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<tn-iucck!u Cipmticlt & Sentinel
J. W. & W. s. JONES. AUGUSTA, Ga. SATURDAY MORNING, MARCH 21, 1840. Vor lV -No ac”
THE CHROMCLE AND SENTINEL.
IS PUBLISHED
D JLY TIU-WEEKLY, AND WEEKLY,
At No. 209 Broad-street.
terms;
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CHRONICLE AND SENTINEL.
AUGUSTA.
FRIDAY MORNING, MARCH 20.
Pennsylvania Destructives.
The recent bill introduced into the Pennsylva
nia Legislature, a sketch of which will be found
in this day’s paper, strikes us as the most extra
ordinary measure we have ever seen submitted
to any deliberative assembly, by a man who had
sufficient intelligence to draft a bill. Certainly
the anti-bank party are struggling to see how low
they can sink the institutions and credit of the
State, and if they succeed in carrying this mea
sure, they will accomplish the destruction of
both. By the bill the Banks that accept the
terms,arc required to loan to the State>s3,ooo,ooo,
and to pay the interest on the State debt cf
$32,000,000, from now until 1843, which a
mounts to two million dollars annually. And
those Banks that reject the terms, are compelled
to resume specie payments in thirty days. To
what are we coming! When the Legislature cf
one of the most powerful States in the Union
says to her ,banks, you shall loan us money and
pay our debts, or your charters shall forthwith be
forfeited! For it is, in effect, saying so by requi
ring them to resume specie payments in thirty
days. As well might they go to a wealthy citi
zen and command him to open his strong box, and
lake therefrom the fruits of his labor; and wo
hesitate not to say, if such measures are counte
nanced, the day is not far distant when sucii a
right will be claimed for the Legislature, by the
destructives of that noble State.
The National Intelligencer of the 16th Inst,
says. An article appeared in the “ Globe,” two
or three days since, in relation to the contested
election in the Third Congressional District of
Pennsylvania, in which it wns stated, in sub
stance, that Mr. Ingersoll had already discovered
and proved that upwards of a thousand illegal
votes had been polled for his competitor, Mr. Nay
lor. This, we are authorized to say, is entirely
without foundation; and it is not true that Mr.
Ingersoll, has produced a particle of evidence af
fecting the case, or can produce any.—We are
further informed that the evidence which he has
procured is what a person, had been heard to say
and whom the witness who testified to his de
clarations stated to be unworthy of credit, even,
if upon oath. This is the foundation of the
Globe’s charges, if they have a foundation at
all.
Correspondence of the Philadelphia Inquirer.
HA.v” l sat;iiG, March 14,
Bill to authorise the issue of state stock bonds
to the contractors on the Gettysburg rail road
was considered, and the passage of the bill urged
with groat ability by Mr. Snyder, but after amend
ments to take a loan from the U. S. Bank in
specie were adopted, the bill was voted down.
Mr. Snyder immediately offered a joint resolu
tion providing for a loan to pay the contractors,
or if a loan cannot be had to issue slock bonds
to them.—Laid on the table.
Correspond nee of the Baltimt re Patriot.
PnilauKi.riir.v, Marcli 14, 8 a. m.
The excitement, that unfortunately prevailed
to such an extent on Thursday has entirely sub
sided, brought about by the inters, rrnce of the
proper authorities to prevent the railroad compa
ny from proceeding with their work.
Business generally has been much more ani
mated than for the last two or three days. A
sale of 50 bags Rio coffee, slightly damaged, wns
made by auction yesterday at ICjjc, 90 days ; 70
hhds. Porto Rico molasses, a little tart, 25, cash;
200 kegs Lexia raisins a $2,95 a 3; 100 drums
Turkey figs at 6 cents, and 150 sacks Liverpool
fine saltat $1,60 per sack.
Correspondence of the National Intelligencer.
New York., March 14.
