement for the monster
sins of the past, remind us of somebody’s
definition of death-bed repentance; put
ting out the candle, and blowing the
snuff in the Lord's face.
How to Raisk Tomatoes.— The best
gardeners in France are in the habit of
rutting off the stem of the tomato plants
down to the first cluster of flowers that
appear thereupon. This impeals the sap
Into the two buds next below the cluster,
which soon push strongly and produce
another cluster of flowers each. When
these are visablethe branch to which they
belong is also topped down to their level;
aud this is done live times successively.
By this means the plants become stout
dwarf hushes not over eighteen] inches
high. In order to prevent them from
falling over, sticks or strings are stretched
horizontally along the rows, so as to keep
the plants erect, Jn addition to this, all
the laterals that have no flowers, and after
the fifth topping, all laterals whatsoever
are nipped off. In this way the ripe sap
is directed into the fruit, which acquires a
beauty, size and excellence unattainable by
other means. Tt will he well for our
friends to try this simple aud rational
method the next season,
CiikiPtgk .ft illcsscnger.
It.'" Hose Ac It iipj".
ALEXANDER H. STEEHEX^
1 Kit to // • - I■ ,~. ~~ ,
on National
ft* rom the Special Cor. of the New York Times.
CONVERSATION.
, r ,^ r ‘ Stephens has never been married.—
I lie result is that lire hi “Liberty Hall”
takes on a very free and easy chafacter.-
iv. £Lf arW »? Petering (pardon, eharming
ly pestering) women folks around to claim
attention and break the composure of a
pipe. He is a great smoker, and as I am
myself somewhat of a votary of the weed
we eocm fell in pleasant rapport, and pass
ed the day sitting on the piazza, smoking
and chatting, undertheshadow of thegreat
oaks. Mr (Stephens immediately opened
the subject of the war by some kind allu
sions to certain poor contributions to its
history by the present writer. From the
military part of the war, in which he takes
a great interest, he diverged to its civil and
political aspects, to secession, its rights and
wrongs, to tlie nature and history of tlie
American Government, to the conduct of
the rebellion, to His own relations thereto.
As you may he aware, he is engaged in
writing a work on the “War Between the
■States. It is, however, as! gather, to be
a monograph rather titan a history, and
will treat only of special points in the
causes, conduct and results of the war of
secession. Heshrinks from theamountof
morbid anatomy that would be required in
a compete history. “No right-liearted
Con reiterate,” he observed to me -‘eim
write the history of the war; it would be
like a man raking up and exposing to
view the follies and errors of his brother.”
■Stephens is pel haps the only man who
could, if he would, write tlie secret, inter
nal historyhif the Confederacy, anti as he
isi not so minded, a great deal of it will
die with him. The work on which he is
now engaged cannot fail to jios.-ess a very
high value; it need not, however, he look
ed lor soon, as it is yet In no considerable
degree of forwardness.
TIIE ERRORS OK THE SOUTH.
I may generalize the conclusion of a long
wide-spreading talk regarding tire conduct
ot the South in this way: The South was
guilty of two great mistakes—the first was
HecesKinn itself, and the second the object
for which the war was made, to-wit in
dependence. Add to these a third, namely
the errors in the civil and military man
agement of the war when it was once lie
gun. I shall endeavor in the subsequent
part til this letter to develop some of the
leading points he made in regard to these
several matters, and first of all as to
STEPHENS’ POSITION ON SECESSION.
An I have said, he regarded secession as
a prodigious political blunder. 1 must now
add that he believed in tlie perfect right of
secession.
This brought up in our talk the whole
vexed question of the sovereignty of tlie
■States, a theory firmly held by Mr. Ste
phens and believed by him to be the sole
conservative principle in the American
Government, without which it runs into a
mere government of the numerical major
ity, and ending one easily sees where,
since all simple forms of government ulti
mate in despotism. I will certainly not
report my feeble attempt to break a lance,
on this high issue, with this master of
logical lencing. He went over the whole
subject, tracing it through the debates in
tlie Constitutional Convention of 1797. and
so down through the earlier and later
times. Among the authorities he brought,
up were Calhoun and Webster, whose
great debate he asked me to read. He looks
upon these two speeches as the most per
fect presentation and summation of the
whole question, and as such lie intends to
print them entire in his book. Calhoun
lie thinks utterly annihilated his antagon
ist, who, indeed, never replied, and he says
that Webster afterward, while at (’apron
springs, in Virginia, confessed that the
States were sovereign. I ventured to say
that if it be conceded, as Webster concedes,
that, on the revolt of tlie Colonies, the en
tire sovereignty lapsed to the States, then
one is caught in the meshes of Calhoun’s
logic and must accept his conclusion ; for
if we grant with Webster that the States
were sovereign under the Confederation,
then they remained sovereign under the
new Union ; hut perhaps the truth is that
the States never were sovereign even un
der tlie Confederation —that on tlie revolt
there inhered in the States only such par
tial sovereignty as they shared with tlie
other members of the British Empire,and
that all that other paramount sovereignty
which had before resided in the British
Government lapsed, on the revolt, to the
people of the United States as a whole.—
But he replied that “to prove that you
would need to upturn whole mountains of
history;” and so after a long dissertation
the matter ended where that debate gener
ally ends.
But while Stephens held clearly to the
right of secession, he was convinced that
at the time it was made it was a prodigious
folly, and these two views he regards as
justifying as well his support of secession,
when tlie deed was once done, as his oppo
sition to it at the beginning. I brought
this matter up in referring to his famous
Union speech before the Legislature at
Milledgeville, in November, 1800, for lie
had given me a copy of his speeches, and
1 was glancing again over that one, which
always struck me as the dying ssvan song
of Unionism in the South.
“People are greately mistaken,” said
he, “in regard to that speech. When T
went North my friends said : ‘Oh’ if you
had only held to the sentiment of that
speecu ; hut we suppose you were over
slaughed,’ dc. But tliere was no inconsis
tency between that and my action. They
forget that while i opposed secession as
had policy, 1 fully believed in the right,
and expressed my determination <>r sharing
the fortunes of my State. J thought the
(lovermnont of the United Stats was, as I
then said, ‘the best Government the world
ever saw.’ There was no oppression, only
anticipated evils, and I thought it was
better to hear the ills we had than fly to
others that we knew not of. But the
people were infatuated, and I was hound
to go with them, if we all went to destruc
tion. You might as well have tried to
stop the swine possessed by the devils
from rushing into the sea as to keep the
people from rushing in to secession.” Then,
after a little pause, hp added : “I did just
as I should have done hail I been in the
Convention that formed the Constitution
in ’B7. Though I should then have
wanted union, yet it it had been rejected,
1 would of course have been compelled to
yield.”
