Newspaper Page Text
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WEEKLY
SIPOBIICAN,
By s''. W. Sims,
City and € o na t y Pr 1 i* t er.
JSTIFB 11. RNEKU, - - HDITOR
say annahT ga7~
Saturday Morning, Jane ), 1862.
Charleston Threatened.
It would seem, from Federal indications in
the vicinity of Charleston Tuesday, that the
time has about arrived when that city will e
called upon to contest the question of a lac
dominion over her. We refer to our speci
despatches in another column f<“ P* 1
so far as they have transpired.
In addition, we received by the mail the fol
lowing note in pencil, written at Charleston at
8 a. in. yesterday.
“Twenty-seven Yankee vessels arc now re
ported lying in Su> no > and froul P reßent ap
pearances, they will endeavor to effect a landing
on the Island to-day—at least this is the im
pression of those on the spot. Gen. Mercer,'
at the head of regiments,- (Colquitt’s Geor
gia being one of them) left last night for James’
Island. Besides these there are about
thousand other troops ready for the fight.
Savannah would do well to keep her eyes wide
open.
“ Heavy firing is now heard in the direction
of the IslandV
Officers Killed at Tiip Chickahomint.—
Macon Telegraph learns, through private
despatches, that General S. Johnson Pettigrew,
of Carolina, Colonel Tennent Lomax, of Ala
barna, and Captain Etheridge, of Forsyth, in
this State, were killed in the late battles near
Richmond.
The order excluding correspondents from
the lines, is creating the iutensest suspense and
distress throughout the country, among those
who have relatives or friends in the army. It
will probably be weeks before we shall receive
tfje details oi the fight and a list of the killed
and wounded. This is an unnecessary hard
ship.
The Columbus Shu mentions the death of
Lieut. A. M. Lnria, of that city, who was killed
while leading a North .Carolina company into
action.
The Sun also has the following despatch:
Richmond, May 2.— Eds. Sun : The following
is a list ol killed and wounded in the Talbot
Volunteers, 27ih Ga. Regiment, in the light
near Richmond, Ya , 3lst May :
Killed. —lst Sergt. W. 11. Fuller, 3d Sergt.
David Greene, Private A. D. Willis.
Wounded—\&l Lieut. W. J. Raines, leg
broken; Junior 2d Lieut. W. J. Jones, flesh
wound in thigh ; Sergt. C. R. Marshall, slightly
in the head; Corporal C. E. Dozier, in the
thigh ; 2d Corporal J. A. Dozier, thigh broken ;
Private G. H. Matthews, in the arm; Freeman
Matthews, thigh broken ; A. C. Howard, mor
tally in the back and shou’der; J. R. Nelson,
arm broken.
Complaints from subscribers along the
line of the Savannah, Albany & Gulf Railroad,
continue to pour in by almost every mail. Our
patience is exhausted, as well as our efforts.
There is no fault in this office, and the blame
is obliged to attach either to the route-agents
or the postmasters where the failures occu r .
These are appointed by the government, and if
it has chosen incompetent or unfaithful men
for such important trusts, it must apply the
remedy ; we have no power in the premises and
must endure what we are unable to correct.
Corinth Evacuated.—Our correspondent
announces what everybody has been inclined to
apprehend for some time past, the evacuation
of Corinth by the Confederate troops under
Beauregard. We have no comment to make,
as the present is not the time for too free an
expression of opinion by the Press. The
evacuation was clearly right under the circum
stances—it was a necessity, but whether that
necessity could have been avoided or not by
proper energy, may well be a matter for differ
ences of opinion. We hope it will all turn out
for the best
More Yankee Troops. —Washington des
patches of the 21st state that Lincoln has called
upon the different States for a large number of
additional volunteers to fill up the ranks of the
Federal army, which have, been decimated by
disease and battle. Alluding to the matter, the
New York Tribune's special Washington des
patch, dated May 21st, says: “It is not yet
precisely determined what number of volun
teers to call for, but it will not be far from
100,000, including those needed to fill up old
regiments.”
What the Yankees say of their Victories
The New York Jferald, although it heads the
battle of Shiloh “A Groat Victory,” very quietly
says iu its editorial column that “two more
such victories as those ot Douelson and Shiloh
will leave ua without au army in the southwest.”
The JCxpms says there is no paper published in
the North of sufficient volume to hold the list
of killed and wounded at Shiloh.
Tub *Crkvaßßb.—Later accounts from New
Orleans represent the break in the levee above
that city as nearly elosed. Why not keep it
Open ? We can think of no better way of fight,
irg tlie Yankees In New Orleans than by cut.
tine Ihe dikes above and drewuing out the
robbers. Let the Confederates try it in a dozen
places it necessary ; it may cool off the lust ol
their gallant leader—Picayune Butler.
COIAItCTOU FOR TUP. PORT OF CHARLESTON.
The Washington correspondent of the Oincin
clonatl O zrtte, In his letter of the 13th ult.,
says: "Mr Merriaui, the Georgetown, South
Carolina, Collector, is now here. He is in
Ovor of the most stringent confiscation and
emancipation law. He will probably be Col
lector at Cnarleston. lie was imprisoned one
year and twenty days.”
Gkn Jere. Clemkss.— A correspondent oi
the Montgomery Adwtiser indignantly denies
the report that Gen. Jere. Clemens has espous
ed the Federal cause. Tbe report, he says, is
monstrous and absurd. General C.’s feeling,
sympathy and heart, all being with the South,
and as being thoroughly pledged and commit
ted to our cause as Mr. Yancey or President
Davis.
Prof. N. A. Pratt, ot Oglethorpe University
has been appointed Chemist and Mineralogist
to the Confederate Suites Nitre Bureau lor the
District including Georgia, Florida, Tennessee
and Alabama. Persons Acquainted with the
loeatiou or existence of nitre or limestone
caves, will do the country a service by commu
nicating with Prof. Pra t, Midedg-viile, Go.
Important C*rrt:uE by the Bloc rakers
The Key West correspondent of the N. Y.
AVpws, under date of the loth ult., says the
British iron steamer Circassian, 1,500 tons,-
with a cargo of Ua, silk, coffee, aLd muni
tions of war, valued at one million dollars,
has been seized by tbe bl >ekaders, and would
be sent to New Yotk.
