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A CHILD ANLUBP.
KY kli/.abktii iiarrktt urownino.
How c, sleep p thl lav Jig drunken
Weary childhood's maudrugore,—
Prom his pretty eyes h ive sunken
Pleasures to make roan lor more;
81' ephig near the witheied nosegay wl i:h lie pulled
the day before.
Nosegays! leave them for the waking!
Throw them earthward, where they grew.
Dim are such, beside lhe break ng
Amaranths he looks uato,
Folded eyes see brighter colors than the open ever
do.
Heaven-flowers, rayed by shadows golden
From the palms they sprang beneath,
Now perhaps divinely holdeu,
Swing against him in a wreath, —
Wo may think so from the quickening of his bloom
and of his breath.
Vision unto vision calleth,
While the young child dreameth on;
Fair O dreamer, thee befalleth,
With the glory thou hast won!
Darker wert thou in the garden, yeslermorn, by
summer sun.
We should see the spirit ringing
Hound tiioe, were the clouds away !
’T i< the child-heart draws them, singing
In the silent-seeming clay,
Singing— Stars that socm the mutest, go in music
all the way.
As the moths around a tap-r,
As the bees around a lose,
As in sunset many a vapor,--
S » the spirits group and eloso
Hound about thy holy childhood, as if drinking its
repose.
Shapes of brightness ovorlcan thee,
Witii their diadems of youth
Striking on thy ringlets sheenly;
While thou Kindest—not, in sooth,
Thy smile, but the overfair one dropped from some
.ethereal mouth.
Haply it is angels’ duly,
During slumber, shade by shade,
To line down the chi'dish beauty
To the thing it must bo made
Hro the world shall bring its praises, or the tomb
shall see it lade.
Softly, softly 1 make no noises 1
Now he lielb dead and dumb ;
Now ho In a 1 s the angels’ voices
Folding silence in tho room ;
Now he muses deep the meaning of tho heaven
words as they come.
Speak not! he is consecrated.
lie no b'eatli across his eyes;
Lifted up and separated,
On the hand of God ho lies. *
In a sweetness beyond touching, held by cloistral
sanctities.
Could yo bless him, —father, inothor?
Bless the dirnplo in his cheek?
Du'o ye look at one another
And tho benediction speak?
Would yo not break out in weeping, and confess
yourselves too weak?
Ho is harmless, yo are sinful;
Yo are troubled, ho at ease ,
From his slumber, virtue winful
Floweth outward with increase.
Dare not blocs him ! but be bless-d by his peace,—
and go in peace.
From the Atlanta Intelligencer.
ut i idAL iirtMucr or the meeting
or citizens*
PERMANENT ORGANIZATION OF THE FUL
TON COUNTY DEMOCRATIC CLUB.
Pursuant to previous notice, a large
number of the intelligent and respectable
citizens of this city and county assembled
at theUity Hull <>n Saturday night last for
the purpose of expressing tlieir views in
regaid to ihe removal of General Pope by
tile President, and (lie appoi ntment of
(Jen. Meade as his successor, and also of
perfecting a permanent organization of the
Pulton ( ounty Democratic Club.
Through Mr. Thomas, tho chairman of
the business committee, it was announced
that Maj. J. H. Steele, from the committee
of live a; pointed by a previous meeting to
report business to ibis meeting would
make the following report on permanent
organization, which was unanimously
adopted :
President.
THOMAS F. LOWE.
Vice Presidents.
J. (J. Westmoreland, William Rushton,
.1 no. M. Johnson, Eli Hulsey,
John T. Foard. *
Secretary.
.1. 11. Barriek.
Treasurer.
A. S. Alley.
Executive Commi ttoe.
T. T. Smith, W. H. Brotherton,
James E. Gullatt, S. Weil,
P. Dodd, T. E. Whitaker,
John Thomas, A. A. Echols,
M. T. Castleberry, J. M. Patton,
J. W. Price, T. L. Wells,
George M. Robinson.
The following preamble and resolutions,
also reported by Major Sleelc, from the
same committee, were adopted without a
dissenting voice :
lii the removal of Hrevet Major General
John Pope from the command of this Mil
itary District, and in the appointment by
the President of the United States of Maj.
General George G. Meade as his successor,
this meeting of citizens deem it proper to
express Us great gratification. In the oc
currence of both events, it recognizes what
justice to a down-trodden and oppressed
people sternly demanded of a Government
they had sworn to support. Under Gen.
Pope’s administration of the affairs of this
Military District, while professing, as he
often did, that tlit? constitutional privil
eges of freedom of speech to the citizen
and freedom of the press should remain
inviolate to each, both were assailed, re
strained, and trampled upon by him. This
was done, Jir.d, by an “order" wlmh
emanated from iiis headquarters, forbid
ding any civil officer of the ttiree States
under his command, to give expression to
bis opinions if adverse to the reconstruc
tion enactments of Congrecs, upon pain of
forfeiting t lie office which he held ; and,
L tru*/. iu ttie issuance of his “Order No.
pi," which not only forced- contrary to
the laws of tlie several States, the con
venience and interests of the people there
of—all legal advertisements into papers far
remote, with hut very few exceptions,
from the parties whose interests were there
in involved, and into papers with scarcely
any circulation (in most cases none at all)
in the several localities where the property
interests of the parties, citizens of the
State, and citizens abroad—executors, ad
ministrators, guardians, wards, orphans,
widows, debtors, and creditors—were in
volved, greatly to the detiintent of eaclt
and all of them— the intent obviously he- j
jug to build up radical reconstruction ,
presses in the three States, and to pros
trate, by the military power which he as
sumed, all tdher presses within his com- i
roand, that faie-d or declined to advocate
the measures of the Radical party which
he desired to force upon Georgia. Alabama,
■ 7T u :i ' 11 was thus that Gen. l’one
e< J"®, > Vri,Un ‘ finance: and his
»hi r. ,l rw *?.‘ “ l " freedom of
speech and of the press —his written as-
Glared, \ n „„ oof his
letters to Gen. Grant, that “freedom of
speech and of the press, education, equali
ty before the law, and in political rights
and pn deges, are the essentials of am
«*atisfac',..ry reconstruction in the South
and in »sU word, given to a committee of
gentium n in this city, that freedom of
speech would not he interfered.with by
him, hut would be tolerated to its fullest
£Xteut—auding that he was surprised at
having ecu otherwise understood- and
yet upon us military record whilein com
mand ol t 'US district are inscribed tlie or
ders win h forbade "freedom of speech
and freedom of tlie press l>v irnposiu» a
penalty the exercise of those clearly
constitutional rights by a people recog
nized, and held to accountability, and
taxed, as citizens of the United States.
This meeting also approves of, and is
gratified at, tlie removal of Gen. Pope for
tlie additional reason, that otherwise in
tSkorgia Urnttml mb Jtleasaigcr,
b? Rose Ac Burr.
the exercise of his official duties, appar
ently regardless of his rank and his posi
tion as an otlicer of the United States Ar
my, he lias sought to identify himself as a
political partisan, working openly and
avowedly in the interest of the Radical
party. Hence his registration appointments
with negro registrars included ; hence his
app rtiomnentof delegates to the Conven
tion (in direct violation of the reconstruc
tion enactments of Congress), which gave
the negro minority in the State supremacy
in the Convention over the white majority,
hence his placing the direction of that
election in the hands of an individual with
instructions to him that “ Convention
must be carried,” and who, with his sub
ordinates, worked "sharp and quick,"
even, as is charged, and as this meeting
believes can be proved, to the perpetration
of fraud in the accomplishment of that
end ; lienee his withdrawal of the appro
priation made by our State Legislature
from our State University upon the shal
lowest of pretences; hence his order re
quiring the panel of Jurors to be so drawn
as to inevitably place, in every section of
our state, the unlettered and ignorant ne
gro in the jury box, and, in some sections
of it, a predominating number of them, for
the trial of cases involving tiie property,
the personal liberty, and the life of the
white man; hence liis removal of the
Judge of the Ocmulgee Circuit, the Hon.