The rates of domestic exchange are a little
better than when I last gave a table, but there are
many places on which bills cannot be negotiated
at any rate. Mississippi, as to commerce and
trade, is out of the Union, ami in some respect*
Alabama is not belter off. The brokers have the
control of the whole business, and monopolize it
at will. We begin to think our Southern breth
ren are getting almost enough otit; if not, we
can stand it yet a great deal better than they.
Exchange on Philadelp dahas slightly improved
from an impression that the New Yoik and
Eastern Banks would co-operate wiih the Phila
delphia banks to bring about a resumption.
The Great Western not sailing till the lElth,
but little is done in exchange on London as yet,
The rates may be quoted from 108 to
which shows no tendency to the export of spe
cie. Blocks are slightly advanced to-day.
Money continues plenty here, and at a low rate
of interest for New York; but few have securities
of any kind now, and very tew securities good
enough to get it.
There is great anxiety here respecting the Gen
eral Bankrupt Law among men of all parties.
Our Stale Legislature will speak in a few days on
the subject. If the politicians, for political pur*
poses, throw obstacles in the way to the general
relief of individuals, it will in the end be a dan
gerous vote for them, for there is no one matter
upon which so many persons now are so keenly
sensitive,—
A sale of real estate was effected in Broadway
the other day so low as to alarm all the holders of
real estate fin the city and its suburbs. There
has not been any thing like it hardly since the
embargo. John Jacob Astor is closing up many
of his mortgages, and when a rise of property
comes again his immense wealth will be amazing
ly added to. There never were such times for the
rich, and there never were such times for the poor.
The New-Yorker.
Those of our citizens who desire to subscribe
for this valuable paper, can do so by applying to
Mr. I. S. Beers, of this city, who is the Agent.
Balloon Ascension—No go.
We omitted io publish yesterday morning,
the letter of Mr. Hobart, announcing his disap
pointment, in consequence of which he is com
pelled to defer his contemplated ascension.
New York, March 12th, 1840.
Messrs Editors. — l regret to have to inform
you that, having failed to procure an immediate
shipment, from this port, of the materials for my
contemplated “Balloon Ascension” of the 271 h,
the ascension is necessarily postponed to some fu
ture day, of which further and timely notice shall
be given.
I deem it proper to add, that when a day shall
be fixed on for the purpsse, it will be done with a
more careful reference to the circumstances, that
that have caused the present delay, and may,
therefore, be depended on, and, also, to inform
you that, to prevent disappointment, I have has
tened to address a note to every Post-office to
which advertisements had been directed.
Respectfully yours,
Samuel Hobart.
The new act upon the subject requires the
Census ofTB4O to be commenced on the Ist of
June next, and to be completed within five months
from that date. All the returns are to be made
to the Secretary of State before the Ist of Decem
ber.
From “ Down East.”
The Bangor Courier says :
“ A letter (rom Fort Fairfield states that six
teen more horses, with their drivers, &c. were ta
ken on the Aristook on the 3d inst. The pro
perty belonged to trespassers on that territory.
The Democrat states that a mob armed with
axes attempted to recover the property, but were
compelled to beat a retreat.”
The following items from the New Bruns
wick papers, look a litte warlike;
Woodstock, Frebruary 22.—Captain Batersby
and Hawkshuw, of the Engineer Department, ar
rived hero on Thursday evening from head quar
ters, for the purpose of selecting sites for the erec
tion of barracks and all such other works as may
be deemed necessary for the pro'ection of this
place. These works, we understand, will bo on
an extensive scale, sufficient to accommodate a
largo force.— Times,
More Trouble. —Col. Goldie has been or
dered to take command of the British troops now
within the disputed tenitory, and 250 additional
solders have been sent thither.— St. John's Cou
rier,
Important from Peru.
We are indebted to the kindness of an absent
friend, for the following interesting letter. The
bearer of despatches alluded to. has arrived at
Washington, having proceeded at once from
Norfolk, wheie he landed, to that city. This is
the first intimation we have seen of the object of
his rapid movements.