" AcKNoWUttXH.se the Corn.”— The Y ankee
papers confess tk.U Banks was thoroughly
druhbed, routed aud drlmt across the Potomac,
by Stonewall Jackson. The Cincinnati Coin
ninrin! says tbe news ot Banks' defeat tv.a.evl
a perfect riot \u Baltimore Southern nu n pro
claiming boldly their principles.
A private letter xeccifeJ from Jackson’s
army stated that he eight thousand
tine new arms, and siueigi other things a
large quautilT of castor oil opium. The
r i mber of prisoners taken also lately exceeds
ptrviocs calculation.
Tub iffru Georgia.—Tue Augusta fXronu-Jr
it ,s at o.l. says: A private despatch receded
here yv-terday mentions that there were no
densities in the Ukh Georgia Regiment in ths
tsuitsai Richmond.
AfpgintmenT. tlou. Geo, S. Haw kius has
been appointed Judge of the Coniederato Court
for the Nor them District of Florida, tiu the
Uoa. J. J. Finley, who is now a Colonel in the
Confederate army.
A -NTNrXiE WBBKLT BEFUBLICAH, 1 7, 1862.
The Confederate Staten and Foreign
[Nations —Our Policy vvllli Regard to
Cotton.
[continued.]
There iB a period in the history of nations
when they are called to pause and look aronn
them, to ta#3 a careful survey of the 8 “"°" .
relations with other countries a and
bv the important coDSidcrutJ
safe vProvidence scarcely more assumes the
guidance of national than of individual fortunes.
U kindly provides the elements but leaves in
dividual or national energy, prudence and wis
dom to direct them; and upon the direction of
these elements depends the comparative status
of either. * .
We would seem to have reached a turning
point in our relations with Dations across the
Atlantic. It is manifest that Cotton is the great
arm of strength to the people of this Confeder
acy. We have a breadth of rich soil suffi
cient to supply the world, a happy conjunc
tion of heat and humidity that produces the
finest staple. But all these advantages are
worthless except when they are improved
through the iustrumentaliiy of slave labor,
since no other can endure the heats and mala
ria of our rich cotton bottoms; and deprived
oi which they would have to be surrendered
again to th.e reed, the jungle and the alligator.
We yesterday endeavored to show a condition
of English interests, that reudered it impossible
that that nation should lie other than a bitter
and determined foe of oar cotton interests—
that for Her to continue her former dependence
upon us involved hazards every way alarming
to her selfish instincts, and chafing to her
haughty pride. That if, on the contrary, she
could insure a partial supply from her colonies,
she would be relieved of this dependence, and
if she couhd ~by"any lb cans break up American
cultivation, by breaking up slavery, she could,
under the stimulant of increased price, supply
enough for hers* it and the whole world, and
thus, adding the monopoly of supply to the
monopoly of manufacture, secure to herself,
and for centuries to come, a power greater than
any nation has ever yet wielded, which would
make all countries upon earth pay tribute to
her prosperity, and make her—far more even
than now—the factory, the storehouse and
banking-house of the globe. These were the
grave and weighty reasons which induced ns to
believe that England looked upon slavery—
the backbone of our strength—as the obstacle to
ner aspirations.
There were cirtainly momentous interests —
national and individual —involved in her de
cision, and most potent reasons why she should
resolve upon the course we have suggested. —
It is not reasonable to conclude that a nation so
wise as England—so far-seeing and sagacious—
should have overlooked the points we have pre
senied. From the earliest period the wisdom
of British policy is abundantly manifest, ‘ibe
stakes of her diplomacy have always been set
far ahead of the calculations of other count ries,
and she has ever worked up to them with a
cautious certainly that seems the very incarna
tion of hit nan shrewdness, and with a dogged
persistence that shows her entire confidence in
final triumph. Look at her protective system,
for instance. It was from the first intended for
the development of al! her interests—commer
cial, financial and political through that of
manufacturing. We can see how much tlm
policy has accomplished. Starting, a Rule
island, scarcely bigger than Georgia, and upon
the sole capital of her mines of iron u-irl coal,
the thorough development of that p <iu.-y lias
built up her navy, sustained her at my, pushed
her conquests in every part of earth, made her
a first class Power, and now draws wealth and
sustenance from nearly all nations.
We yesterday explained how the cheapness
and adaptability of cotton would in a few
decades make it the most powerful manufac
turing, commercial and financial interest on the
globe, and the greatest instrument
prosperity and' JfiTwer. Is it natural, we ask,
that these powerful considerations should have
been overlooked by a government so astute as
that of Great Britain, and lying, too, in the
direct path of her policy for centuries? And
if she did not overlook them, is it reasonable to
suppose she has failed to take in the whole
length and breadth of the question—to antici
pate its future extension—to note its ultimate
importance, including the hazards of continued
and increasing dependence, the safety of inde
pendence, or the overwhelming power ot a
monopoly of cotton supply? Where has Eng
land failed to discover her interests, or exhibited
any scruples as to the means employed, or lack
of shrewdness,energy,determination and power
In pursuing them ? Does not an enlightened
consideration of all these things force us to the
conclusion, that England long ago had an
abundant motive to determine to secure an
independent supply, and if possible a monopoly
of raw cotton ? And if she did form sncli a
determination, does not every portion of her
history teach us, that she would pursue it with
the dogged persistence and unflinching resolve
with which she has always pursued her objects—
not through months and years only, but through
decades and centuries—to the point of final
triumph? She knew that the
power we speak of would be cheap at a century
of effort, and if her energy and skill could not
accomplish it sooner, that century's efforts
would be unflinchingly given. We are certaiu
we do not underrate England in her greed, her
wisdom, her energy, her power, or her uncon
querable perseverance.