He then gave me an interesting account
of the circumstances under which lie made
his Milledgeville speech. At the time of
the election of Mr. Lincoln, the Georgia
Legislature was sitting. The secession
spirit ran very high in South Carolina,
and had infected Georgia. The most iu
flamatory speeches were made night after
night. The invitation to address the
hoily came from its more conservative
portion, and in response he went down
from here to Milledgeville, where he spoke
on the night of the 14th of November.—
There had been an organized opposition
to preveut his speaking; nevertheless, he
spoke. The speech was extemporaneous,
the inspiration of the moment, not fully
reported and never revised by him. It
produced a profound impression, North
aud Soyth, gaye rise to an interesting
correspondence between Mr. Lincoln and
Stephens. At the close of the speech,
Mr. Toombs, his warm personal friend, hut
bitter political opponent, who had the
night before delivered a powerful and
impassioned speech in favor of secession,
called for three cheers for Stephens, “one
of the brightest intellects and purest
patriots that now lives.’,
The Legislature, rampant on secession,
wanted to take the State out of the Union
without a Convention ; but by Stephens’
influence they were persuaded to submit
it,to the people. So dually the resolution was
adopted for an election to he held on the
Ist of January, 1861, to send delegates to a
Convention. But here again luck was
against the Union men, and in illustration
ot this, Stephens went on to give me a
curious account of
HOW A RAIN-STORM TOOK GEORGIA OUT
OK THE UNION.
Mr. Stephens had wanted a Convention
of the people to be held about the 15tli of
December. He knew that Georgia would
not secede, and he was also sure that South
Carolina, which had not yet seceded
would not, hot though she was, go out
alone. But he could not etteet this pur
pose. The election for delegations was
ordered for the Ist of January, which was
after South Caroliniahad taken the leap.—
[“Well,”
out to vote, and tms gave a preponderating
influence in the election of- delegates to
the towns and villages, where, you know,
political epidemics are always stronger
than elsewhere. We lost at least twenty
Union members by this. Even Rome, up
m the Cherokee country, where the
Union sentiment was vastly in the ascen
dent, sent a secession delegate. I went uver
tnysell to the Court-house yonder to vote
and the room was filled with dripping
people, with wet saddles in their hands,
who had come through the flood and
mire with immense difficulty. I made
them a littJe speech there, and I sakl then
that I leared the rain would lose us the
election. And soitdid.”
SPIRIT OF THE GEORGIA CONVENTION.
Mr. btephens was elected to the conven
tion—of course as a Union delegate. The
Union sentiment was at first considerably
in the majority, but the disunionists
pushed tlie tight a Voutraacc. “The disap
pointed ambition of , who had expected
to succeed Buchanan carried him to great
lengths, 'that man couid have saved
Georgia. In the Convention it was urged
that we must secede—that there would he
intestine strife if we did not—that the
young men (who were mainly secession
ists,) would regard the old men as traitors.
And then there was the great fact that
■South Carolina was out, and site must tie
sustained. But had we notflostour Union
delegates by that rain, we would have
been strong enough to dictate our own
terms to the secessionists, and instead of
supportingCaroliniaon the line of seces
sion, we would have been able to say ‘you
see to it that South Carolina comes hack.’
•n revolutionary times,” lie continued,
“a phrase is often a greater power; well,
they got up tlie phrase ‘we can make bet
ter terms out than in,’ and that carried
Georgia into seeesssion.” “Was the ques
tion submitted to the popular vote?”—
“No.” “I)o you think there was Union
sentiment enough to have voted down tlie
ordinance?” 1 think very likely ; hut we
were swept along by tho swift advancing
realities of war.”
GLIMPSES OK THE EARLY WAR-DAYS.
Much to his surprise, Mr. Stephens was
selected .as one of tlie delegates from the
State, ol Georgia to Montgomery. He
hesitated two days, and finally consented
to go only from a dictate of duty to aid in
saving what could be saved of constitution
al liberty in the pending general disrup
tion which seemed to tie determined on by
one side, and not seriously objected to on
the other. He took an active part in the
formation of the Constitution for the Pro
visional Government.
Tlie day before the adjournment of the
Convention the differtfnt delegations had
meetings at their rooms to Consult in regard
to the important question of a choice of
Executive. Stephens was present with
the Georgia delegation. It was there
stated that South Carolina did not wish to
bring forward any name, and thought
Georgia should have it. Mr. Stephens’
personal choice was Toombs, whom he
regarded as the most powerful intellect of
tlie South. There was, however, some
mention made of Stephens himself for tlie
office; blithe then stated that he “wished
to be counted out—that even should lie be
chosen unanimously, he would not accept,
unless he saw that he could form a cabinet
that would agree Upon the line of policy
on which lie thought the war should be
conducted.” Hitherto the name of Davis
had hardly been mooted ; but at this point
some member came in and said lie under
stood that four States had agreed to pre
sent Mr. Davis. This was something
new; for Davis’ aspiration had been to be
at the head of the army rather than in
the Presidential chair. It was proposed
to send out and ascertain if the report
were true. The case was found to be as
stated. The delegation then said they
would wish Mr. Stephens for the second
office, and to this he (being absent from
the hall) was unanimously elected. “The
office,” lie observed, “was not unpleasing
tome ; it was free from responsibility, and
I thought might afford me the means of
doing good.”
In speaking of Davis lie remarked that
there was great popular misapprehension
in regard to his character. “Ho was,”
said he, “not at all what people suppose—
not atall a fire-eater; and though he was
of course a State-Rights man, he could
hardly be called a secessionist.”
“Then he does not deserve to be counted
with the conspirators—with the Cobbs and
Yanceys and Wigfalls!”
“Certainly not. He w'as opposed to se
cession, but did not have the courage to i
come out against it. His course was sim- ;■
ply tlie result of timidity of the desire to
keep tlie inside track and step into the
shoes of Calhoun.”