Correspondence of the Philadelphia North' American.
Panama, January 7, 1840.
The Peruvian government lias refused to re
ceive Mr. Pickett, our charge d’affaires, or to re
cognize the treaty formerly concluded, ratified
and exchanged with the former governnent (that
of General Santa t tuz) in consequence of which
the St. Louis has been sent down here with a
bearer of despatches for our government, who
crosses the Isthmus to day on his way to the U.
States.—This proceeding of the Peruvian gov
ernment, is so much the more insulting from
the fact, that the British treaty, which was ne
gotiated under precisely similar circumstances
as ours, is, for the present allowed to remain
in force, and will continue to bo observed until
altered, modified or annulled, through the negoti
ation of a Peruvian Minister, who has been ap
pointed to proceed to London for that purpose.—
Don Felipe Pardo is the person named to fulfil
this mission, and there can be no mistake as to
the object of it.
New Jersey Contested Election.
TO TUB AMERICAN RKOI’LE.
We desire to call the attention of the whole
country to the statement herewith exhibited, as a
report prepared and presented to the House of
Representatives, by the minority of the Commit
tee on Elections, to which wns referred the con
tested election from the Stale of New Jersey; and
we especially desire to call their attention to the
novel, extraordinary and appalling circumstances,
which have driven us to the necessity of thus
appealing to our fellow citizens, from one end of
the Union to tho other; and we do it with the
confident assurance, that they will give to thesub
ject that careful and unprejudiced consideration
which its importance demands, and their own fu
ture safety and interests imperiously require; that
they will unite with us in the belief, which in the
honest sincerity of our hearts we enterta-n, that
the government under which we live, must soon
become worse than a Turkish despotism, unless
the people, in the majesty of their strength, shall
arise and rebuke tho perpetrators of the outrage
which has been committed on the constitution of
the United States, the laws oi one of the sove
reign States of this Union, and the rights of the
great body of the people themselves.
We will not enter into a minute detail of the
means by which five of the representatives of the
State of New Jersey, furnishing the highest evi
dence known to the laws of that State, that they
had been regularly and constitutionally elected,
v» ere driven from their seats, previous to any in
vestigation w hatever, and denied all right to par
ticipate in the organization and proceedings of
the House, and much less will we undertake
here to pronounce upon the motived which led to
this unparalleled proceeding.
We wish to take up this subject at another
point, and let the country know what are the cir
cumstances under which five other gentlemen
from the State of New Jersey have been voted
into seals in the House of Representatives, who
have presented no return, vo credential, no com
mission—and this done when the members hold
ing the commissions of the Governor of that
Stale, under the Seal of that Commonwealth,
were at homo by leave of the committee, taking
depositions to prove—what they had at all times
averred they could prove—that they had received
a majority of the lawful votes given at tho polls.
The proceedings of the committee having
charge of this subject, will bo seen by reference
to tho report below, up to the time that tho report
of the majority of the committee w'as presented,
and we now proceed to give a statement of what
has since transpired.
Hut it must bo remarked in advance that the
committee, having determined that if an investi
gation was to be prosecuted behind the commis
sions of the Governor, every principle of equity
and fairness required that there should be a thor
ough search into the legality of the votes given
for each pat ly,and finding that there was no suffi
cient testimony before them by which it could be
ascertained for whom a majority of the qualified
voters of New Jersey had cast their votes, such
time was granted as the parties themselves deem
ed requisite to enable them to take such testimony
as they might think advisable to establish their
respective claims, and that accordingly the par
ties severally left Washington for tho State of
New Jersey, where they now are engaged in the
prosecution of this work.
During their absence, and shortly after their
departure from the city, (no cnniplaint and no
application coming from them to the House,)
the Chairman of the Committee submitted a pro
position to have tho documents relating to the
contested seats printed for the use of tho Com
mittee. This furnished a pretext for the introduc
tion of another proposition, that tho Committee
should be instructed to report forthwith which of
the parlies had received a majority of all the votes
given at the election. After long debate, this was
so modified as to require them to report upon
the lawful votes, which expressly, as a matter
of course, excluded nil unlawful voles.