Augustus Reese, and his attempt*, both
direct and indirect, to iutimidate and rad
icalize me Judiciary of this Slate; hence
bis removal from office of incumbents
tiiereof, down even to policemen, without
a hearing, for alleged or pretended offen
ces; hence, had lie not been restrained,
his intention to remove all the incumbents
of civil offices in the State, who would not
bow the knee to the Baal of that radical
ism which lie was bent upon forcing upon
the State, to which lie looked for future
promotion aud honors, and in the interest
of which he avowedly was; hence liis en
dorsement of the action of tbeso-calied
Slate Convention, in its attempts to draw
from tiie public treasury forty thousand
dollars to defray tiie expenses of that un
constitutional assemblage, conceived as it
was in fraud and brought forth in iniquity,
in direct vioialiou of the Act of Congress
which prescribes the mode and manner of
their payment, and at the risk of prostrat
ing the credit of, aud thus dishonoring the
State; and hence it was lie wtts surround
ed whilst in this city by evil counsellors
in civil life, to whom he lent a listening
year, and whose thirst after office iulluenc
ed them I o counsel the further oppression
and degradation of our people that they
might riot upon tiie spoils tiiereof. Be it
therefore
Resolved, That this meeting, composed
of conservative citizens of Fulton county,
do hereby tender their acknowledgments
to President Andrew Johnson for the re
moval of Brevet Major General John Pope
from the command of the Third Military
District.
Resolved. That while this meeting is un
alterably opposed to the Military acts of
Congress, under wiiicit it is proposed to
“ reconstruct” the Southern States, and
while it disclaims any desire or wish (were
it possible) to intluenee tiie action of Ma
jor General George G. Meade, politically or
otherwise, yet it can hut express its grati
tude, tliatour people shall have in him, as
Military Commander of this District, a
gentleman and a soldier, who, we have
reason to believe, will uphold, and not de
stroy, the Civil Government of the State ;
who will respect, and not trample under
foot, (tie civil laws he may find of force,
and who will restore those set aside by his
predecessor; who will guarantee freedom
from fraud and corruption in Registrars,
Managers and Voters, in any future regis
tration and election that may he held un
der said Military acts; and who will toler
ate, to its fullest extent, freedom of speech
and of the press in the discussion of the
great questions affecting the present and
future welfare of the people of Georgia.
Resolved, That entertaining tiiese views
in reference to Gen. Meade, aud the course
he will pursue in the administration of liis
office, we welcome him to our city, and
trust he may continue the Headquarters of
the Third Military District in Atlanta.
Resolved, That a committee of seven he
appointed to wait upon Gen. Meade, and
present him with a copy of the foregoing
resolutions.
Resolved, That a copy of the proceedings
of this meeting, signed by the Chairman,
and countersigned by the Secretary, he
forwarded to President Johnson.
The following gentlemen were then ap
pointed a committee to wait on General
Meade, and present him with a copy of
the foregoing resolutions:
Hon. Jared I. Whitaker, Dr. John M.
Johnson, Hon. William Ezzard, Dr. Jus.
F. Alexander, Gen. John B. Gordon, Dr.
E. J. Roach, Dr. James P. Hambleton.
The following resolution, offered by Col.
L. J. Glenn, was heartily concurred in :
Resolved, That for the ability and fidel
ity with which they have discharged tlieir
respective duties, and especially for pro
tecting the Treasury of tlie State of Geor
gia from the illegal attempt of Maj. Gen.
Pope, and the unconstitutional Conven
tion lately in session in this city, to draw
money therefrom, for tiie payment of the
members and officers of said Convention,
his Excellency Gov. Jenkins, and the
Treasurer, Captain John Jones, are enti
tled to, and will receive from a grateful
people the plaudit: “Well done, good and
faithful servants.”
The following resolution introdued by
Col. T. T. Smith, was also adopted :
Resolved, That the Secretary of this Club
be instructed to procure a book to be kept
at some convenient place, of which lie
shall give notice, where ali who desire to
become members can record their names.
Colonel E. Y. Clarke moved that tiie
proceedings of this meeting, by request,
lie published in the Atlanta Intelligencer,
and a I other Conservative papers iu the
Btate be requested to copy the same; and
then the meeting adjourned to meet again
on Wednesday night next at the City
Hall.
During the evening at different intervals
in the progress of business, the occasion
was enlivened by pertinent and appropri
ate speeches from the following named
gentlemen: Messrs. Steele, Glenn, ’iho
mas, Hogue, Abrams, and Jackson.
John G. Westmoreland,
President pro tern.
J. R. Baurick, Secretary.
Catooxii Conservative Meeting.
The conservative citizens of Catoosa
county, Georgia, met in convention at the
court house, iu Ringgold, on the2Bth ulti
mo, to organize a Conservative Club, and
to take action ou the resolutions adopted
by the Macon Conservative Convention.
The Rev. A. Y Lockridge was called to
the cliair, and Thomas B. Cox, Esq., was
made Secretary of the Convention.
Upon motion a committee of seven, con
sisting ot Captain W. J. Whitsett, A. 1.
Leet, James Perry, Nathan Lowe, David
S. Anderson, M. It. Moore, and It. \\.
Alackstock, Esqrs., were appointed to pre
pare suitable resolutions; whereupon tiie
following resolutions were presented and
adopted: . . .
Resolved, That this government origi
nally was, and of right ought now to he, a
white man’s government; tiiat it should
he controlled by the white citizens tiiereof,
iu such a manner as to promote the inter
est ami welfare of the whole county.
Resolved, That while we concede to the
colored race in our midst ail their rights
and proper privileges, we nevertheless be
lieve that the negro iu his present condition
is wholly unfit to exercise the elective fran
chise and that to confer on him the right
to vote, make laws, aud govern the coun
try would he oue of the greatest evils that
culd he indicted on our people. \\e do
therefore protest agaiust tiie right ot sut
; fn-rn being conferred upon the Freed ruen
i of this fcStiite 2Hi(i c&ll on ull tilt? friends of
Constitutional liberty, and all who are m
favor of the Government being adminis
tered in its original spirit and purity, to
unite in the effort to prevent such a great
calamity, by the use of all legal and peace
able means.
R< solved, That we heartily endorse the
resolutions of the Macon Convention us
fully expressing our views and sentiments.
Resolved, Tiiat we hereby establish a
cult), to be styled “ The Catoosa Conserva
tive Club,” aud that a President and six
Vice Presidents and a Secretary he elected
us offic, rs of the same, to continue in of
fice twelve months—the President to have
authority to call uieetiugs whenever lie
may deem it necessary.
Rev. A. T. Leet was chosen President,
Capt. \V. J. Whitsett, Capt. W. L. Gordon
| James lVrry, Nathan Lowe, John Bird
j and L. M. Carter were elected Vice Preai
j dents, and Thomas B. Cox, Secretary.
The Secretary was requested to inform
i the Secretary of the Conservative Central
j Committee of the organization of the club
On motion it was ordered that a copy of
the proceedings he forwarded to the Atlan
ta Intelligencer with the request that the}
be published.
After interchanging pledges of activity
j in the future to promote the success of the
i cause, the convention adjourned.