Then among other points Mr. Stephens
mentioned that Davis was very averse to
having Fort Sumter fired on, and only )
yielded after it was known that a fleet"
with reinforcements and supplies was off ,
the harbor. “That, we regarded, after the
promises made, as the begining of hostili- 5
ties, and held, therefore, that it was notj
we that comminenced the war.”
It was universally thought that the war 1
would be a brief holiday affair. “Most of
the prominent politicians, when we got
through (he work of the Convention,'
hastened to enter the army, fearing that
if they did not get in quick they would
lose the opportunity of making some capi
tal fertile future!”
“Mr. Davis,” he went on to say, “ob
served to me soon after we got established
at Montgomery, that‘it would not he a
question of brains who should win,’ and
the remark was so just that J thought
there must ho a great deal where that came
from. But there was manifested from the
start a wonderful lack of statesmanship,
and even of mere ordinary good sense.” j
1 asked him to give me some illustra
tions of this.
“Well,” said he, “tliere is the subject of
filial) ce—the sinews of war. Never was a
people in position to start with somagnifi
cent a basis of credit as we. They said
Cotton was king. Nonsense! It was in
deed a commercial king, hut no political
king. I always regarded the prevalent j
notion that England would intervene in>
oijr behalf on account of cotton as thej
most chimerical of fancies; and 1 told 1
them at the time the only effect of locking .
up our cotton would be to stimulate its)
production elsewhere. Now observe,” lie}
continued, “w hat a foundation we had for
credit, which Chatham calls the ‘plumage
of the bird.’ I proposed to take all the
cotton—say four million hales—at ten
cents, paying for it with eight per cent,
gold interest bearing bonds. By shipping
it to Liverpool, (which we might readily
have done, for there was no blockade to
speak of during the first year) and holding
it there till it rose to fifty cents, we would
have had *800,000,000. Well, I early
called Mr. Davis’ attention to it, but he
told me he knew nothing of finance, and
said “go to Meminger.” Mcminger aud I
talked it all over one day, and we were to
have another meeting two days after
wards, but in the meantime he came out
in the newspapers with an article showing
tHe unconstitutionality of the proposed
rtieasure, and I never went near him on
the subject afterward. But had we acted
as 1 have indicated, wemight readily have
bought fleets in Europe, and might even
have hired mercenaries to fight our bat
tles. I proposed to have fifteen iron-clads
constructed in Europe, and to have three
out by the following March. We might
in this way have kept at least one or two
ports open, and if the portal system is
kept open the organism can live. A man
will live if he can breathe through a quill
even ; hut when, one after another, we
lost all our ports, even to Wilmington, the
game was up.”
SOUTHERN INDEPENDENCE AND DELU
SION.
The dominant tone running through the
whole of Jljr. Stephens’ utterances on the
war, is the egregious folly of the South
in waging it with a view to independence,
instead of conducting it with the view to
an accommodation of existing difficulties
and a settlement on a continental basis.—
“ The very physical features of the conti
nent,” he remarked, “ necessitate political
unity, and even had the South won its
independence, it would not have kept it
| for ten years.” Os course this opinion set
1 Stephens’ theory of the conduct of the
war in sharp antagonism with that held
iby the Richmond Government. He be
lieved, for example, that diplomacy should
be
the
and :
am- .
rulers
STEPHENS’ AT PEA l E.
Prompted by his^^^g idea of losiug jo
opportunity of seeking to accommodite
matters between tlie warring sections, KF
Stephens proposed immediately after tie
battle or Ckancefforsvitie to open ne«mtu
tions “ The Union army,” said he,°“wVs
at that time greatly demoralized and ff
thought it a good time for a conference.-
f had caused a suspensiqt
ot the cartel, and my design was to op«i
negotiations by discussing the prisohr
question. I wrote a letter in this sene
from here to Mr. Davis, but I received o
reply for six weeks, when on the 29thof
June 1 got a dispatch asking me to coae
on to Richmond. On doing so I foijid
that the military situation was grealv
changed. Going to the War ()ffiee I .a
certained that Vicksburg was hopelessly
besieged, and that Lee was in Pennsyia
nm. I then saw clearly that nothiig
would come of it”r—as indeed, it will bere
membered, nothing did, for though Hr.
Stephens went down the James river to
r ortress Monroe, lie was not received.
FATE OF A PEACE MISSIONARY.
In connection With the peace question
and the reluctance of tlie Richmond au-
Uiorities to give any countenance to efforts
looking in that direction, Mr. step! mis
told me a strange story, which r believe
has never been published, of the fate of an
unfortunate peace emissary from tlie
North. It appears that in the spring of
1864 a person named Caball, from one of
the Western States, was taken prisoner at
Olusteeor Island Pond, in Florida, wliith
er he had gone for the purpose of being
taken prisoner, and thus gaining admit
tance within the Confederate lines. On
his capture Caball was taken to Ander
sonville, from which place he wrote a
letter to Stephens, who was then at his
Lome here, setting forth that the writer
had come, after consultation with the
leading peace men in the West and in
Washington, with the view of opening
negotiations for a cessat ion of the war,and
that he desired to he allowed to visit Mr.
Stephens. “ I got this letter in April ami
immediately wrote to Richmond, asked
that lie should be allowed to come up and
see me. In reply I received word that an
officer would be sent to ascertain what Ca
ball bad to say. But this was never done,
and in June 1 received another letter from
Caball, stating that he was dying, and
begging intercession on his behalf. I sent
an indignant protest to Richmond, but
heard nothing further of the matter till
July, when I got word from the command
ant of the post at Aiidersouville that Ca
uall was dead!”
THE CHICAGO PLATFORM.
Stephens hailed the Democratic move
ment that found embodiment in tlie Chi
cago platform as “ the first ray of light that
came to illumine the darkuessof the war.”