The subject went to the Committee with a pre
cipitation which we deem in a high degree ex
ceptionable.—The majority of the committee
adopted a resolution directing all the votes given
to be reported as lawful , under a most extraordi
nary mental delusion that tho instructions re
quired it, because tho committee were required
to report forthwith. All efforts to have the testi
mony then before them examined were success
fully resisted—reasonable time to the minoiity to
report these and other facts to t.,c House, denied,
The report was prepared, presented and received,
without delay, the title to which is well adapted
to create tho impression that the votes reported
were all lawful votes, while the body of the re
port itself (which few comparatively of those who
see the title w ill read) labors to excuse the com
mittee for not ascertaining whether tho votes
were lawful or unlawful —a member of the mi
nority of the committee attempted In explain the
facts to the House—tho Speaker decided that ho
was entitled to the lloor—the majority of the
House overruled the decision of the Chair, and
reluscd him tho privilege of speaking—the pre
vious question demanded, all debate stilled—in
the mean lime a counter-report is prepared and
offered to the House—they refused to receive it,
and proceeded at once, wholly ignorant of what
the testimony established with a madness and
blindness belonging to desperation only, to vote
by the entire strength of their party, that the non
commissioned members had received a majority
of lawful votes, and were, therefore, duly elected,
and entitled to occupy their seals as tho represen
tatives of the State of New Jersey ; and while
the public funds arc to be freely used for the dis
tribution of the report of ihe five administration
members of the committee, private means are to
be resorted to, to distribute the report of the four
minority members.
It is a circumstance, not the least remarkable
in this oxtraordinaiy case, that the individual
members of the majority, refused to recognize, or
adopt the reasoning of the report, but were entire
ly satisfied with the conclusions drawn from it.
while the author of the repoit, was equally well
satisfied with his own reasoning, but could not
adopt the conclusions, as evinced by his refusal
to vole for the resolution based upon it, though
present at the time.
For every fact here stated, we pledge ourselves
to produce the proof whenever called on, either
before the House or the coumry.they being facts
on record, to be found on the journals of the com
mittee and of the House.
And now, we ask by whom these five gentle
men have been elected ? liy the peo| le of New
Jersey, or by tho frict.ds of the administration in
Congress 1 And have we said too much in char
acterising this proceeding as novel, extraordinary,
and appalling? Have we done more or less, than
our duty as citizens of this republic, and as Rep
resentatives of the people, in thus calling your
attention, emphatically, to this subject; in warn
ing yon of your danger, and in asserting the ne
cessity of an immediate Intel position of me ma
jesty of the people, at tho ballot boxes, to correct
such monstrous abuses in future.
It has been said, and was generally understood
that the parly in power, had, in secret caucus, re
solved on the necessity of admitting the Admin
istration claimants, to carry through some of the
odious schemes of the present Administration ;
still we hoped that before they struck the final
blow, they might be induced to listen to reason
and to justice. We appealed, but wo appealed in
vain—their resolution was as determined as it
was unjust; they voted, and succeeded, and that
by a boasted majority of thirty.
How was that majority obtained 1 Only, be
cause some of the members regarding the outrage
as highly gross and violent, refused to vote, or
contribute to the formation of a quorum, for the
adoption of a report and resolution not founded,
as we all conceive, on the testimony of tho case,
and not warranted or justified by any considera
tion whatever.
A noble subject for boasting, truly. Let them
make the most of it. It is matter of pride to us,
that we, at least, resisted it, and resisted to the
lust.