llcr first effort was to convince herself that
in her colonial and commercial dependencies,
she could grow enough cotton for herself and
the world. In thi^—to us a seemingly absurd
proposition—.-lie succeeded ; and to-day, lour
out of five ot her most intelligent statesmen
believe she ran, whenever Deed from A raerican
competition. H> do not believe this; but it
was enough to determine her course that she
believed it then, and it is tuough to continue
her in that course that she believes it now
There was but (he one difficulty to which we
have alluded. L did not alone, or chiefly, lie
in our rich soil anil climatic advantages, that
we were enabled to supply an abundance of
cotton of u better staple, lor England relied on
the improvements ot cultivation to rival our
staple in time, or her power—our own culti
vation broken up—to force her owu inferior
staple upon the market. But we possessed one
advantage that no competition would ever im
pair—the overwhelming advantage of slave la
bor, not so much'from its cheapness as its re
liability. This was in fact t vert thing, slnee no
other could endure the heat and malaria of our
cotlou bottoms, and without which, therefore,
all our advantages of soil and climate were
worthless. S'a very was thus made the one
obstacle iu the path of English aspirations. So
long as we could er-jdy it unimpaired by out
side uietnitni.ee*, England kli ;bat any strug
gle .'.gainst American cotit o culture was hope
less. It was the oue binge upon which turned
the question whether England was to be ruled,
or herself rule the world, by cottou. Thesim
plt-l mind cannot fail to see that she would,
theretoie, rtgaid slavery as the stumbling block
In the path c l t er ambition ; and he must in
deed be ignorant cl England’s history, who
supposes that thus vcn-idtrii g it, sbedid not re
solve to remove U at at y cost of years’ of effort
or niotic v, and wills a tnctciless disregard of
the con.-equenets to the people of any other
country, and even to the slaves themselves.
We have not < nl\ every rtason to suppose
that shi' would make such a re. otve, but have
every pioof in Icr snUequ> ut history that it
was made. That t:># a thud of a ceutnry ago,
aid since that period every indication of her
diplomacy, her legislation, her press, her pul
pit, and her public opinion, has proven such
a determination. And to-day, so far from wish
ing the present war ended, we have every rea
son to think she wishes it continued until her
efloris a; cotton cultivation are fully establish
ed, and, if possible, until she secures her long
coveted monopoly through the destruction of
American slavery. Nor have we any reason to
hope she will relax from her determination,
from consideration of the ruin which must
overwhelm both the white and black popula
tion of this country. Such calculations have
never been allowed to interfere with English
rapacity. When she coveted the inru 0 f North
America, Us aborigines were swept away by
British arms, as with the besom Of destruction.
When she coveted India, its enslavement was
acecomplished by deeds of blood, of merciless
robbery, and hideous cruelty. But a few years
ago she made war upon weak and unoffeudlng
China, robbed aud killed her people, and burn
ed and sacked her cities, simply because China
refused’further to ruin and demoralize her peo
ple by continuing to minister to British greed
in the purchase of English opium. An addi
tional reason, hardly less Inhuman, was that
she might supply herself with white slaves with
out restriction, for the very purpose of work
ing out this great problem of cotton supply.
What had these nations done that they should
have respectively, been warred upon, enslaved
and exterminated? They simply stood in the
way of British rapacity—innocently to be sure,
but that made no difference; it was enough
that they stood in her way, and their invasion,
enslavement, and extermination, if possible,
followed as a natural consequence. Yet, the
objects which prompted these outrages on the
part of Great Britain were comparitively local
—the building up of her strength at home. —
Have we any reason to hope for her more mer
ciful consideration, when the objects and aspir
ations which prompt her to our'destruction are
so much more comprehensive and important?
And this is the nation on which we have been
taught to lean for aid in defending interests
which she had every motive to crush out for
ever ! 1
Slavery has, in fact, been warred upon for
thirty years, with every appliance she could
bring to bear; but that her hostility to it is
soleiy consequent on its standing in ihe way of
her interests, is proved by her historical con
nection with that institution. When the colo
nies of America were British property, and she
could hersell reap the profits of slave labor,
she did not hesitate to force slavery upon our
unwilling forelalhers at the cannon’s month,
and in defiance of popular will aud legislative
enactment. So, too, her ship owners for a long
period drove their most profitable trade in ne
groes stolen by them, and brought to us from
Africa, and one half the eollossal private for
tunes of the “Merrie Island" have their foun
dation in the profits of this traffic. Bat a great
change came over the condition of matters.
The American colonies had established their
independence ; the value of the cotton power
had developed itself, and American slavery,
instead of ministering to her interests, stood
the only obstacle to her aspirations for a mon
opoly of that power.
The provocation was ample—a tithe thereof
had often consigned an equally innocent people
to English vengeattce. The fiat went forth;
“ Slavery mast be warred upon, and extermi
nated.” The very institution she had forced
upon us at the cannon’s mouth was, now as
effectually to be killed off by British diplomacy.
The attack was shrewd and systematic. She
first wrought a conversion upon her own gov
ernment and people, as instantaneous and mar
velous as that of Paul. She who had forced
slavery upon us, was now terribly exercised at
its enormity. That which worked for her bene
fit and was fostered by patronising legislation,
became the victim of her fiercest enactments.
The foundation of one-half the fortunes of her
people, w is now groaned over in holy horror,
as “an odious and most wicked ownership in
the blood and bones and souls of hutnau be
iugs.” It formed the never-failing source of
oratorical inspiration', editorial denunciation,
and Of pulpit anatln ma and malediction, and
was finally thrown into the diplomatic hopper
to be mercilessly crushed between the upper
and nether millstones of British diplomacy!
To give the color of sincerity to this myste
riously sudden conversion, she abolished slave
ry in the Wist Indies—a trifling matter at best
—with immense parade aud ostentation, sacri
ficing her little interests there to the great ones
at home and in her other colonies. As soon as
possible the war was carried into America.
English emissaries were sent over into the non
slaveholding States to educate their people into
the same holy horror into which site had pre
viously worked herself. These emissaries came
not empty handed, but brougnt an abundance
of English gold to hire assistants, defray ex
penses, purchase presses and keep them run
ning. Never, perhaps, did emissaries work
with more energetic perseverance. ’1 heir ora
torical howls over “ the horrors of slavery ”
were sent up at alt points of the free States,
which they were allowed to visit. Their
presses, running night aud day, scattered
the vile fabrications of English Abolitionism
over the land, as plentiful as aututnual leaves
in the Valley of Ailembrosa. They, it is true,
found American helpers in their iulernal woik;
but wherever a gang oi these itinerant Aboli
tionists were found, an Englishman was their
leader. English gold paid their unholy wages,
and English chicanery directed their labors.