And following out his line of policy,name
ly that of aiding and fostering the peace
sentiment of the North, his desire, of
course, was to give a hearty response to
this effort. “ The Democratic party” said
lie, “ was pledged to make proffer of a
proposition for a convocation of all the
States. It is true it was rather a kangaroo
ticket, and they would have done better to
have taken an out-and-out peace man.—
But wliatevermightliavebeed McClellan’s
personal views, he would have represent
ed the State-Rights party. To be elected,
he would have had to have such a number
of the States that with those of the South,
there would have been a two-thirds ma
jority. Together we might have reaffirm
ed the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions
and established peace on a permanent
basis.” He himself, in a speech at Augus
ta, made some remarks favorable to meet
ing the proposition of the Democratic
party; but he was condemned by the
whole Press. The South sincerely wanted
Mr. Lincoln re-elected, and Mr. Davis, at
this time, in a speech at Macon, expressed
his views in the saying that” the only way
to make spaniels love you was to whip
them!” „
THE CONFEDERACY A DEsFoTlKft.
I had, in the course of our talk, many
interesting revelations of the inner work
ings of the Richmond Government, and of
its civil and military polity. Its war
measures, especially, were animadverted
on most severily; and promiment among
!, these conscription,which Stephens regard
ed as an enormous blunder, and a flagrant
violation of the very principle of wliick
j the war was waged on the part of tie
(South. “The result was,” he observet,
‘ that as the war went on, desertion, at
senteeism; assumed prodigious propartio s
Mr Davis, in his Macon speech, staid
that there were 150,000 deserters from te
army. Now the men had not grown lub
warm in tlie cause.”
“ But they found anew cause?”
“ They found anew cause. They kd
seceded for State Rights: they fount a
centralized despotism, aiming at a dynay.
Long before the end, thinking men beui
to realize that there would have to l a
revolution within the revolution. As’or
the manner in which supplies were raid,
by impressment, that was mere robiry,
and was attended with tlie most gigitic
coriuptions the earth ever saw,”
*• And you had arbitrary arrest. toi?
“ Oh. of the most shameful, slicing
kind. Why, when I came out to Gdgia
in 186", I found 1,100 persons in prise up
herein Atlanta, without shadow of w\”
Then, recurring to forced conscript! lie
added: “It was a satirejto see freuuli
zens dragged in chains to fight flih
erly!”
“ Do you think then it would havooen
possible to have conducted the war rely
on the voluntary, laisscznllci prinde?”
“ Most assuredly. If it was not {free
will war it was a crime. Before sesar
crossed the Rhine, when he was alut to
enter the wilderness, he put it to h sol
diers whether they would follow hi., mid
oply wanted such as were willing o go.
The result was, that though the g rei bidy
of the army had been opposed to te ex
pedition, yet scarcely one refused to;o. It
is one thing in such” enterprises toersree
an another, while really commanding to
seem to allow the popular impute. All
statesmen understand this ; and wt vith
out statesmanship and diplomacy!) nere
stupidity”
A SCENE IN THE SENATE
In December the position care ip for
a second suspension of hapeus corns Af
ter a protracted debate in the Seiate it
came to a tie, and it remainedwi.li Mr.
Stephens, who, as Vice-Presientof the
(Jonfederaey, was President oi &e Senate,
to decide the matter by giving to casting
vote. “I rose to announce my ote, and
stated that I felt it to be my dir to ex
plain ‘the reasons that influence me in
what ’i was going to do, when aSeuator
objected to my speaking ”
“They all knew you were goinlo vote
against the hill?”
“Oh, yes! They had heard mo hun
dred times speak in private agaist the
suspension of hajjeas corpus.” TliSena
tor objected to Mr. Htkpjiks speakig be
cause he was Vice-President, am after
some sparring, another Senator arm and
declared his desire to change his >te to
the affirmative, which would have orried
the hill. Stephens ruled against Is so
doing, seeing that the debate was collu
ded ; but the members appealed frotijnd
overruled his decision and passed Until.
Upon tliis Mr. Stephens declaiel to
Secretary Hunter his deierminatim of
resigning; and this probability got t< tie
ears of the Senators, for, a few days aHr
ward, they invited him to address te
Senate in secret session. Accordinglye
did so in an elaborate speech, review!g
the internal and the external policy of te
Confederate Government. He took tie
o-round that an entire change in the cli
quet of the war was demanded, and urgul
that sucli overtures should be made i;
would call to their aid the conaervatiH
sentiment of the North aud lead to a set
tlement of the dificulties. Notwithstand
ing the injunction of thesecretary.it seemi
his views got to the ears of members of tla
House, and when the bill for the suspeij
sion of the hapcaß corpus came to a voa
before that body it was killed by a majoi)
ity of sixty-seven. “If it had then heel
brought before the Senate it would not
ha« received three votes.” Mr. Ste
j’Hjs’ v j ewa on () ~ p ro j, er policy to be
■■ury-d were afterward thrown in to id h>
rorsjof a bill,* which was to be brought
maple ration the following week.—
■f tintej hoMever. the whole matter was
-4iis history of th
was well as what occurred during the
bores Monroe conference, Mr. Ste
i*iii holds as confidential. There is,
hover, a bit of history regarding the
Blauission. w hich I had from a distin
guiff Confederate officer in Virginia,
anthicli, as it was freely com mini mat
ed May mention here. It appears that
out the propositions which Mr. Blair
card to Richmond was that tlie Union
arishould make a landing on the coast
oftxas in a position menacing to the
Fjcli in Mexico, that tlie Confederate
arr should offer a show of following it
ufut that the two should unite in com
m cause in vindication of the Monroe
dgine. The war meanwhile would be
a adjourned question, and out of this
ptably a settlement would arise in tlie
er
ter the failure of the Fort Monroe
Cijerence in January, ’65. Mr. Ste
-I‘Ns returned to his home fully iuipress
e<Sth the conviction that tlie collapse of
th<onfederaey was nigh. It was report
ed the papers that he went to Georgia
M'i the object of making speeches to
are tlie people, but this is nonesense,
th<h, indeed, be was urged to do so.—
M i Mr. Davis asked him what lie was
goito do in Georgia he told him he was
goi to do nothing, hut stay quietly at
hoiand wait for the end.
RKCONSTIUa tion.
Ittply to my question as te his view
of vt would have been the best method
of oring tlie Union, he stated that he
wot have lieen glad to have seen the |
Bhqm-Johnson capitulation ratified.—
l’remt Johnson, he thought, had tlie
powto do it, for Mr. Lincoln had ren
denthe Executive omnipotent, and
Joidn might have done almost any
thiivith that prestige before Congress
piei it and found it a bubble. He was
oppd to the Constitutional Atneud
tnei’or llie reason that if Georgia was
not tate in the Union she could not act
on ■ question at all, and if she was
a St in the Union the measure was not
prepd in a constitutional form. He, j
hqwr, made a full expression of his
viewn reconstruction in a speech deliv
ered tlie 22d February, 1865, before Hie
Geoi, Legislature, by the request of that
hodyi’he key note he struck was that if
liberwas to be preserved and theGov
ernnt to lie perpetuated, it must bo by
bring it back to the principles on which
it w made. On that foundation lie
thinlit might lie made to embrace the
contiitaud endure for all time.