A. Y. Lockridge, Chairman.
T. B. Cox, Secretary.
-A-IKT ADDRESS
TO THE
People of Georgia and the United States.
Fellow-citizens of Georgia
and of the United States:
By a Convention held at Macon, on the
•sth and 6th of December, 1867, represent
ing tiie Conservative people of Georgia,
the undersigned were apjiointed a commit
tee to prepare an address to you, setting
forth their sentiments, their condition,
their fearful apprehension of future ruin
and the final overthrow of Constitutional
government. In discharging this impor
tant duty, we bring to the task an earnest
and patriotic desire, not only to promote
the welfare of our own State, but also that
or our whota country.
When the late unliappy -warterminated,
and the Confederate arms were surren
dered, a single condition only was requir
ed, which was, that we should return to
the pursuits of peace, aud obey the Con
stitution and Laws of the United States,
under the pledge, by the victors, that, so
long as we continued to do so, we should
be protected, in the unmolested enjoyment
of tiie rights and privileges which that
Constitution and those Laws guarantee to
each State and to every citizen. We have
kept our promise, in letter and spirit; and,
from that day to this, no resistance has
been offered to the Federal authorities.—
The laws of the United States are quietly
obeyed, without the necessity of military
power to enforce them. Their Courts are
open and their processes respected. Crime
can he punished by the regular aud estab
lished modes of judicial procedure. With
magnanimity and hopefulness, our people
united in an honest effort to build up their
ruined fortunes, ami re-establish their lost
prosperity. The war left our homes sad
dened with bereavement and, in thousands
of instances, in ashes. It brought univer
sal sorrow and poverty. Our fields were
desolated, our labor disorganized, our iu
dustry paralyzed, all our enterprises des
troyed or crippled, and ourcapital sunk.—
Towns and cities were plundered and
burned, and their inhabitants driven, in
destitution, from their homes. But these
were the fruits of war—not legitimate, to
he sure —such however, as usually attend
its march of lire; and therefore, we sub
mitted to them with patience and forti
tude, cheered by the hope that, the quar
rel and carnage having ended, tiie return
of peace and prosperity would begin, and
that, at least, political fraternity would
he restored. Under this inspiration we
endeavored to forget the bitterness which
tiie struggle had engendered, to cultivate
a spirit of conciliation and harmony, and
to evince, in every possible way, our de
sire to have Georgia restored to her
Constitutional relation to the Union. —
Terrible has been our disappointment.—
Having been baffled in the attempt at
secession, upon the idea that such an at
tempt was rebellion, we supposed that its
suppression left Georgia a State in the
Union, still possessing the inherent right
of self-government, and the Constitution
al right of representation in Congress.—
Instead of this, however, the President of
tiie United States required that we should
organize anew State government, ratify
the Constitutional Amendment, abolish
ing slavery, and incorporate the same pro
vision into our fundamental law; that we
should repudiate our State war debt, and
abrogate the Ordinance of Secession, and
all laws passed in furtherance of the Con
federate cause. Animated by a determin
ation to make any sacrifice, but that of
honor, suppressing even the spirit of com
plaint, for tiie sake of peace, we did all
that lie required—eveu surrendering our
most valuable property, that of our slaves
—and consented to become almost pau
pers. Supposing that such deportment
might challenge the magnanimity of the
victors towards a fallen foe, we then
thought surely the dawn of peace was in
sight, and that our right to the protection
and benefits of a common Constitution
would be recognized. We elected our Sen
ators and Representatives, thus demon
strating not only our expectation, but
also our earnest desire, again to participate
in the councils and promised blessings of
the Union restored. But, as before, disap
pointment was our fate. Our members
were spurned from the Halls of Congress,
and our people denounced as traitors and
rebels. We have been persistently charged
with hostility to the Constitution and
Union, and treated as outlaws from both.
Whilst we do not thus allude to the de
portment ami temper of our people, in a
spirit of boasting, yet we challenge con
tradiction of our statements, and fearlessly
array them before a candid world, as evi
dence of the injustice, unkindness, aud
falsehood of the charges against us, urged
as a pretext for our oppression.
Proscription from the Union we could
endure; the charge of hostility to it were
tolerable; from our prostratiou we might
rise; our poverty we might surmount, if
we could be left undisturbed, and per
mitted to enjoy our inherent right of self
government. Our noble State abounds
with the elements and resources of mate
rial wealth; her people are enterprising
and full of the consciousness of unsullied
honor and unsubdued manhood. Give
play to tlieir capacities, unfetter their
elastic energies, remove unnecessary
and unjust burdens from tlieir labor,
and they will achieve prosperity for
themselves, and the blessings of exalted
civilization for their posterity. But our
oppressors are not willing to do this. They
claim to make us the victims of their po
litical policy—worse than that—they re
quire us to he instrumental in executing
that policy, upon the peril of their venge
ance; that a proud and gallant people,
upon whose honor none hut the tongue of
slander ever breathed ought of shame—
their own brethren by race, by ancestry,
and by political ties—shall vote for tlieir
own degradation, or forfeit the rights of
free American citizens. Demand after
demand having been made aud submitted
to with as inucli complacency as a gener
ous people could bring to tiie performance
of humiliating duty. Ilie scheme proposed
by the military acts for reconstruction is
the hitter chalice offered to our lips as the
maximum of the ‘victor’s magnanimity,
which we are to drink to the dregs on pain
of political death for refusal. But, iu our
anxiety for friendship and good govern
ment, we did not dash it hastily from us.
On its face it professed to respect our
wishes; it proposed that we should vote j
freely for or against it —aecipt or reject it
—and thus, by implication at least, invi- !
ted us to examine and consider it. We did !
so, iu the light of the Constitution, aud
we found not one word iu that instrument
to warrant the passage of tiie Reconstruc
tion Acts. They rest upon the assumption
that Congress has the power to construct
governments for the States. They abro
gate the government of Georgia, which j
the people organized, in deference to the |
President’s wish, aud, in its stead, place us ]
under a Military Governor, clothed with
the powers of despotism, under which the
sovereignty of tiie people is ignored, and j
tiie principles of Magna Charta, incorpo
rated into the Constitution for tiie security ;
of property, life and liberty, are trodden
under foot. They disfranchise a large j
portion of the most intelligent and virtuous j
citizens as a punishment for alleged crime,
of which they have not been legally con- j
victed, and confer universal suilrage upon
tiie emancipated negroes,. Hence tiie j
Congressional scheme is not oniy violative
of the Constitution, hut grossly cruel aud
unjust, ad devoid of that far seeing and
comprehensive statesmanship which seeks
good government in contradistinction to
partisan ascendancy. For who can fail to
see that those Acts must lead, and were
intended to lead.to negro supremacy? Else,
why such disfianchisement of tiie white,
as to throw the power of the ballot box
ioto the control of the enfranchised black,
race? Such is obviously tlieir design, de
duced from their letter and spirit, not
denied by their authors, and fully illus
! trated by the niauuer of tlieir enforcement.