Their early efforts were not eneouraging, since
in 1844, a dozau years after the crusade com
menced, and after spasmodic appeals to support
Birney (an Abolition candidate) against Clay
and Polk—both slaveholders—they succeeded
in polling but forty thousand votes, out of a
total of a million and three quarters at the
North. But England was not the nation to be
discouraged. She had expended but a dozen
years upon an object she esteemed cheap at a
century’s effort. She felt she had scattered the
seed of abolitionism over a broad area, and had
only to cullivatirit assidu usly to reap, in due
lime, an abundant harvest. And that harvest
has since been most assiduously culiiva'ed by
English speeches, English editorials, English
sermons, English essays, and Engiish actions—
public and private. We all recollect how, a
few years ago, at the World’s Convention, the
Americans present were insulted by Lord
Brougham’s ixultirg intre ducticn of -a “rev
ereud” negro, trow, at the World’s Fair of
1852, on one of the gala days, a beautiful and
titled )< ur.g Eiglhh lqd.\ matched up (be aisle,
in the immediate* presence of the Queen, lean
ing upon the atm of a blaik and burly runaway
negro, while the wife of the latter leaned, also,
lovingly, upon the arm of Mr.Thompson, M.P.,
who, then and there, vauntingly challenged
“ any American to discuss with him the ab
stract right ot any individual to hold a human
being in bondage.” Nor have we forgotten
that when several thousand dollars, seut over
from one of our southern cities for a benevo
lent purpose, was tendered in public to a
dis tinguished member of the British Par
liament, he drew* back, with melo-dramatic
horror, and denounced the gilt as blood
bought money—as bnt another form of blood,
wrung by the oppressor lrom the oppressed
and shrunk lrom it with as much horror
as if it had been She veritable thirty pieces
for which Judas had betrayed his Saviour!
Neither have we forgotten that when that in
carnation of fraud and misrepresentation—
” l t ele Tom’s Cabin”—made its appearance,
how kindly it was received in England, how its
praises rung lrom every journal, and were
echoed from every lip, how it was reproduced
in twenty editions—iront the twenty guinea
issue which shone resplendent on my lord’s or
my lady’s table to the six penny reprint that
was snivelled over by nine tenths of the half-fed
operatives and work girls of England. Or how
the visit of its author was made a sort of tri
umphal march over every part of the kingdom,
or how her book, translated into nine lan
guages, was 'sent wherever railw.y or ship
could carry it, to poison the miud of the uni
verse. Nor have we forgotten that a leading
daily journal of London made this declaration :
that "The overworked, underfed, misers.
BLY CLAD, AND WRETCHEDLY LODGED SLAVES,
ftA\ e been compelled, as a means of repres
SING THEIR INTELLIGENCE, TO WORK IS IRON
COLLARS, TO SLEEP IN THE STOCKS, TO DRAG
HEAVY CHAINS AT THEIR FEET, TO WEAR YOKES,
BELLS, AND COPPER HORNS; TO STAND
WHILE THEIR MASTERS BRAND THEM INFAMOUS
LY, TO HAVE THEIR TEETH DRAW N, TO HAVE RED
PEPPER RUBBED INTO THBIT EXCORIATED.FLESH,
TO BE Bathed in turpentine, to be thrust
INTO SACKS WITH MAD CATS, TO HAVE THEIR
UNGERS AMPUTATED, TO BE SHAVED, AND TO BE
WHIPPED FROM NECK TO HEELS WITH HOT
IRONS.” Nor have we forgotten that this love
ly and “truthful” picture of slavery was ten
thousands of times reproduced in the “respect
able” and really able and influential journals of
England, until the whole world was poisoned
against our institutions. Nor that —bringing
the matter nearer home—the seed of English
abolitionism, plauted in the Free States of the
American Union, thus carefully watched and
watered, have commenced to yield to Englaud
her loug expected harvest in the sad and terri
ble war that is now devastating Southern soil,
drying up every source of public and private
wealth, and which, we believe, she confidently
hopes is to culminate in the destruction of
American slavery. Nor that, seemingly encour
aged by the importation ol a million and a hall
bales of cotton from other countries the rast
year, she is employing this period of our trials
in pushing her schemes for colonial cofton cul
tivation in every part of the world where she
can plant a seed, hoping thus to raise up a com
petition, which will aid iu ruining American
slavery—that or.e obstacle to her rapacious
greed, against which, for a third of a century,
she has directed every resource of her infernal
machinations, with a heartless indifference to
results and a cruel disregard cf consequences
to others t
And yet (As is the nation whose friends have
so long told us to lean upon for succor in the
hour of our need [—this the country that was to
rescue us from the hands of the Northern Phil
istinesj Merciful Heavens 1 Was ever simple
credulity so imposed upon, since the Devil
tempted our common mother in the garden ot
Eden ?
Yankee Trade.
We referred, some days ago, to the new
scheme of the tyrant Lincoln to subjugate the
people of the Confederate States, his aims
having tailed to reduce us to obedience, viz:
an appeal to our cupidity and necessities. He
has declared sundry ports of the Confederacy
open to (die trade of all nations, his own among
the ficst,'and, we presume, will soon make his
most formidable appearance in the form of a
mercantile marine, laden down with Yankee
products and notions.
These trading expeditions have been justly
likened to the Grecian Horse, that was- wel
comed through the gates of Troy, only for the
utter humiliation and destruction of the simple
hearted inhabitants of that gallant city, who
had successfully repelled all the assaults of
their enemies. Are the people oi the Confed
erate States to be equally simple? and shall they,
forgetful of the high mission an which they
have entered, thus yield themselves willing
victims to the seductive wiles of an infa
mous foe ? The Northern papers have per
fect confidence in the success of the Scheme ;
declare that we will receive their wares and
exchange for them oar cotton ; that we are
starving and naked and must be fed and cloth
ed. Shall we verify this prediction, and prove
ourselves as avaricious, as mean, aud as despi
cable as the enemy would make us out to be
Granting that he has correctly represented our
condition, is there a starving Confederate so
base that he would preserve his own life at the
hands of the detestable Yankees, only to be*
coine their hewer of wood and drawer of water,
their slave ? Were not death itself preferable
to so ignominious a fate 1 Would not life itself
be loatbesome when purchased with a humilia
tion so degrading and damning to the very soul
of a freeman 1 Heaven save our countrymen
from such a destiny ! If unable to cope with
the enemy, let us be destroyed, but never
bought up, degraded, and enslaved !