SLAVES AND FKEKDMEN.
Mr.ephens freely admits that negro
suff'ra is a necessary result of freedom.
“To t» them from under tlie protection
of thcvuisters and leave them without
the pio>tiou of law would he most un
just.” Jut will the system work?” “I
sincereliope so ; and if it does I shall
lielievee long expected millennium has
arrived Thereupon he got down De
Tocquele from tlie library, read the
views c.hat distinguished political phil
osopbemehing the fate of the negro on
this couent, and agreed with him that
the bias were destined to go down before
the Sax race. After this he diverged to
a disqition on Slavery, which had al
ways ,‘ii grossly misundrstood, and
which regarded as a misnomer for the
Sou the institution; “Our system,” he
remark, “was not at all of tlie character
of Roiu Slavery; it was the natural
subordition of an inferior race. I should
have cflinly been an Abolitionist, had I
believtin tlie equality of the black spe
cies,” and thereanent lie entered into a
long ecological disquisiou. “it is true
our sym needed many improvements
and alterations, and these would have
come For example, the year before the
war t Georgia Legislature came within
one >£ of removing from the negroes tlie
di salty in regard to reading. It was on
ly oifde interference that retarded the
needry ameliorations, for when there is
fore) intermeddling in social changes
tlie ends oi reform are always put in the
attife of sympathizers with tlie enemy.”
“’c the ‘corner stone’ speech, which
•atajv saeuied-to me a gigantic .pieqe .of
iroi truly expressed your views on
Klafy ?”
‘(rely ; but that speecli too lias been
miJderstood. I did not regard our sys
tem establishing any new Government;
thiovernmeut remained exactly asit was
ui»r the Constitution, and all that I did
wto define the form of our social liter
ary.” Then he added : “The world,
htever, would have given usa bad name ;
tire was a great deal of talk at Mont
guery about what name we should give
i! new Government; but I told them
‘juneed not trouble yourselves about that
-the world will give us just the name you
dll your enemies ; they will call us the
lack Republic .’ ”
THE PHILADELPHIA CONVENTION.
“ Did you go to the Philadelphia Cou
*ention,” I asked, “ and what do you
iiinkoftliat movement?”
“ Yes,”“He rejoined, “ I went to Pliila
lelpbia, for I had many urgent letters
from the North. But as soon as I got to
Washington, I saw the movement was
doomed to failure. It had not the elements
of success in it. Itshould have been made
as free as the gospel and thrown open to
all—old rebels, Copperheads, and what
not —all that favored a return to the Con
stitution as it was. But in the form the
movement took, I clearly foresaw that it
was doomed to fall between the ridge of
(lie two great parties—tlie Rdaieals and
the Democrats.”
AN EPISODE.
While we we were sitting on the porch
during the afternoon, the negro member
«f the Board of Registration came up to
see Mr. Btephens. He is a bright fellow,
named Ned, who lives in the adjoining
county, and is well acquainted with Mr.
Btephens. He gave us the statistics of the
day’s work in tlie registration of Taliaferro
county, which is going on at the Court
House liere. The result showed that 470
persons had registered, and that the blacks
had a majority 0f75.
“ Massa Aleck,” said Ned, “ I was look
ing to you to come down to the registra
tion, and was waiting to help you up the
steps.”
“ Would you have let mo register,
Ned?”
“ I would have done my best, Massa
Aleck.”
“ Well Ned,” said Mr Stevens, “ T have
never voted since I voted against seces -
sion.” Then to me, “I nevervoted during
the Confederacy.”
Mr. Stephens to-day made all his negroes
go and register. “By and by,” said he,
“ they will come and ask me how to vote.
What can I tell them hut to go with then
race ?”
A VISIT TO THE FARM.
Before tea, Mr. Stephens gave me a
drive to his plantation, which is a couple
of miles from his residence. It is a tract
of a thousand acres, and is the place own
ed by his father and grandfather before
him. The old homestead has long since
disappeared, and though there is a good
farmhouse on the place, he never occupies
it, but lias given it over to “Boh,” his
principle negro man. All of Mr. Stephens’
former slaves (about thirty, I believe,)
have remained on the place. He lias di
vided out the plantation into five farms,
\vlii--li he lets to tin- five heads of families,
who live in separate houses, each one on
his own place. The arrangement lie
makes with them is somewhat peculiar;
they furnish everything, and he, for the
lent of the land, receives one-quarter of
the crop,which is a very generous arrange
ment for the negro. The relations they
hear to him is that of a most affectionate
reverence. Mr. Stephens told me with a
•mod deal of glee that under the free labor
system he is making some money out of
his farm, which is something lie never did
before. Last year he realized S7OO, and as
he does not value the place at above $5,000
i this makes fourteen per cent, on the in
- vestment. He went on to contrast this
with small yield of Northern lands, and
I mentioned that several farmers from New
i York and New England had been down to
I see him aud stated that three per cent, is
i as much as they can make. Stephens is
an excellent farmer, and during our ride
i prelicted long and learnedly on the mya
-1 teries of agricultnre, on rotation and ma-
miring, on ploughing and phosphates.—
But as it was not to hear about such things
that tlie present writer came to see Alex
ander Stephens, there shall no report
thereof be made by him.
PECULATIONS, POLITICAL AND PHILO
SOPHIC.
After supper, as we sat smoking on the
piazza, Btephens talked till long into the
night on a great range of speculative and
historical themes. Here are two or three
fag-ends of my reminiscence.