Having placed us under military law, and
tolerating our organized government as
Macon, Ga., Wednesday, J aimary 15, 1868.
merely provisional, its civil officers were
compelled to support them on paiu of dis
missal. Judges and other oilicers were
deposed for refusing to violate the Consti
tution and Laws which they bad sworn to
obey and execute. All civil and military
officers to publish their legal
advertisements iu such papers only as sus
tained tiie Congressional scheme. Thus
the purity and iude|iendeueeofourJudici
ary have been polluted ami stricken down,
and the sanctity of the jury box desecrated
by compelling jury lists to be made up of
wiiites and blacks indiscriminately; aud
thus the liberty of the press is fettered and
tolerated at the will of the District Com
mander and Military Governor of the
State. To these we might :dd numerous
instances of tiie violation of personal liber
ty, by arrests, without legal accusation or
warrant, and imprisonment without an
impartial aud public trial by* jury. In
consideration, therefore, that the establish
ment of negro supremacy was their inten
tion, and that, from the mode of their en
forcement, it would inevitably Ik- consum
mated, we firmly and deliberately opposed
the Reconstruction Act? as most compati
ble with our self-respect, and our duty to
the dead aud the living—to the present
aud the future generations.
But power has, thus far, triumphed over
reason, justice, and right; and the Con
vention provided for, representing negroes
only, with the exception of a few thous
and whites, now sits, to crystalize into
Constitutional forms the policy of bri ag
ing thebtateot Georgs*.. urfflt-i ’ilie tfomin- 1
ion of negro supremacy. It u without
parallel iu the annals of the world. For al
though history furnishes instances of aboli
tion, yet it affords uoexani pie of an attempt,
by military force, to elevate the emancipated
slave above liis recent master, to subor
dinate the superior to the inferior race,
and clothe the latter with the political
power of the Btate. It is the most out
rageous policy ever advocated by a Christ
ian people. It should arrest the alarmed
attention of every friend of Constitutional
government throughout the Union, as it
must awaken the astonishment of the
civilized world’ The perpetration of such
monstrous wrong lias been reserved for the
dominant power now controlling the des
tiny of this country—for men, sworn to
support and obey the Constitution of a
government professedly deriving, as a
fundamental principle, “its just powers
from the consent of the governed.”
Fellow citizens : shall negro supremacy
be permanently enthroned in the State of
Georgia? Shall ten States of this Union
be surrendered, at tiie poi 111 of the bayo
net, to the dominion of the African race ?
Shall eight millions of whites he subjected
to the rule of four millions of blacks?—
Shall they become our Magistrates, our
Legislators, our Judges, our Governors
and Representatives in Congress? Shall
seven hundred thousand ignorant negroes,
who cau ueither read or write, who know
nothing of tiie principles of the Constitu
tion or of legislation,agrarians by instinct,
and taught by political drill masters tiiat
they have injuries to avenge against the
white race, be admitted to tiie ballot box ?
These are the momentous questions which
demand solution and disturb the peace
and harmony of our country. If they are
to he decidedly affirmatively, what pen or
tongue can portray the direful calamities
which we shall reap at no distant day?—
The present derangement of government
will coutinue to grow worse, our national
prosperity, already arrested, will be de
stroyed forever; society, already shocked
by sudden and forced changes, will he
thrown into the most deplorable condition
of insecurity; and property, life and liber
ty will he exposed to irremediable peril?
If our silence, in the past, has been con
strued into apathy and indifference, then
we have bepn greatly misapprehended. We
have submitted,almost without complaint,
because every whisper of protest lias been
construed in to disloyalty by our oppressors.
We have offered the feeble opposition of
scarcely uttered remonstrance,only because
outnumbered at the ballot box and therefore,
impotent for successful resistance. The con
servative people of Georgia feel that tame
submission has ceased to he a virtue and
has become a crime against their country,
their race and future generations. The
ruthless arm of unhallowed power may
enslave and degrade them, but they will
never, by word or deed, active or passive,
consent to the outrage ottered to their
maufiood, hut they will struggleagaiust it,
by every legitimate means which they
can command. They appeal to the
friends of Constitutional government,
throughout the laud, to rally to its rescue
from the grasp of relentless centralism.
It is the province of enlightened states
manship to search for the causes of politi
cal maladies, with a view to tlieir re
moval. It is easy, for any candid observer,
to detect the origin of these existing evils,
which threaten such calamity to our coun
try. We have previously remarked, that
the reconstruction acts assume that
Congres has the power to construct gov
ments for the proscribed States. This as
sumption is the fruitful parent of all our
political troubles. It is not pretended that
the authority is to he found in the Consti
tution; on the contrary, it is asserted to
be outside of the Constitution. This is an
admission of “tiie nullity of the who e
scheme. How can Congress act outside of
the Constitution ? Outside the Constitu
tion, there is no Executive, no Judiciary,
no Congress—no Government of the Uni
ted States. Outside of the Constitution,
Congress—or rather the men who compos
ed it —have no more authority than any
other body of individuals voluntarily as
sembled Outside of the Constitution,
they have no commission to legislate upon
any subject, for any purpose or in any
manner whatever. Every act, outside cif
the Constitution, is usurpation, and utter
ly void. What vitality then, can there be
in a State Government, constructed in
pursuance of law, passed by authority
claimed to be outside of the Constitution.
How long cau it stand, after the bayonets
that prop it up, shall have been removed?
It is a frahric without foundation and
must fall. These are all self-evident prop
ositions, too axiomatic to admit of argu
ment; aud they necessarily present for
the consideration of the people of the
United States —especially the people of
those States designated in the parlance
of the day as loyal—this grave and mo
mentous question. If the State Govern
ments, now being constructed by Congress,
are thus iuvalid andean be maintained on
ly by force, are they prepared to incur the
expense and hazard to liberty, of a sUo J
iug army, for such purpose? Are the}’
prepared for a military despotism over ten
great States of this Union, for the mere
purpose of oppressing the white race and
sustaining negro supremacy ? Will it he
seriously maintained, that tiie government
can retain its federal character aud yet
sustain such a policy? Will any candid
man assert that it is consistent with the
confessedly reserved rights of the States?
Who does not perceive that it will tie their
entire absorption and the conversion of
our Constitutional Republic into an elec
tive oligarchy, where will, instead of the
Constitution* will he the “supreme law of
the laud?” And all this for what? P’or
the sake of negro supremacy overthe-South
ern States; for the sake of degrading eight
millions of white people, that four millions
of negroes may be forced into a status for
which they are utterly unfitted. We ap
peal to the people of tire North, who have
the power, to preserve the Constitution.
Are you prepared to put in jeopardy our
wise fabric of government and the liberty
of more than thirty million of your own
race, for the sake of enfranchising four
million of illiterate aud semi-civilized Afri
cans? “Wespeak as unto wise men, judge
ye what we say ”
We beg to offer another view for the
calm consideration of the Northern peo
ple. They almost universally contend
that secession was a nullity. The war
having so decided it as a question of prac
: five, it is not necessary now to contest it as
a question of right. Then let the assump
; lion he granted. It follows then that, not
only the ordinance of secession was void,
| but all the subsequent proceedings—the
j entire fabric erected upon it were ah
void. This fabric was the State govern
ments which werein existence and in op
peration when the Confederate army sur
rendered and the war was terminated.
These State Governments were illegal,
, because they were built on a breach of the
true constitutional relation between the
States and the Eederal Government. —
These propositions are true, upon the as
sumption that secession was a nullity,
as insisted upon by the Northern people.
I It follows from them, that the States were
; never out of the Union and that they re
tained tlieir right to continue as such,
a
however tlieir visible organization aud
constitutional relations may have been
disturbed by secession. So far all is plain
and easy. The next step is the lieginniug
of the difficulty. If these State Govern
ments were void, aud therefore, fell with
the Confederate cause, how can their
places he constitutionally supplied ? Can
it he doue by reconstruction ? By new
State Governments constructed by the
Presto i, Congres or any other power?