Wbat then, shall we do with regard to Yan
kee tradesmen, and others who shall enter our
ports under tbeir auspices, for the purpose of
inaugurating business relations with us? This
is an important question, and we hope the au
thorities at Richmond have had it under con
sideration and determined on a rule for our
guidau -e. In absence of any announcement
on the pari of the government, we would offer
a suggestion of our own, and leave it fertile
consideration of the people of the Confederate
States, and especially of the military and naval
authorities who have charge of our ports. Our
treatment wonl i be two-fold, varying according
to the nationality ot the vessel or the owners
of its cargo. Should a Yankee merchantman
attempt to enter such ports as are still in our
possession, we would regard her as a hostile
messenger and open our batteries upon her as
soon as we would upon Yankee gunboats. In
ports [n the jjtanfis of the enemy, our people
should resist every attempt at Seduction, and
to the point of starvation and nakedness turn
their backs upon the devilish adventurers.
Every Confederate merchant who shall patron
ize the poisonous mess of potage, should be
marked for ali future time as the man who
would sell his country for gold. Something
has been said about cargoes of icc now on their
way to southern cities that have become ex
hausted of that article—we would rather drink
hot water for the remainder of our days, than
cool it at the expense of our country’s honor.
Should European vessels come to trade with
us, let us receive them, but always with the
condition that they shall acknowledge our
sovereignty over the soil by paying the customs
due under the Confederate law. If they choose
to submit to exactions at the hands of Yankee
blockaders, it is their business, not ours.
We hope to see an awakening of the public
mind on tliissu 1 jeet, and that, under these 1 new
circumstances of trial, our people will show
themselves worthy of the name of freemen.
An Imposition on the Press. —Whilst pri
vate individuals are telegraphing important in
formation from Richmond, concerning the late
battles, we would be glad to know what that
individual is doing who has set himself up at
the capital as th? agent of the Press, and regu
larly comes forward with a bill for his services.
He has been absorbed in a profound slumber,
or swooned away into an equally proiound in
difference towards everything of interest to the
Press and’the public from the moment of his
induction into office until now. A more shame
ful imposition ws never attempted on anybody,
and it is a mystery that his long suffering pa
trons should have borne with him so long.
What are you at, Mr. Giseme, that everybody
else can get important information, and you
alone remain iu the dark ? It Mr. Yeadon and
others conld visit the battle field aud find out
who were killed and wounded, the forces en
gaged, by whom they were led, etc., &e., pray,
why conld you not do the same thing? For
three whole days you have been burying the
dead, without finding out who they are, and
watching with wonder ami admiration ihe
“quiet” that reigns “along the 1 nt”—is there
nothing else you tan do that would better Inter
est the public for whom you set yourself up as
a caterer of news ®
We ask our editorial brethren : How long are
we to submit to this state of things f I- there
uo remedy upon which we can ui.ite and that
will enable the Press to meet the just expecta
tions of the public ?
Protecting Pp.ivate Pis pshty !—We learn
from a private letter that the enemy’s gunboats
went up the river from Brunswick Thursday
last, and tired eighteen shell at the residence of
Dr. Troup, some six miles above that place
Several shell struck the building, and one en
tered it, doing considerable damage. The
house is a large and fine on-*, and stands on a
high bluff, thus presenting a tempting mark
for ihe enemy.
Why is it that we hear of no efforts made to
stop the career of these ruthless despoilers ?
Where are our Partizan rangers, raised and
equipped at a heavy expense to the government,
that they do not scour the country aud break
up all such nests of pirates as those now quar
teied on St. S.inous Island and other points
on the We suggest that the Thirteenth
Georgia be sent down to look after these
Yankee thieves, who seem to be having mat
ters pretty much their own way.
Land Batteries vs. Iron-Clad Ships.—
Gen. Tatten, Chief of Engineers of the Fed
eral army, has made his report in aeswer to
Inquiries on the subject of changes necessary
in fortifications. He says all the changes in
ordnance snd projectiles are greatiy in favor
of land batteries against vessels in any combat
between them. He favors existing fortifications,
and says iron had been used to strengthen
them for years past, and that its further use
is a question of economy. j
Tile Confederate state* and Foreign
JUiMoioiitt—Our Follcy wit It Htgurdlo
Cotton.
[concluded. J
We thiDk we have given evidence enough to
satisfy the intelligent reader, that the interests
of the Confederacy have nothing to hope for
from England, but on the contrary everything
to fear.
We propose now to bring forward the reasons
which hive convinced us that we may have much
to hope for from France whenever we have
taken the proper means of giving that country
due encouragement.
It is true that France has not stepped forward
either in advance recognition nor in direct in
terference in our favor. But we must remem
ber that we had but little claim to expect her
to do so. To judge this matter rightly we must
look upon it from an European stand point,
and not through the medium of our owu too
sanguine hopes and expectations. We have
none of us a right to expect that an utter stran
ger will step lorward at eonsidetabie hazard to
himself, in the attempt to extricate us from
our own difficulties, without giving him some
thing in the shape of inducement. That in
ducement, indeed, we accord to our own friends
and acquaintances iu our every day tiunsac
tions. If we buy goods of a merchant we
cheerfully accord his profits. If we employ a
lawyer, doctor or commission agent, we expect
to pay them the recognized fees. What right,
then, have we to call upon a nation between
whom anti ourselves there are no interests in
common for active, perhaps hazrrdou?, inter
ference in our behall ? Every government is
bound to take care ot the interests of its own
people. Recognition, aud especially interfer
ence, involves the hazard of war, or at least the
severance of commercial advantages with the
other belligerent, and is, therefore, a serious
matter. We have, constquSntly, no right to
expect that France, between whose people and
our own there has heretofore been no conuner
cial connection worth naming, to volunteer all
these hazards on our account without an assur
ance of some ultimate advantages in return.
Again, it must be remembered, in favor of
France, that in the war oi the first Revolution
she came gallantly forward to assist the colonies
in throwing off the yoke of Great Britain ; and
not only assisted in armies and navies, but with
credits and money. It must be further remem
bered that all this cost France immense sums
in direct expenditures then, and subjected her
to future retaliation from England, whenever
that nation felt itself strong enough to strike
the blow. Yet for all this aid, this expense,
and this hazard, when we had fully established
our independence, we practically gave France
the cold shoulder and made our most advan-
tageous treaties with England. And further
on, in the day of France’ own trial, when her
great aud wise Emperor, Napoleon I, was beset
with the armed hosts of Europe, we, so far from
rushing to his rescue, gave our best sympathies
to bis opponents ; aud up to the breaking out
of this revolution, where the people of the
Southern States had oue transaction w ith the
citizens of France, they had fifty with those of
England, sni where a Frenchman made one
dollar out of our interests Englishmen made
a hundred. To the latter we bad virtually
given the control of our cotton, with ali its
wealth giving influences to the manufacturing,
the commercial, the shipping and financial in
terests of that country. Is it, then, a matter
of astonishment that France, after her former
unprofitable experiences, should be somewhat
chary in again volunteering, when she, so far
from having any assurances of future advan
tages, would, on the contrary, have done so in
the face of a moral certainly, that after our
independence was secured, the present com
parative status of trade between this country
and France and England would continue, and
that with the advantage oi iter fixed trade, her
extensive shipping, her established manufac
tures the latter would fall a natural heir to all
our trade worth having? Let all these 111ings
be duly weighed, before we venture even to
ask why France lias not been more prompt iu
coming the second time to our rescue.