"In the development of human society,”
said he, “actualites often outrun nomen
clature. It was so when the United States
Government was formed, forit was a Gov
ernment of a novel type, for which there
is no precedent, and consequently no ap
pellation. De Tocqueville had a glim
mering insight of this. He saw the im
mense change made in tlie federate system
by allowing tlie Government to act on in
dividuals ; but he falls into error when he
says, ‘Evidently this is no longer a Feder
al Government, but an incomplete Nation
al Government.’ It was in no respect a
National Government—all that happened
was anew development of the Federal
system. The Federative character was in
no sense disturbed by tlie fact tlie United
Suites Government was accorded the pow
er of acting on individuals, for between
Governments mere treaties often operate
in the same way.” He then got down and
proceeded to quote from Calhoun’s “Dis
course on Government”: “It is an ac
knowledged principle,” says that writer,
"that Sovereigns may lie compact modify
or qualify the exercise of their power,
without impairing their sovereignty”—
and so on at lenktli; and when he closed
the book be 1 have always
regarded as few books that will
O U, - :> wllicll they uro
written.” - V
Still more interesting, but still more dif
ficult to report, are his views on represen
tation. He had not seen J. Stuart Mill’s
work on that subject; but from wliat I
could tell him of tlie scheme in regard to
a plurality of votes, the representation of
minorities, etc., he did not seem to think
much of it. His own system places the
representation of society in its organic
structure through tlie representation of
its different classes and orders and inter
ests; but it is much too subtle for me to
attempt any report.
About wars he said they were generally a
mistake, and aggressive wars lie regarded
as almost always unjustifiable. “I doubt,”
said lie, “if war ever accomplished any
good. Even in tlie ease of tlie American
Colonies, if they had waited twenty years
they would have hail their independence
without fighting. The Mexican war de
moralized tlie whole country, and brought
about most of our latter troubles the names
made there were the pestilent politicians
that bred our late troubles.”
“Will history adjudge secession as you
did in your Union Speech?” “I fancy
not—it will look to principles. Histories
do not take account of the five nerves of
society; they are rough surgeons. Mr.
Grf.ely deals with the issues in American
history as a conflict throughout—a method
of treatment that would be placed in dis
cussing English free-trade or the corn
laws, hut entirely inapplicable if we have
regard to tlie nature of the American
Government.”
Os the moralists, he flouted Paley be
cause liedid not recognize a “moral sense”
in man, and he thought if Paley and
Wayland were burned and Cicero, De
Oflieiin, substituted in their place, it would
he a great improvement. He spoke high
ly of one or two of Sweedenborg’s books
that lie had been reading. “His idea of
future punishment is the only rational
one, for it is against reason to believe in a
vindictive deity.”
I asked him if lie had known Lincoln,
and he said, “Yes very well, we were in
Congress together, and Lincoln was one
of tlie Seven Young Indians.” To my
query who they were, lie said they were
seven members of Congress, consisting of
Stephens and Lincoln, together witli
Toombs, of Georgia, Flournoy, Pendleton
and Preston, of Virginia, and Campbell, of
Florida, who, in 1847, banded together for
the purpose of making (fen. Taylor Presi
dent, and who received the name of the
“seven young Indians,” from their alert
ness and adroitness in political skirmish
work. “Our people during the war,” said
lie, “hud a wonderfully erroneous notion
to Lincoln’s intellectual ability. To he
sure, he liad very little idea of tlie nature
of th • bedttral Government; hut he was a
wise man am. knew the heart ot me peo
ple well—a trait in which lie resembled
Andrew Jackson. He taugut in fables,
like Aisop; and in Congress his speeches
were mainly a string of anecdotes—an an
ecdote and then a point. He invented
most of them; but they were generally
extremely apt, and a full collection of
them would be one of the most interesting
of books.”
To my question if lie believed that there
are supernatural influence and inspiration
that move certain men [a question that
grew out of a little discussion we had as
to Stonewall Jackson’s character,) he re
plied that, according to the doctrine of
probabilities held by tlie Stoics, he thouht
it at least likely. “ I regard man as tridar
tite,”said lie—“ body, soul and spirit. ”
“That is the doctrine ofEpictetus ?” “Yes
he rejoined , “ and of Pythagoras, before
him. I do not see why the spiritual sense,
that which reaches on toward the Unseen,
may not he cultivated as well as the bodi
ly senses or the intellectual power. ” and
from tlis he went on to tell me some re
markable phenomena that had come with
in the range of our own experience accom
panied with anecdotes which, from their
ghosliy character, beflted the hour in
which we were, forit was now the very
witchinw timeof night when graveyards
yawns. Finally the talk fell away alto
gether and we to bed.
Such is a most inadequate account of a
day’s converse with this remarkable man,
I sincerely trust that while tlie report
may not he uninteresting to the reader,
it will not have violated that courtesy J
owe the gentle-hearted speaker.
A Visit to Crawfordvllle—What Mr.
Stephens Thinks and Says.
To tlie exclusion of other matter we
publish, this morning, a long,and in some
aspects interesting, account of a visit to,
and conversation with, Mr. Stephens, by
a correspondent of the New York Times—
we presume Mr. Swinton, author of a
“History of the Army of the Potomac,”
and army-correspondent of the Times dur
ing the recent civil war.
We would regret very much to believe
that this correspondent is entirely accurate
in all his statements. While Mr. .Steph
ens’ views and published opinion ivt regard
to certain men and measure- of the Con
federate government are well known, and
a source of great regret to some of the
warmest friends he has on earth, it will be
news, and bitter news, too,thatlieendorsed,
by not rebuking instantly, and indignant
ly, the application of such epithets as
“ conspirators” to men whose motives
and character are beyond and above as
persion by any body. We are disposed,
too, to repudiate his direct attack upon
that distinguished gentleman, who “could
have saved Georgia,” either as a pure fic
tion of the writer, or'as distorted and mis
represented to suit his own views, and
the appetite of those for whom he pan
ders. if we are no; very mistakeu in our
estimate of Mr. Stephens he is also grossly
misrepresented in regard to his views on
negro suffrage, but we prefer that our
readers should see for themselves, just
what he does say. Anything from Mr. 8.
is always of interest to the people of Geor
gia, and if he has been reported wrongly,
he can, and will, set himself right before
them. It is proper to state that we have
omitted those portions of this letter that
relate to Mr. Stephens’ home, and his per
sonal appearance. Both are familiar to
the great majority of our readers.
After a prosperous career of more than
thirty years in Athens, the publication of
the Southern Banner has been suspended
i —non-payment of subscribers and adver
tisers, the cause.
Vol.
Thanking (lod that iln ) arc not aw Other
Men arc.