■ Surely not. Nodepartment of the Govern
ment of the U ll ited States, nor alt of them
(Combined, is invested with power to con-
I struct governments for the States, Instead
j of being conferred by the Constitution, it
: is palpably inconsistent with it. The duty,
i and tiie whole duty of the United States,
with respect to the State Governments, is
clearly defined in the Constitution. That
duty is Ut guarantee to every State a re
publican form of government; guarantee
it, uut to create it—to preserve, not des
troy, and then reconstruct it. Can you
guarantee what does not exist ? The very
idea of guaranteeing a government, im
plies necessarily the pre-existence of the
government. And this is precisely the
duty which the United States owe to each
State—to support aud uphold the Govern
ment with which each State started in the
Union, whether that State was made at
tiie beginning or at a later period of our
history. Whenever the State was made,
each State started iu tiie Union with a
republican form of government. This
certainly true of Georgia and ah the
nal thirteen; and tiie admission of
States, at subsequent periods, was a CcOp
session by the Government, wliich it is
stopped from denying, that they, too, were
republican. Tiie Government therefore,
with which a State started iu the Union,
is the government which the United States
is obliged to uphold. It may he modified
in the legitimate way—that is, by the peo
ple of the State, hut always under the lim
itation, that it must remain republican in |
form. Aud since the failure of secession i
and the decision by the sword, that seces- !
sion was a nullity, as a question of prac
tice, it would seem, that each State is
hound to preserve its original relation to
the Union, as well as to a republican form
of government. When there is a breach
of either of these two limitations, the
thread of legality, or constitutionality is
dropped. All that may come afterwards:
is on an illegal basis and is void. Such is i
the irresistible conclusion, viewing the
subject from the Northern standpoint, j
What then is the remedy ? Is it for Con
gress to step in and construct anew gov
ernment? We have already shown that
they have no sucii power. But the reme
dy is to go hack and pick up the thread of
legality, right where it was dropped ; or, ill
other words, restore tiie government which
was wrongfully displaced. It was not
destroyed by secession, assuming secession
to lie void; its functions were suspended
only, its officer were vacated, hut not ex
tinguished. Hence, it follows, that as soon
as the disturbing cause (which was seces
sion and its results) was removed, the le
gitimate constitutions of the States, which
were in force at the time of secession,
stood iu tlieir original vigor, aud tiie offi
ces of their governments should have
been immediately tilled by the proper con
stituency. This doctrine of maintaining
tiie succession of legality in the State gov
ernments, is precisely what was decided
by the Supreme Court of the United States
in the case of Dorr’s rebellion iu Rhode
Island. The duty belongs not to Congress
alone, nor to the President alone, nor to
the Federal Judiciary aloue, hut to all of
them, each actiiigin its appropriate sphere.
It belongs to the United States. All the
powers of the United States stand pledged
to its perfoi tnauee —tiie duty of maintain
ing the State government with which each
State entered llie Union —with such mod
ifications as it may have received by the
free and voluntary action of its people;
consistently with the Constitution of the
United States. Whenever there is a breacli
of the limitation imposed by the (.Consti
tution of the United States, everything
thereafter becomes illegal and void. Tiie
remedy therefore, is a remission back to the
interrupted legal status. Now the late war
has decided, as a question of fact, that se
cession broke the thread of constitutional
relation between tne seceding States and
the United States, and that the State gov
ernments founded on secession were ille
galjaud void, and fell witii tiie Confederate
cause. These fabrics having thus fallen,
the people of the States, as a logidal neces
sity, are remitted back to tlieir constitu
tions and governments which existed at
the time of secession. Ali that was ne
cessary, ail that the United States, under
the Federal Constitution had the right to
do (and that tiiey were bound to do), was
to restore those governments and constitu
tions back to the people. This was their
solemn constitutional obligation. If it
had been promptly recognized aud per
formed the Union would have been imme
diately harmonized and political distur
bances settled. The remedy, therefore,
for present ills, and the only preventives
of utter future ruin is, for each department,
in its appropriate sphere, aud all the de
partments combined constituting the
Government of the United States—to re
turn in good faith to the Constitution.
That instrument guarantees the equality
of the States in rights aud dignity, and
recognizes the fundamental principles
that each, for itself, shall confer and de
fine State citizenship, prescribe the quali
fication for exercising the elective fran
chise aud holding office.
In making this earnest protest agaiust j
being placed, by force, under negro do
minion, we disavow all feeling of resent
ment toward that unfortunate race. As
we are destined to live together, we desire
harmony and friendship between them
and ourselves; as they are made the |
dupes of unscrupulous partisans and de- ;
signing adventurers, we pity them ; as
they are ignorant,dependant and helpless, i
it is our purpose to protect them in the en- j
joymentof all therights of person and prop- j
erty to which their freedom entities them. |
Conservative men of Georgia; Awake to j
a proper sense of your danger. Organize j
for self-protection and ceaseless opposition j
to the direful rule of negro supremacy, j
which is sought to he enforced upon us ,
and our children, in defiance of the Con- i
stitution, and in contempt ol the civiliza
tion of the age aud the opinions of man
kind.
Fellow citizens of the North; Within the
last few months, the question of negro
suffrage has been before you, at the ballot
box. In a voice, not to be misunderstood,
you have decided against it. You decided ;
voluntarily. It has been decided, foryus, j
against our wiU and against our convictions
of what is compatible with good government j
and the Constitution of [the United States; j
and decided by those who do not expect to j
live under the State Governments they pro
pose to establish, by force. You decided
against it, although the number of negroes
among you is too small to constitute a con
siderabfe, much less a controlling element
in politics, It is ordained by our oppress
ors, tiiat we shall have it, notwithstanding
it will inevitably lead to negro supremacy
over us. We are powerless ; you are po
tent to forbid the outrage. Will you stand •
aloof and calmly see us subjected to this j
damning wrong? And that too, when it
will imperil the republic and spread bale- j
ful disaster over every interest?
Renewiug our pledge of unsullied honor,
and our tender of frank and manly obe
dience to the Constitution, we appeal to j
you, iu the name of the Conservative peo
ple of our State, to unite together in the j
patriotic effort to restore and perpetuate
Constitutional Government. Your recent
elections encourage our hopes and chal
lenge our gratitude. May trutii, justice and
right, “terrible as an army with banners”,
gathering strength, in every conflict,
march on “conquering and to conquer”,
until, its friends rescuing it from the
grasp of Centralism, shall restore, to its
appropriate supremacy, The Constitu
tion* of the United States, so that
Georgia, together with her sisters in op
pression, shall enjoy the same protection,
which its honest enforcement would give
to every State in the Union.
Herschel V. Johnson,
Absalom H. Chappell,
Benj. H. Hill,
Warren Aiken,
T. L. Guerky. .
Jan. 3 d, 1808.
Cheap Sales. —The valuable ware
houses of F. M. Gilmer, and William
Taylor & Cos., together with the magnifi
eient residence of Mr. Gilmer, were yes
terday sold at auction, and purchased by
Capt. George B. Holmes for $24,000. The
property is well worth three times that
amount in got»d times.-— Mont. Adt>., Ith.
THE CAME OF THE MK.KO BH.ADI.EI .
His Trial and Conviction.
DISORDER IN THE STREETS—ARRESTS, &C.
This morning the Mayor’s office was
again thronged with people to witness tiie
proceedings in the case of Aaron;Alpeoriii
I Bradley. This individual introduced seven
or eight negroes as in his behalf,
hut their testimony only served to
strengthen the case of tiie complainant.
Edward Padelford, Esq., ami Mr. E. L.
Beard also testified with regaid to tiie
facts in the case. Bradley desired to in
troduce Colonel Taggart, to prove some
thing with reference to Sherman's army;
but His Honor decided that Sherman’s
army had nothing to do with the case be
fore the Court, and disallowed the re
quest.