We feel that wc have discharged our duty; if
you are too indifferent to your own liberties, to
discharge yours; be it so—the consequences must
fall partially on yourselves, but mainly on postcii
ty ; but as citizens of this Republic, we tell you wc
arc mournfully apprehensive for the future, and
that you may not think we arc too grave and too
solemn, on this vitally important question, we
beg leave respectfully to invito your attention to
proceedings in several of the .Statu Legislatures,
particularly those of New Jersey, Massachusetts,
New York, and Virginia, and to the .“Special Mes
sage of the last mentioned Common wealth, and
if all this does not arouse you to the importance
of tins subject, all further effort on our part will
be vain.
But wc will not permit ourselves to indulge in
apprehensions—wo arc not yet old enough—wc
have not yet come to that puss when those who
arc clothed with power, for the protection of our
liberties,can he sustained in such an encroachment
on the rights of the people, either for the purpose
of propitiating Executive favor on the one hand,
or of perpetuating political power on the other.
Wc respectfully ask that our report, which
those who should have acted upon it, have re
fused to receive (the first instance of the kind as
we believe, that has occurred in the government,)
may meet with that calm, temperate and unpre
judiced deliberation to which it is entitled from
the importance of tho question involved.
Mii.laud Fillmore,
Jrto. M. Botth,
t»KO. W. CIIAIIH,
Truman Smith.
Washington, March 12, 1810.
From the Philadelphia Inquirer of the 14/A.
The New Bill.
Wo yesterday gave a brief outline of the bill,
to continue the improvements of the State, and
to pay the interest of the public debt, as reported
by Mr. Higgins. On looking over the bill, as
since received from Harrisburg, wc find one or
two matters not without interest. Tho pream
ble sets out with stating that there exists an ur
gent necessity to complete, with the least possible
delay, those important unfurnished lines of tire
public improvements, in which a considerable
portion of the public debt is already invested.
This object, it is added, can only be obtained by
resort to the oppressive remedy of taxation, or
by such a judicious system of measures as will
release the people for embarrassments, ami cor
rect the disorders of the currency. It is then
stated that ibis desirable consummation is ren
dered practicable, “by compelling the bunks of
this Commonwealth to loan the necessary amount
of money to tho Commonwealth, and to give ade
quate security for the faithful fulfilment of their
contracts, and by adopting the salutary restric
tions recommended by the Governor in his late
message, depriving them of their power to do
evil in future, and compelling them to resume
tho payment of gold or silver coin for their liabil
ities to the public, at the earliest day on which
such resumption can take place with a ration
al assurance of being permanent and useful.”
We next have the appropriations, and in the
second section, it is provided that tho banks which
comply with the provisions of the act, shall bo
required on the 10th of December 1840, to pay
all their liabilities on notes, bills, deposites or
otherwise, in gold or silver. Also, loan the Com
monwealth three millions, in a pro rata propor
tion to the capital stock of each, atari interest of
5 per cent. They shall also pay tho interest on
the State debt, due in July 1840, and on all other
days between that time and July 1843, inclu
sive, in specie, within ten days notice, and in
equitable proportions.—They shall have twfinly
days to decide whether th >y accept the terms or
nut—and then they are to give security for the
compliance of their part of the contract. If they
fail to pay in any instance, writs of scire facias
are to be issued.
All the banks that do not accept the provis
ions, are required to resume in thirl// dn//n after
the passage of the net, and on failure thereof, their
charters to bo forfeited. Tho banks that accept,
are also to lose their charters, if they refuse to
pay specie thirty days after tho 10th of Decem
ber, 1840. Section 8 abolishes tho proxy sy»-
tern. Section 9 provides that no charter shall he
granted or extended for a longer time than twenty
years. The Legislature to have power to revoke
such charter, whenever, in their opinion, it shall
prove injurious to the Commonwealth. Section
10 prohibits banks paying out at their counters,
any but their own notes or specie, unless at tho
option of the person making the demand. It al
so prohibits post notes, and the holding by a bank
of any stock, except its own, or the stock of
Pennsylvania or the United States. Section 11
prohibits dividends during suspension. The last
sec.ion is in the following words:
“ That all laws and parts of laws, imposing
penalties or rates of interest exceeding six per
cent, per annum, upon sajd banks accepting the
provisions of this act, for non-payment of their
notes and liabilities, so far as respects the excess
above six per cent, per annum, and other laws
and parts of laws, hereby altered, supplied, or
made inconsistent with the provisions of this act,
be and the same arc hereby repealed.”