But England had none of these excuses. She
had no claims against us for unrequited grati
tude. She had no grouuds of bitterness on the
score that we had repaid former favors from
herself, by giving ourchoisest gifts to the bit
ter enemies of either. On the contrary, we had
given her everything. For half a century her
operatives had made their daily bread out ol
our cotton ; their Ships, rnanulactures, mer
chants and bankers, had been reaping a rich
harvest from the exclusive manipulation ol the
same material. The general interests o! Eng
land had received their greatest impetus Irom
the same influences, and the whole country may
be said to have battened and thrived upon the
advantages they derived from their connection
with us.
But worse than this, we have shown that
England has ambitious aspirations directly op
posed to ours that she long ago determined
to set up a rival cotton culture in opposition to I
our own—that to this end, she has labored for j
more than a third ol a century with ail her!
power, diligence and determination—that she
has indirectly made unscrupulous war upon
our all important institution, and imliteclly
fomented (he inUueoces that have culminated
in the preseut war, and is now using our
troubles to plaut her selfish schemes success
fully ; looking to nothiugless than a supply of
cotton independent of us, aud hoping nothing
les3 than a monopoly of that staple, through the
crippliDg or destruction ot our tneati3 of culti
vation. We have been over this ground with
sufficient explicitness, bat before leaving it, we
would remind the reader, that it we have made
good the charge upon the intention of England,
it matters not what confidence we fed iu her
failure to succeed. Wo do not ho and tlie man
guiltless of murder, who has only failed to take
our life, because his aim was faulty or his
weapou refused to fire. It is ille tn ention and
not the act that constitutes murder, at least in
a moral poiut of view. We look for the animus—
the malice pre; ease, and we doubt if a clearer
case was ever made out against either nation
or individual. If we arc right iu this opinion,
it is plain enough that so far from expecting aid
from England, we would bn arrant tools to ex
pect anything else than her constant and per
severing efforts for our dcstr uction.
But with France all this is precisely jhe re
verse. First, as already explained, we had no
claim on her lor past, or probably futm
tions. Second, we have no reason to believe
that, lilts England, she has lor a third of a cen
tnry been using every appliance for our destruc
tion. Third, France has no aspiration for the
cultivation of cottou in her colonies, or if she
had, h3S no colonies in which she conld grow
it ; and, therefore, —totally unlike E igland—
she has no interests whieh from necessity are
vitally opposed to our own. Here are three
good reasons why we may rely on France in
stead of England.
Bat there is a fourth reason worth all the
rest. France, trom the time of William Pitt,
has had a painful consciousness of the advanta
ges which the policy developed by that emi
nent statesman, has given her hereditary foe in
war ut.d rival iu peace. Napoleon the Great —
if that appellation is not considered ur just in
dioiiuguDhing him lrom his almost equally
great successor in Imperial power,—fully com
prehended the advantage this policy gave to
England, and made every effoit to checkmate
her bp a counter policy. The k-cu sagacity of
the pre-flit Emperor enabled him to p* rceive
irom ihe commencement of his political career,
the advantages that a more extended maculae
turieg, and through that, a more expanded and
iudepeudtnt commercial and financial policy,
would give to his country —directly in buiidmg
up her own fortunes, and indirectly in crip
plicg those of her rival—and he has been untir
ing in his exertions to push them forward. In
this view he has conquered and annexed Al
geria, established Italy as an independent na
tion, last year made the celebrated Reciprocity ,
Treaty with England, and is now planting in
fluences in Mexico, which will end in opening
the markets of that country to French pro
ductious. In this view, too, he is be.ieTed to
have been cognizant of, and to have encouraged
the sale ol the Virginia Water Line to the great
French House ot Bdiat des Miaieres Bios. & j
Company, ot Paris and Bordeaux, no* only to
establish a moral advantage in favor of French
manufacturers throughout the immense trading
section to tie drained by that line, if ever com
pleted, but to supply the mechanics and opera
tives of hie country with a cheap and abundant
supply of bread. Docs it need any extended
argument, then, to show that we can most ef
fectually checkmate England’s schemes for in
dependence in, ora monopoly of, cotton, by
striking hands with Napoleon ? and that we>
as the growers of cottou, and France, as its
merchant and manufacturer, can divide be
tween us all the wealth and power of that im--
portant article ? Negotiations between private
parties, we learn, are so far arranged, tha't it
needs but an intelligent diserirn nation on the
part of our rulers to displace England— whose
aims and interests are opposed to ours—by
Franco, who has no such antagonistic views, and
who would be amply compensated by the tarns
fer of the factorage of cotton from Liverpool
to Bordeaux or Havre, its manufacture from
Manchester and Birmingham to Lyons, and the
settling house of it* bills from London to Paris.
France, we repeat, in the absence of any of
England’s ambition for colonial cotton, is in
every way as ready to foster our interests, as
England is to giripple and destroy them.
It needs but a glance to discover how advan
tageous such an arrangement would be to both
countries. With our independence established,
and peace secured, and with our unparalleled
facilities for growing cotton unimpaired, we
could again establish our monopoly in culture,
while France, with our better fibre and at a
cheaper cost, could establish an equal monopo
ly in its manufacture, and this not only to the
extent of the present demands, but what it will
bo when its unparalleled cheapness and Provi
dential adaptability to so many use# of human
ity shall introduce it to all nations and tribes.
Practical difficulties have heretofore been
supposed to intervene against this proud con
summation. France could not spin cotton
which had been compressed, owing to the dry
ness of her climate. Bt there are few of us
ignorant that our cotton can be spun here,
while fresh from the gin, with the natural oil
yet upon it, producing a liner, smoother,
stronger, and more glossy thread, and at con
siderably less cost, than England can produce
from the same cotton, after the compression re
quired to transport it to Europe. We have
then only to use our abundant water power and
climatic advantages in spinning cotton^ as well
as growing it, to place it in fhe hands of France
in such a shape as to defy competition from any
quarter.