Mayor Anderson then passed sentence
upon the prisoner, saying that he was a
man of revolutionary and iueendiary
chaiacter, who had been continually stir
riug up trouble iu the city ; and that in
this case lie had gone to the place of busi
ness of a peaceable and quiet citizen, and
endeavored to create a riot aud incite a
mob to an attack upon it, and threatened
tiie life of the complainant. He therefore
sentenced him to pay a tine of cne hun
dred dollars, or in default thereof to be im
-1 prisoned for thirty days, on the second
yjharge, of indeavoring to incite a mob in
Jwue trout of J. E. Hay’s office, at 4:15 P
►M. on Friday last; thirty days ou the
' forth charge, of endeavoring to create a
riot in the front of Exchange, and thirty
days on the fifth charge, of drawing a
loaded pistol and threatening the life of
; complainant. In the matter of contempt,
His Honor said that he would mitigate his
former sentence of thirty days, aud would
sentence the prisoner to be confined in jail
for ten days for liis contempt of Court.
During the progress of the case an im
mense crowd of negroes had gathered in
front of the Exchange, aud when the sen
tence was made known the excitement
created among them was Intense. Sundry
incendiary spirits counseled a rescue.—
Women declared that he must be taken
away from the policemen ; that if the men
were uot armed they (the women) were,
and would help to do the work. A body
of policemen formed in the Exchauge, and
the prisoner placed iu the particular
charge of policemen Houpt aud Mahoney
with orders uot to leave him ; the other
policemen were to keep off the crowd ; the
whole body under charge of Lieutenants
Howard and Bell.
The force, with the prisoners, started up
Bullstreet, followed by an immense crowd,
which wassteadily increasing iu numbers.
They hail proceeded but a short distance,
when Lieutenant Howard’s attention was
attracted by loud talking from a negro
named James Brown, who was inciting
tiie crowd to rescue the prisoner. The
Lieutenant reached forth his hand to catch
him, but the negro (lodged, and the officer
quickly jumped from his horse and secured
the man, and turned him over to the charge
of the policemen. Brown resisted, and
called upon the crowd to rescue him, and
made a great disturbance. The crowd
pressed upon tiie officers, who drew their
revolvers and checked them.
Above Perry street, one John Marshall,
negro, attempted to incite the crowd to an
attack upon the police, and was immedi
ately arrested and taken to tho Barracks.
At Charlton street, Colonel Charles H.
Hopkins rode upand talked with the crowd
and advised them to go back. Borne turn
ed off but tiie majority followed in the
wake of the policemen. At tiie corner of
Gaston street, Louis Washington, a negro,
was very disorderly, and attemped to lead
up an attack on the officers, hut was quick
ly arrested by Sergeant Slaveu. James
Wallace, a blind negro, a notorious bad and
incendiary character, iiere called out to the
crowd uot to allow Bradley to he taken ;
that now or never the attempt at rescue
must be made. He was bagged at once,
and now rests in the Barracks. No furth
er trouble occurred, and tiie prisoner was
safely lodged in jail.
The conduct of the policemen in charge
of the prisoner was such as to create ad
miration and respect. Surrounded by hun
dreds of disorderly and excited negroes
they marched ou, cool jand collected, nev
er for an Instant faltering, but determined
to do their duty at all hazards. They de
serve all the praise tiiat can be bestowed
upon them for their bravery and discipline.
The officers conducted themselves most
admirably under trying circumstances and
it is owing, in a great measure, to their in
trepidity and firmness that an outbrake
was prevented.— Sav. Republican Ith.
A COMPLETE AC BCE.
II rati ley Released— An Easy Way to fJct
Out of Jail.
Savannah Republican, Bth.
The sudden liberation from jail of one of
the worst black incendiaries in the South,
who occupied tiie attention of the Mayor’s
Court for two days, where he committed
contempt, and afterwards created intense
excitement on our public streets, which at
one time threatened the most bloody re
sults—and this too, forsooth, because the
scoundrel sent “ an apology” to the May
or, is a curious piece of business. YVe
have no desire to indulge in any further
comments, but we fear the citizens of Sa
vannah will not approve of it. No mat
ter what were the motives that prompted
this action, it can not be regarded as a com
plete triumph of the Bradley and Hopkihs
party:
Savannah, Ga., Jau. 7th IS6B— Hon.
E. C. Anderson, Mayor—Respected Sir—l
most respectfully disclaim any intention
to commit any Contempt of court excited
from cause, I might have been objectiona
ble to your. I assure your Sir, if you con
sider I have been contemptuous I most re
spectfully ask forgiveness, will you be
pleased to grant This my humble pray.
Yours most respectful servant
A. A. Bradley.
Will Mr. Russell be pleased to have This
Petition sent to the Mayor
This paper had the following endorse
ment :
January 2 1868.—Respectfully referred
to his Honor E. C. Anderson.
Waring Russell, Jailor C. C.
Mayor’s Office, Savannah, Jan 7, 1868.
Waring Russell, Esq., Warden of
Chatham County Jail: Aaron A. Bradley
(colored), having appealed to the clemency
of the Mayor in the matter of imprison
ment for contempt of Court ou Saturday
last, the fourth instant, and having asked
forgiveness for the same, the fine and all
costs imposed, together with the jail fees
having been paid, it is ordered tiiat the
unexpired term of commitment for con
tempt be remitted, and tiie prisoner,Brad
ley, he discharged from further custody :
Provided, nevertheless, that in the event
of any demonstration in his behalf, disor
derly, or otherwise, appearing in the vi
cinity of the jail, the jailor will not exe
cute this order, but report the fact of such
demonstration instanter to the Mavor.
Euw. C. Anderson, Mayor.
♦ ♦ «
IMPORTANT INTI’UNAL REVENUE
DECISION.
Transfer*! of Insurance Policies to l>«>
Stamped,
The following opinion of Deputy Com -
missioner llarland descries tiiat transfers
of insurance policies must be stamped the
same as original jKilicies :
“Treasury Department, Office of
Internal Revenue, Washington, De
cember 27, 1867.—Hik: I reply to your
letter of the 31st of October, reldtive to
some transactions of insurance compan
ies :
“First —That any written or printed
words, transferring tiie ownership of a
policy, either with or without the signa
ture of the owner, require tiie same stamp
as the original policy. The party who
‘makes, signs or issues’ sucii assignment,
incures the penalty irni>osed for non-com
pliance witii the law. This would appi}
to the party who writes tiie words whici:
gives effect to the transfer, whether at
officer or agent of the company, or tin
owner of the policy.
“Second—A general rule 0411 not he giver
fixing the stamp duty for all endorsement!
altering the conditions of a policy; souk
changes might require merely an agree
meut stamp, and others might constituh
anew policy. It would be necessary t<
Vol. 1 jX.. T\ <>. 45
give a very particular description or a copy
in order to determine positively their lia
bility.
“The transfer of a policy from one build
ing to another should be stamped as a
new policy. And in general, when a ma
terial change, such as a change of the prop
erty insured, or in the amount of insur
ance, is made in an insurance policy by
I erasures, interlining or otherwise, alter it
i has been issued, tiie changed policy is a
i new contract of insurance, aud requires a
i new stamp.
“On the other hand a permit for build
ers’ risk, or changing the terms of a policy
in minor matters not essentially affecting
-its character, should usually be stamped
as an agreement.
"With regard to oj>en policies, a copy of
a recent decision is herewith enclosed.
“Very respectfully,
“Thomas Harland,
“Deputy Commissioner.