The Bostou Fourtli of July orator re
viled his Southern brethren and groaned
in his spirit thus:
“Everywhere is chaos, social anarchy,
while our ears are every moment greeted
with the roar of some brigand mob, and
the cry of some half-murdered man or
outraged womau.”
“The Boston Post, however, produces
proof to show that while the speaker was
thus spitting venom at the South there
were committed in Boston aud vieiuity
more crimes than the telegraph and news
papers have credited to any similar area,
anywhere iu the Country, of to the entire
South, on that day. One young woman
was murdered in Purchase street; another
young woman was murdered in Cam
bridge street; there was a mob in Kneel
aud street, and a man was shot; there
was another mob in Castle street, and an
attempt torch a hotel in the same locality;
the mob was so serious that the'ofiieers
tired upon it; a young man in West
Roxbury, returning home with Mis sisiers,
perhaps from the Boston Orator’s tirade
against the South, was murdered. To all
these must be added the attempt to destroy
hundreds of lives in Massachusetts on
that day by placing obstructions on the
Western railroad track.
How beautiful appear these pious Bos
ton Radicals when they thank Hod that
their codfish virtue excels the virtue of
the Southern traitors as the moon does
thr looser lights— nuiif infer ignes luna
minorcs !
Death of Maj. Edward W. Wright.
—Perhaps few of our present citizens will
now recognize the name? lie died at
Camden, Arkansas, on the 30th June,
aged, probably, about 07 years. He was
a native of Maryland, and settled in
this city about the year 1824, and was
engaged in mercantile business with John
S. Childers, aud between them they built
the old “ Washington Hall” block (with
other buildings), which still retains its
name, (although it has once risen from its
ashes.)
On the organization of that ancient and
cherished military corps, the “ Macon
Volunteers,” on the 23d of April, 1825, ho
was selected as its commander—his tall
stature and manly bearing, eminently
fitting him for that position. He held the
plaeo until he was promoted to a higher
military grade, with credit to himself as
commander and satisfaction to his com
rades. He was early associated with
Macon Lodge as an active member, and
superintended the construction of its first
Hall.
In 1826 he married Elizabeth Morgan, of
this county, who survived but twoorthree
years, leaving#ne son. We were at his
side when the nuptial kiss was imprinted
on a blooming cheek, and saw the last one
on her cold brow when the coffin lid closed
her forever from his sight. She jvas, as
well as himself, a communicant with our
Presbyterian Church. We well remember
a remark made by a sister of that church,
when she took her vows before the altar—
that “ if any one could in appearance,'rep
resent the purity of an angel, it was Mrs.
Wright.”
Maj. Wright, a few years after the death
of ids first wile, married the daughter of
Henry Crowell, of Crawford county and
removed to Camden, Arkansas, where he
has since resided. Our List interview with
him was about five or six years since in this
city, as Elder of Lis church to represent it
in the Synod at Philadelphia.
Macon Volunteers—there are hut four
now living of that old corps, first com
manded by Maj. Wright.
P. S.—Since writing the above, we have
received a notice of the death of Major
WRIGHT IU Llic “ tHIiKUn «,«a
“ Eldorado Sentinel,” of Arkansas. These
papers speak of him as we knew him
many years since. The Sentinel says—
“ln truth, his death deserves more than a
passing notice. He possessed in the high
est degree the love and respect of all who
knew him, who regret him as the loss of a
brother. For if benevolence, charity and
hospitality, high sense of honor, integrity
and public spirit deserves an honorable
mention in our record of his departure,
none has been more worthy to receive it.”
S.
Death of Gen. L. L. Griffin.—This
name is associated with the most' impor
tant records of enterprise, connected witli
our city. He died at Aberdeen, Miss., on
the 9th inFtant, aged about 75 years. He
was projector of the present “Macon &
Western Railroad,” which he carried out
to the full extent of the means that could
then be obtained, and the lights then
known to an “apprenticeship” on such
great works,—then little understood
Although it proved pecuniarily unfortu
nate to himself and many of those con
nected with it, in its first undertaking,
he no doubt acted in good faitli to all his
pledges to carry out the work lie projected
which should immortalize the name of
any individual. Misfortune, and t lie lack
of public enterprise in a community, or
the conspiracy of speculators, should not
sink the naineofGen. Gridin to their level
—perhaps this allusion might lie caried
further—but let it rest, as the grave covers
many tilings that would profit no one to
have disturbed. A City represents his
name, and of which he was worthy.
The permanent locations of this railroad
commenced in May 1836, aud the first
Iron rail was laid on, and the first locomo
tive run on it in the State. Our late
fellow citizen Robert Findley was the
Engineer on the first trip to Forsyth.
B.
Query. Will somebody he good
enough to inform us of tlie whereabouts of
the “Kepubmcan party” which was
formally organized in this city on the
fourth day of the present month? Its
platform appears to have disappeared from
public view! We are a little apprehen
sive of foul play on the part of some pre
tended friend.— Era.
The (Jrijjln Star says: Just as we expect
ed. Old Ayueeheek has lost his party. He
learned to close his rear, but forgets anoth
er important military manoeuvre—to kerj)
closed up. He’s been straggling—he’s
missed one or two meetings of the “Timo
ney Guards,” of which rujmcnt he run for
corporal, and got heat, (so rumor says,)
the gjards preferring She-mtjgs.
You must keep closed up, dear Ague
cheek. You need’nt stray ofr thinking
you’ll Ik- missed and followed after. —
That’s “p ayed out.” Your are the only
solitary individual living tiiat counts your
presence, your support, or opposition, aaof
the least consequence. Close up.
Two Judges,Goldthwaite and Judge;
two Generals, Clanton and Hainmon; and
one Ex-Governor, Watts, left Montgomery
for Texas, on Thursday, to look after and
purchase land.
It has been decided in the .Supreme
Court of Alabama, that a statute or munic
ipal ordinance prohibiting the sale of
goods on Sunday, is not, as applicable to
Jews, a violation of that provision of the
State Constitution guaranteeing perfect
freedom of religious sentiment and per
-1 suasion.
Brevities.
The Greensboro Herald tells of a most
horrible murder committed in that coun
ty, last week. Four negroes tied another,
and after beating him almost to death
with stones and sticks, shot him through
the body.