We hope the intelligent, and the influential,
in this Confederacy, will give proper considera
tion to the facts and suggestions we have pres
ented. With us cotton, and to a degree thecot
lon monopoly are everything. If we maintain
it, we become iu a comparatively few years one
of the richest and most powerful of natious—if
we lose it, one of the weakest and poorest ; aud
if we are correct in the views herein presen ed)
our decision upon the very matter pro
posed, may alone settle that question, with all
its tremendous length and breadth of couse
quencies.
Our conclusion, therefore, from the argu
ments advanced iu this series of articles, is that
the true policy ot the Confederate Stales con
sists in cutting loose, in every practicable way,
from British trade, British monopoly, and Bri
tish bondage ; that in the regulation of our
commercial treaties with nations abroad, we
should discriminate against enemies and in fa
vor of triends; that we should seek, by all law
ful means in our power, to thwart those who
would weaken and destroy us, and to encourage
and strengthen those who have ever been wil
ling to accord us striet justice and see-us
prosper, and even aid in the growth of our
greatness. This is just and right. But iu the
prosecution oi such police, we should exercise
a wise caution and act upon assurances and not
upon appearances alone. We bold a mighty
power in onr hands, and wo trust our rulers
will be found competent to the task of exer
cising it safely and judiciously.
It is hardly necessary for us to say, especially
to the intelligent reader, that our reference in
these articles is to England and France as
governments, and not to the people. We have
discussed, and brought iuto contrast British
and French policy, and have had little to do
with the feelings and sentiments of the inhabi
tants or subjects of those countries. We know
and deal with a nation only through the acts of
its public authorities.
Death of Floridians. —We regret to learn,
through parties who arrived here from Florida
last night, that despatches received at Talla
hassee add another to the list of noble Flori
dians who have fallen in the defense of their
country. Major George W. Call, ol the Second
Regiment, fell in one of the recent battles near
Richmond. lie was a citizen ot Fernandina,
and in civil life held a high position, having
been regarded as the leading lawyer of ids State.
Adjutant Butler, ot the same regiment, and a
citizen of the same place, was also kil(pd.
Lieut. Col. Lewis G. Piles, of the same regi
ment, a citizen of Alachua county, was se
verely wounded.
Add to these the gallant Ward, who fell at
Williamsburg, and we have a loss that Florida
will ieel most deeply and take long to repair.
The Fort Pulaski Prisoners. —ln answer
to numerous letters —which we have not the
time to reply to separately—,ve would state
that no information has been received trom the
Fort Pulaski garrison, except the letters ad
dressed by many of them to their friends at
home soon alter their arrival at Governor’s
Island. Also, that vvn ne aware of no means
of communication through which a letter from
home would reach them at the present time.
B iug on the lookout for such an opportunity
shout) it occur, we will give public notifi
cati n of the fact, for the benefit of all con
cerned.
Salt Springs in Conn. —The Sait Springs in
the southern portion of Cobb county have re
cently been leased by a company of gentlemen
in Marietta, who intend proceeding forthwith
to develop their resources. Mr. E. Deumead,
the flour manufacturer, is at tfie head of the
organization, which affords a guarantee that
ihe affiirs of the compa y will be well and en
ergetieally managed. They intend, we learn,
operating on a large scale—tiie largest, we
hope, of which the locality is susceptible, as
the demand of our State requires the appro
priation of all the means at our command.
The Southern Express Telegraph.—The
Southern Express Company is extending Us
telegraph line to Raleigh, and will eventually
reach Richmond via Danville —thus giving
Columbia two complete telegraphic connections
with the Capital of the Confederacy. The line
has been completed as far as Salisbury, North
Carolina, aud will be in operation in a few days, ■
Mr. Julian Soule, the former very popular and j
efficient Superintendent ol the A merican Tt-le
graph Company in Columbia, has been appoint
ed Superintendent of the new fine.
Where is Dautsvillk Ihe postmaster at
Darirville has written us a note complaining
that other postmasters do not seem to know
the location of his office; for which reason let
ters and papers take weeks to reach there. lie
aDo requests us to publish hi.? cote for general
information, though the public would be but
little edified thereby, as he omits after all to tell j
ns where Dartrviiie really is ! Whereabouts in ••
Georgia is your post-office, Mr. P M ? That’s
the {joint.
An Absentee Tabooed. The Vigilance
Committee of Columbus have passed a resolu
tion delaring that John G. Winter shall not be
allowed to return to that community “on pain
of such punishment as the Committee shall in
; fliet.”
Three out of the four dailies iD Richmond,
viz: Whig, Enquirer and Examiner, are now j
printed upon a ball sheet. Ail the newspapers j
of Mobile, Memphis, Vicksburg and New Or- i
lean-, also issue a t a t sheet only.-
‘ M,” of Jbeiiair, Fla., should know that we ,
publish nothing without knowing the name o
the writer. This extends to communications
about the crops, as well as to any other.
ARMY CORREA *
Of the Savannah Lefuislivan.
Evacuation of Corinth.
Mobile, May 29.
You will probably have learnt by tfte tele
graph, before this reaches you, that Corinth
has been evacuated by the Confederate Army.
At least, I infer from what I saw before leaving
that place, and from news that has reached me
to-day, that our troops will be withdrawn down
the Mobile & Ohio Railroad, probably to night
or to-morrow. lam not informed of the pre
else locality where they will “pitch their
tents,” bat have heard it is about fozly five
miles below Corinth, and a short distance above
the Okaiona Station.
I endeavored to prepare your readers f t this
movement by an intimation thrown oat in the
concluding paragraph of my last letter. I refer
to the subject again merely to say, that the
evacuation of Corinth, under the circumstances
which environed the arrny v was both wise and
necessary, as a brief statement will suffice to
demonstrate.
The soil around Corinth is of that peculiar
character which is very wet in winter, and very
dry in summer. As was stated iu a former
letter, I saw a mule drowned in a small branch
near the town, where, two weeks afterwards,
there was not a drop of water to be been. The
consequence was, at the time of my departure
both the troops and horses were suffering for
• water, to an extent you can kardiy imagine.
The chief supply was obtained irom the stand
ing pools in the beds of exhausted streams.