“S. P. Gilbert, Esq., Assessor Thirty
second District, New York city.”
The following decision also relates to
insurance policies:
“Treasury Department, Office of
Internal Revenue, Washington, No
vember 26,1867. —Sir : I reply to your
letter of the 20th instant that when an
open policy of insurance, covering proper
ty then entered and specified, and property
thereutterward to be entered, is issued, it
is not necessary to affix additional stamps
each time a fresh entry of property is made.
A fifty cent stamp is sufficient until the
entire amount covered by the policy is ex
hausted.
"A fifty cent stamp is sufficient upon
an open policy insuring to the amount of
one miliiou dollars, for instance, even
though the property insured is entered
upon the policy at different times; hut
when property amounting to one million
dollars lias been insured it is necessary to
affix other stamps when an additional sum
is entered and oilier property is insured.
“Very respectfully,
Thomas Harland.
“Deputy Commissioner.
"Fredrick Sawyer, Col., Charleston, 8. C.
Jenkins and Patton. —Gov. Jenkins
refused to pay out the money of his State
to defray the expenses of the swindling
Radical Convention at Atlanta, and for
fear the funds of his treasury might be
seized violently be straightway sent them
from Milledgeville to New York for safe
keeping. In order to get hold of the State
funds, it will be necessary for the Georgia
Menagerie to bring suit by attachment-in
New York, which suit would open up the
whole question of Reconstruction. Not
withstanding his open and constant oppo
sition to Radical Reconstruction, and not
withstanding his defiant stand iu defence
of the money of the State, he has not been
removed from office. Gov. Jenkins did
not care whether he was removed or not.
He intended to stand by his oath to sup
port the Constitution of Georgia.
In Alabama it has been different. Gov.
Patton, like a weeping willow, yielded to
the storm without delay, wrote reconstruc
tion letters, made a speech at Huntsville,
iu which he advised the people to surren
der; sat upon the stand at the Radical
Convention, electioneered for negro votes,
and finally permitted warrants to issue
against the State treasury, in favor of a lot
of scamps calling themselves a State Con
vention, for a sum not less than $69,000. —
Oh! for a Governor like Jenkins, a man
that can lift his head, and do his duty even
though he should lose an office.— Mont.
Mail , sth.
Election of Directors.— Elections for
Directors of two railroad companies took
place yesterday.
At the meeting of the stockholders of
the Central Railroad and Ranking Com
pany, 18,482 votes were cast, and the fol
lowing gentlemen were elected directors
without opposition : Messrs. William M.
Wadley, Andrew Dow, John It. Wilder,
William B. Johnson, J. F. < Jilmer, George
W. Wylly, John Cunningham, Edward
Padelford, and Geo. W. Anderson. A
meeting of the Board will be held to-day
when they will electa president.
The stockholders of the Augusta and Sa
vannah Railroad, also held an election
yesterday, when the following gentlemen
were elected directors for the ensuing
year: Messrs. It. A. Allen, John Stod
dard, William Duncan, A. It. I.awton,
William Hunter, John Davidson, and F.
T. Willis, At a subsequent meeting of
the Board, Dr. F, T. Willis was re-elected
President. — Suv. Advertiser, 7th.
Educational. —For the information of
parties interested, we are requested to say
that a teacher of this city received a letter
from Gov. Jenkins, in which the Governor
announces his intention to take no steps
looking to the inauguration of the system
of public schools provided for by Legisla
tiveactiou, 1860,and declared to go into
effect January Ist, 1868. The reason al
leged is that it is evident that at the pass
age of the School Bill, the Legislature an
ticipated another session, ere the date last
mentioned above, at which it would have
been able to perfect the measure. No ap
propriation was made to assist in the work.
Therefore the whole question will he
waived until the next meeting of the Leg
islature; so the common schools of the
country will be, as at present, under the
direction of the Inferior Court Chronicle
& Sentinel, 7th.
Robbery of the Southern Express
Cos. —On the Alabama and Florida Rail
road, on the night of Friday last, Jan, 3d,
1868, a robbery of funds in the possession
of the Southern Express Company was
committed by a messenger of said compa
ny. He had a large amount of money in
his possession, and abstracted a compara
tively inconsiderable sum from several
packages. He reported upon his return
to Montgomery that his car iiad been en
tered by thieves, who demanded his keys,
unlocked his safes and partially robbed
them. The incongruity of his statement
excited apprehension, and an immediate
investigation was commenced, resulting,
on Monday night, in a full confession from
him, and the recovery of all the funds
stolen, with the probable exception of an
insignificant amount. At a preliminary
examination before Justice Nettles on yes
terday morning, he plead guilty and was
committed to jail in default of bail.— Mont.
Mail, Bth.
Beautiful Sentiment.—The beautiful
extract below is from the j>* it of George S.
Hillard: “ I confess that increasing years
bring with them an increasing re.speet for
men who do not succeed in life, as those
words are commonly used. Heaven is
said to be a place for those who have not
succeeded on earth, and it is sure that ce
lestial grace does not thrive and Idoom in
the hot blaze of worldly prosperity. 11l
success sometimes arises from a super
abundance of qualities in themselves—
from a consciense too sensitive, a taste too
fastidious, a self-forgetfuluess too roman
tic, a modesty too retiring. I will not go
so for as to say, with a living poet, * tne
world knows nothing of its greatest men.’ !
but there are forms of greatness, at leant
excellence, which die and leave no sign; !
there are martyrs that miss the palm but
not the stake; heroes without the laurel,
and conquerors without lire triumph.
The Reason Why.—Hardy, candidate
for the Legislature front the Dallas ne
groes, in bis card yesterday said that
“ there is not a man on the Dallas Radical
ticket, butowus property in Dallas comity
and is identified os fully with that county,
as we are with Montgomery county, and
possibly more so, if tiie ownership of prop
erty and the amount of taxes paid to the
State and county, is to be the standard to
judge by.”
We did not notice this impertinent allu
sion to us when we consented to publish
the card. We would own more property
and pay more taxes if the writer of the
card would pay us the %Ss> which he has
been owing us for the past twelve months.
Mont. Aft<it, nth.
Mayor Hoffman attended the late annual
dinner of the New England Society in
New York. In a speech on the occasion,
lie said lie found when lie went to a New
England Church a neat mixture of piety
and politics. (Daughter). At a New
England dinner lie found a peculiar mix
ture of politics and pastry. (Daughter). De
felt no discliuation whatever to the piety
or the pastry, though he found both, at
times, Bomewhat indigestible ; hut he had
a decided aversion to the |>olities. (Re
newed laughter.
From the Atlanta Intelligencer.
• liemuiM.s OF TilK UtOHCIA
NEftSHO CONVENTION.
Thirteenth Da)-.
Atlanta, Ga., Jan. 8, 1848.
Convention met pursuant to adjourn,
meut, 1 resident Parrott in the chair
1 rayer by Mr. Prettymau, Chaplain.
The roll was called, and a quorum was
found present. About 103 delegates an
swered to their names as follows :
Messrs. Adkins, Akerman, Alexander
Ashpurn, Bedford, Ball, Bell, of Ock
thorpe; Bell, of Banks; Bowden of Mon
roe; Bowers, Bighee, Bowden, of Cam p
bell; Blaunt, Brown, Burnett, Campbell
Catching, Cassey, Clift, Christian,of New
tou; Chatters, Claiborne, Chambers, Coop
er, Cobb, of Houston; Costin, Conley
| Crawford, Crayton, Crumley, Dinkins,
I J, tinumg, Ellington, Flynn, Foster, of
| Paulding; Gilbert, Goodwin. Goves
I Gould tug, Griffin, Guilford, Harris of
Newton; Harrison, of Hancock; Hig'bee,
Higuen, Hotchkiss, Houston, Holcomb.