The Savannah Herald warns printers
not to come to that city for work. The
market is already over-stocked.
Another valuable cargo of lumber was
cleared on Wednesday, for Liverpool,
from Savannah. Total measurement 520,-
449 feet, valued at $11,700.
The irrepressible Botts made a speech,
lately, at Culpepper C. H., Va., in favovof
universal suffrage, universal education,
and universal amnesty for the Confederate
rank andyllc. He opposes paying certain
high offioers their “thirty pieces.” Good!
Albert Pike, in the Memphis Appeal,
charges the Federal government with hon
oring some of the worst men that disgraced
its flag during the war, and “made it seem
absurd for the Son of Man to have died for
the human race!”
One C. C. Bowen, who was a red hot
“rebbil” when it paid, but is now a “trooly
loil” man, has just been released from Cas
tle Pinkney, at Charleston, on condition
of disgorging some S6OO he had swindled
the freedmeu of that vicinity out of.
Mr. John E. McMurphy, ex-Aldertuan
of the city of Augusta, aud, at the time of
his death, master machinist iu the Geor
gia Railroad car shop, died in that place
on Tuesday.
A grand Railroad barbecue is announced
for the first Saturday iu August, at Camil
la, Mitchell county.
The Thomasville Enterprise says that
the adjourned term of the Superior Court
for that county was not held on Monday,
on account of the severe illness of Judge
Hansel 1.
Thomas county paid over $6,000 U. 8.
I uternai Revenue tax last year, and Brooks
county over $3,000.
A Jacobin named Conway, who was
too mean to be retained in the Bureau at
New Orleans, writes Forney’s Chronicle
that there are between two and three
hundred thousand Union League councils
in the South, numbering between two and
three hundred thousand members. A
man who was too mean for the Bureau, is
none too good to tell a thundering lie.
A young woman in Lancaster, Pa., was
so much injured a few days ago, while
biting oft* her toe-nails, that n physiclau
had to ho called in ! The Louisville Cou
rier suggests a muzzle for her, and won
ders i/’Acreshe was injured.
The Chicago Tribune is publishing a
list of all the faro dealers iu that city, and
urging the “ perlioe” to go for them.
Ex-Senator Gwinn, of California, is iu
Louisville, and contemplates a {>ermaneut
settlement In that city.
The Louisville Courier threatens to
charge the Philadelphia Age and Coving
ton Examiner a small salary for editorial
labors, if they don’t quit taking without
credit.
The Atlanta Intelligencer chronicles the
fastest time yet between New York and
that city. A keg of butter and three* boxes
of cheese left New York on Saturday, at
3 P. M., via steamer Han Jacinto for Sa
vannah, and arrived in Atlanta on Wed
nesday, the 24th, at 2P. M.—time 83
hours.
On the 4th of July, at Atlanta, among
other mummeries, a coffin was buried
containing a whip and cowhide. As an
ex-slavedealer, Markham must have felt
the compliment as decidedly personal. —
This item sounds old, but we get it from
the Intelligencer of yesterday.
The Pole who attempted the assassina
tion of the Czar at Paris, has been sentenc
ed to hard labor for life. In this country,
north of the Potomac, he would have been
tornjto pieces by a yelling mob, or tried by
a “ military commission” and hung.
The London Owl (Ministerial) states
that no European intervention will take
place in consequence of Maximilian’s in ur
der. It is deemed “politically unadvii*’ -
ble, aim practicanjr useless -. More sname
to Euroi>e for it, too.
In the city of New York, 43 per cent of
all the deaths are children under one year
of age, and 68 per cent are of children un
der five years of age.
A laboring man in Washington who suf
fers under the dire calamity of being white,
was put under bonds of s*oo recently, be
cause he had expressed a wish to be able
“to blow to hell” the capitol, and the con
spirators assembled in it. There are mil
lions of people down here who agree with
him exactly.
Do They Endorse It ?—The people of
Georgia have a right to ask the question—
and demand an answer to It, too—if what
is called the “Union Republican party" in
this State, endorse such sentiments as are
taught in the “dialogue” published else
where. The pamphlet which contains it,
is printed by the “Union Republican Con
gressional Committee,” and it is not to be
presumed they would circulate political
opinions at variance with the views and
wishes of the party in any locality.
We beg that our cotemporariee through
out the State will ventilate this subject.
We neither wish to cheat, nor lie cheated.
If it is the policy and intention of the
party in Georgia, through its leaders and
newspapers, to carry the negro vote, and
get possession of the State by arraying the
blacks against their former masters, and
inaugurating a contest that may wrap
Georgia in one night in the flame and
blood of a war of race and color, the white
people should know it. Forewarned is
forearmed.
The issue must be met, and the respon
sibility fixed. Glittering generalities and
double-faced fustian will not do for an
answer. Do you or do you not endorse
these doctrines—yes, or no ?
Action—Non-Action—’There are some
demoralized people at the Houth who ex
claim at what they call the suicidal folly
of non-action, when the sum total of their
idea of action is to submissively accept the
entire Congressional programme of ruin
to the Ktate. Our notion of action, says
the Mobile Register, is to plant ourselves
on the Constitution of our country, and
to refuse consent to the crime—and there
by make it our own—of overthrowing the
rights and liberties that are guaranteed by
that Constitution. Their notion of action
is to throw themselves under the wheels
of the advancing Juggernaut, with hosan
nas to the idolatrous god that crushes
them to political death.
Proposed Disposition to be Made 'of
the Peabody Fund.— A Teachers’ Con
vention, for the Htate of Virginia, was in
session at Lynchburg last week. The ses
sion was a very interesting one. Rev.
Dr. Hears, Genera! Agent Peabody Fund,
was present and addressed the Convention
in a very entertaining speech, in tlie
course of which he stated his intention in
visiting the Houth was for the purpose of
thoroughly examining into the education
al wants of the country, with a view to
decide how the cause would be best sule
served in the distribution of the Peabody
Fund—whether in its appropriation to
Primary or Normal Hchools, or to Acade
mies and Colleges. He further stated that
Virginia’s share, in the donation of Mr.
Peabody, would amount, perhaps, to $150,-
000—the interest upon which, at six per
cent, would be nine thousand dollars per
annum.
VVe note these facts for the interest and
and information of the people of Georgia
whom, it is understood, Dr Hears will
shortly visit.