Steps had been taken to bore a number of
wells, but it was ascertained that there was no
rope or tools to be had in the town, and that it
would be necessary to send to Columbus,
Miss., for the particular kind of rope desired
The rope had not been received up to the 20th,
and but for timely showers which renewed the
supply in the watercourses, and the wells dug
by the men in low, damp places, army
could not have remained there as long asii,has.
The citizens use rain water, caught in cisterns
from tne first of October to tbe first of May ;
but the supply iu the cisterns was not sufficient
to last the army one week.
In the neighborhood of Pea Ridge, the local
ity oi the enemy’s chief encampment, the water
is better and the supply more abundant.
But it was not the want of an adequate sup
ply’ of water alone that rendered it necessary
for our atmy to retire from Corinth. Our en
campment was bounded on three sides by
Bridge creek and a dense swamp—in front, on
the right, and in the rear—and our breastworks
were just behind the swamp and ran parallel
to it tor a considerable distance. The swamp
was crossed by four or five roads, near which
we had planted formidable batteries to cut off
•fill approach by the roads. It would now ap-
jiear that the tame thing has been done by T tbe
enemy, who has advanced up near the swamp
on the other side, thrown up breastworks aud
posted heavy siege guns, which not only com
mand the roads leading out from our side, but
are of-sufficient calibre to shell nearly every
part of our encampment. He has also thrown
up strong works near Farmington and Pea
| Bidge, and erected heavy batteries at command
| nig points along tbe several routes to the rear.
] Indeed, the Federal works are superior to ours,
i and their position equally strong, il not strong
er, while their force is one-fourth, if not one
third, greater.
It was hoped and expected that Halleck
would attack us in our position; but this he
was too sensible to do; lor defeat would have
been the certain result. Could we expect a
different result, if we should attack him behind
his formidable works and with his superior
force? It was never intended to allow him to
approach so near, aud to get into position,
without,first offering him battle. This we did
at Farmington, when lie declined to pick up
the gauntlet thrown down to him, and this we
sought to do on the 23d, when it was lound
impossible, because the ground had not been
properly recouuoitered and mapped, to get our
right wing, wLich was to lead the attack, into
position. Had we encountered the enemy on
that day, in accordance with tbe order of battle
agreed upou by our officers, I do not see how
we could nave failed to win the greatest and
most decisive victory thus far achieved in the
war. That night, however, and the next day,
the enemy moved up and got into position,
where it would be as great madness for us to
make the attack, as it would be for him to at
tack us.
Why, then, it may be asked, should we, and
not Hallcck, retire ? Because Halleck is pro
vided with guns ol long range and heavy calibre,
with which he can throw shot and shell into
almost every part of our encampment, every
two or three minutes, day and uight, as long
as lie pleases ; and because he has better water
and more abundant supply than we have
The chief advantage the Federals will gain by
the change, will be the use of the entire line of
the Memplis & Charleston Kailroad from Ste-
venson to Memphis. They are good workers,
and will soon rebuild the bridges over the Ten
nessee river and Bear creek, and those over ihe
Hatchie and other streams west ol Corinth,
which the Confederates will doubtless destroy.
As soon as these lost bridges can be rebuilt,
Memphis and Fort Pillow will be occupied, as
well as those sections of the Mobile Ohio ar.d
Tennessee & Ohio Railroads,which lie north of
the Memphis & Charleston road.
The withdrawal down the Mobile & Ohio road
will dimmish our transportation, and b/iug the
army into a more healthy section of country,
where all kinds of supplies are more abundant
and the waters much better. The enemy, on
the contrary, should he follow us up, will have
to march sixty-five or seventy miles into the
interior, where, incase ol disaster, he would be
cut to pieces and destroyed. P. W. A.
| Dent3s of Col, Tennent Lomax,
j No event of the sanguinary field of Chicka
| hominy is more to bo deplored, and will carry
[ sorrow to more hearts, than the fall of Colonel
Tennent Lomax, the commander of tbe 3d Reg
iment of Alabama Volunteers. He was a South
Carolinian by birth, but soon after attaining his
majority emigrated to Columbus, in this State,
where he took charge, as editor, of the Times,
previously and throughout his administration
one of the leading and mo3t influential journals
ot the State. As an editor he was able, well
iutormed, and wielded a vigorous pen. A cul
tivated gentleman, his courtesy never forsook
him, -even in the heated struggles of partizau
warfare, in whieh he bore an active and con-
part. We knew him well, both in his
professional and private relations, and can iruly
say a good man and a gallant soldier has fallen.
p c ace to his ashes and the consolations of
Heaven to his stricken family and friends !
We find the following graceful and feeling
notice of his death in the Times of Tuesday :
j Death of Col. Lomax. —The painful imelii-
I geuce ol the death of Col. Tennent Lomax
i passed through this city Sunday night on its
mournful errand to liis family in Montgomery,
lie fell on Saturday iu the battle near Richmond,
gallantly leading his regiment against ihe str
xi ed columns ot the foe. Col. Lomax was v,til
known and universally admired and beloved m
this city. For several years he wag sole editor
ot this paper, and its tiles are an enduring
monument of his ability and unwavering devo
tion to principle. Love lor his native Sou::.,
to which he has just given the last and crowning
seal, shines forth conspicuously iu all m- wir
ings’.
The military reputation which he won ou the
battle fields ot Mexico, was promptly appreci
ated and recognized at the outset of the present
revolution. He was elected Lieut. Col. ot the
3J Alabama, and, on the promotion of Colonel
Withers, war advanced to the Uolouelny. Under
his command this regiment reached awiegree'of
elliciency which has given it an enviable repu
tation thionghout the army. He enjoyed in
unbounded measure the love and confidence of
bis men, any of whom would have cheerfully
met the death he suffered to have saved their
cherished and gallant commander.
But it was ordered otherwise. A mysterious
Providence decreed that a portion ol the price
of our independence should be paid with the
blood of this chivalrous and noble man. In
common with his many friends throughout
j Georgi i and Alabama, we mourn his loss, and
; deeply sympathize w.th his bereaved family.
Ihe Columbus iGa.) tjuu rays that the scar
city of bacon there is creating a great demand
for cattish of all sizes, lrom "kitte-as” to the
“oig blue” when he is caught.
1
In the late fire in Troy,N-* York, it is stated
that the number of bnild.nga destroyed will
reach eight hundred.