Harland, Hooks, Hudson Hutheson
Jackson, Joiner, Jordan, Key Knox'
Lee Linder, Lumpkin, Madden, Maul’
Martin, of ( am.il; Martin, of Habersham
McHair, McCoy, McWhorter, Moore, of
Columbia; Noble, Palmer,Parrott, Prince
Reynolds, Rice, Richardson, Rozar Ro
bertson, Saltold, Saul ter, Shields Seeley
Sherman, Smith, of Charlton; Speer Shu
mate, Supple, Stone, Strickland, ’i r • >,-
mell, Traywick, Turner. Walton, Wallace
Waddell, Welch, Whitaker, Whitehead’
of Burke; Whitely, Williams, Woodev’
Wooden, Yeates. ’
The cali of the roll for the introduction
of new matter was proceeded w ith, when
the following resolutions and ordinances
were offered and read the first time to
wit:
By Mr. Bell, of Banks—
A resolution relative to incorporating
in the Constitution a clause requiring tho
General Assenbly to foster works of in
ternal improvement.
By Mr. Blount—
vnf? ?, r , dlu ? no V° d l w,are ‘Uegal, null and
komis, and executions for
the purchase of slaves; and further to
make null aud void all laws of the Bute of
has been AL 1 ! r ‘ ?£***’ b >' which money
na. ueen rai*t,t f« r the |, ur ., ose f J
an and sustaining th« .. .S, K
United States, and all a'S ” B niu
and contracts founded (hereon. ' UI s ’
A resolution of welcome to Gen.
and an invitation to himself and staff' to
seats upon the floor of the Convention.
An ordinance to declare illegal, null ami
void, all notes, bonds, executions and
contracts for services or hire as substi
tutes in the Confederate army.
An ordinance to declare null and void
certain ordinances and resolutions here
tofore passed by the people of tho State of
Georgia in Convention.
Mr. Bowers offered an ordinance in rela
tion to the qualification of civil offices in
the State.
Mr. Burnett offered a resolution for
the relief of the people or the State of
Georgia.
Mr. ('lift offered an ordinance declaring
the relations of the people of Georgia to
the government of the United States.
Mr. Bryant—a resolution to instruct tho
President to appoint a Committee of seven
on corporations, aud a similar committee
on resolutions.
Mr. Conley—an ordinance for the relief
of the people of Georgia.
Mr. Davis—A resolution to prevent tho
sales of spirituous liquors on days of elec
tion.
Mr. Asbburn—Resolutions asking Na
tional aid for material purposes, and rec
ommending the railway system, and a
recognition of the principle as set forth by
the National Railway League.
Mr Higby—An ordinance to establish
homesteads.
Mr. Holcombe—A resolution to inquire
into the authority l.y which members of
this Convention hold their seats.
Mr Hotchkiss —A resolution to appoint a
Committeeof five to wait upon Gen.Meado
and inform him of the re-assembling <>f
ilie Convention, and tendering to him and
his stall'seats in the hall; and to inform
him that the Convention w ill be pleated to
receive any communication which he may
desire to make.
Mr. Hotchkiss gave notice of a motion
to amend tiie 21st rule by adding a Com
mittee on Miscellaneous Matter.
Mi Maddux—Anordinance for the relief
of persons holding change bill issued by
the Western A Atlantic Railroad.
Mr Richardson—An ordinance fur the
relief of the people, and to protect them
against fraud practiced upon them by lot
teries.
Mr Trammell rose to a point of order,
which was sustained by the President,
when the lottery resolution was ruled out
of order.
Mr Strickland—A resolution requesting
the continuance of the Freed men’s Bu
reau.
Mr Trammell—A resolution to amend
the order of the day by adding after tho
fifth order the following: “Resolutions
for a second reading and fur final ac
tion.”
Mr Turner (negro)—A resolution to stay
the collection of taxes.
Mr. Wallace —A substitute for a resolu
tion offered by Mr. Dunning relative to
the removal of the Capitol. The President
decided that a substitute could only be of
fered when the original measure is taken
up for final action, aud that tiie foregoing
is out of order.
On motion of Mr. Blount, the rules were
suspended, and tlie following resolution
offered by him was taken up:
“ Resolved , That a committee of three be
appointed to wait upon Gen Meade, and
invite liim to visit this Conventional
pleasure. That this Convention do wel
come him in behalf of the |>eople of Geor
gia, as commanding General of the Third
Military District.”
Mr. Bedford offered the following,which
was introduced by Mr. Hotchkiss, us a sub
stitute for the foregoing, which was ac
cepted by Mr. Blount :
“ lleaolved , That a committee of five ho
appointed to wait upon Gen. Meade, the
Commander of this District, and inform
him that the Convention has re-assembled
according to adjournment, and tender to
him and staff tlie privilege of seats in this
Hail, and will be pleased to receive any
communication he may desire to make.”
Mr. Akerman offered the following as a
substitute for the original and substitute :
“ Itenolval, That Major Gen. Meade, and
his staff, be invited to seats on the floor of
this Convention.
“ItcHolved, That a committee of five be
appointed by the President to present the
foregoing resolution to General Meade,and
to make it known to him that the Con
vention welcomes him to this Military
District, and will take pleasure in co-oper
ating with him (to the extent of their
power) in executing the reconstruction
acts of Congress.” Adopted.
On m'otion of Mr. Miller the rules were
suspended, when he proposed to amend
the rules of order by striking out the
words “Committee of the Whole” and in
serting in lieu thereof tiie words “ Stand
ing Committees.”
Mr. McCoy offered as a substitute—“ Re
ports of Committees,” — the same to he
inserted as a distinct order. This was
accepted and passed. Another unimpor
tant amendment to the rules of order was
passed. •
An ordinance to secure impartial suf
frage on the ratification of the Constitution
of Georgia, was read the second time, and,
on motion of Mr. Bryant, laid on tiie table
until to-day.
An ordinance in relation t<> vacating
tiie civil offices of the State or Territory
of Georgia, and for other purposes,—which,
on the 17th day of December, was taken up
for a second reading, and ruled out of order
by the President, —came up agaiis, by mis
take, for a second reading, and being read,
was on motion made the special order for
to-day.
Mr. Trammell called the attention of the
Convention to the previous disjiosition <>f
said ordinance, and moved tiie reconsid
eration of the action of this day thereon,
iu order that the journals might be con
sistent. The motion did not prevail.
The following ordinances were read the
second time, and referred, on motion, to
tiie Committee on Bill of Rights: to wit;
An ordinance by Mr. Murphy, to allow
each head of a family in Georgia a home*
i stead; An ordinance by Mr. Stanford,
, intended as a substitute f..rthe ordinances
in relation to homestead'; An ordinance
by Mr. Smith, of Coweta, on the s ti!»j< *• t
of homesteads; An ordinance on the s.nne
subject, by Chatters (negro); An ordinance
by Mr. Dews, oil the same subject.
Tiie ordinance of Mr. Bradley (negro• m
relation to the qualifications of voters m
this Htate, and io secure homesteads to
certain jiersons, was read the second time,
and on motion of Mr. Jliehanßon referred
to the <.'ommiltee on Franchise.
Ordinances for the ielicf of the people
of Georgia, offered by Messrs. .-q>eer,
man, and Blodgett, were read the second
time, and referred to the Committee on
Belief.
An ordinance by Mr. Crawford for the
relief of creditors in tins State wss read