Tins bill is certainly an extraordinary mea
sure. The terms dictated to tho banks,strike us
ns excedingly tyrannical. Those institutions have
been vilified, and nearly trampled to death;and
now, they are commanded to “ loan” $3,000,000,
besides paying all the State interest between this
and 1843; or, on refusal, to have the last work
of the executioner consummated. Truly, tho Le
gislature of Pennsylvania seems determined to
win an enviable reputation for extraordinary
proceedings. The banks are any thing but per
fect ; hut it should not be forgotten that millions
of property belonging to our best citizens, and of
all classes, arc bound up with thorn—and the
rights and interests of this portion of the commu
nity should be protected.
Singular Lawsuit.— AnEiiglisb papersays
that a curious lawsuit is now going on in Peslli
in Hungary, between a butcher and a cattle-deal
er. Tho butcher had lent 1,000 florins, to tho
dealer, who sometime afterwards, called on him
as ho was at dinner, and laid down a note for
1,000 florins thanking him at the same time for
the loan. The window being open tho note wag
blown by a gust of wind into tho soup tureen.
The butcher took it out and holding it by the
corner to allow the grease to drain off, it was
seized by Ins dog and swallowed. Perceiving
that he had done wrong, the dog absented him
self, and did not return until the evening, when
he was killed and opened; hut the note was, of
course, by this lime wholly digested. 'Phe butch
er has brought an action tor the 1.000 florins,
which the dealer refused to pay twice over, con
sidering that, the note having gone into the
hands of the butcher, ho alone ought to support
the loss.
Unclaimed Balances. —The New York
Express says; By a law of the Slate, our Banks
are obliged to report all old balances in Bank of
over four years standing. On examining the
returns of the Manhattan Banks, wc find there
arc nearly two hundred individauls having bal
j arices, there, amountiug to about eleven thousand
five hundred dollars, and among them are bal
ances of very anicient standing. Most of tho
persons are broke, dead, or moved off. Among
those deceased is the eelebrabted Thomas Paine.
This person died, as was believed in abject pov
erty, at the house of o’d Carver, and left $125 7
els in the Manhattan Bank. 'Phis amount ought
to have gone to old Carver, who died a few days
since in the greatest distress. The amount of
unclaimed dividends is about four thousand dol
lars, some of which have laid nearly forty years
uncalled for.”
Interesting Debate in the IT. S. Senate.
In the Senate, on Friday last, after Mr. Tall
mad ge finish, d his speech on the resolution of the
special committee in reference to Slate debts, &c.,
Mr, Strange, of North Carolina, rose, and after
some explanations of certain passages in his
speech of a former day, on which the Senate
from Now York had commented in n strain of
pleasantry, proceeded to complain that the oppo
nents of the administration in Now York had not
treated the P.esident of the United States, during
his visit to that State last summer, with the con
sideration due to the Chief Magistrate of the na
tion.
Mr. Strange also caught at the expression by
which Mr. Tatlmndge had descibed the ingrati
tude of the President to the people of his own
State—the language which Shakspearc put into
the mouth of Mark Antony in his speech over
Caesar’s dead body— and which is familiar to
every school boy.
“Ingratitude more strong than traitors’ armsl”
Mr. Strange entirely mistaking the meaning
and application of the words, and filled apparent
ly with the idea that tho President had been called
‘ a traitor,” said tho tongue of the Senator from
Now York should he palsied whenever he under
took to pronounce that word!
Mr. Tallmadgc did not notice this ebullition—
perhaps he thought the mistake, or perversion
(whatever it might he) too manifest to inquire
exposure or comment.
Ho confined himself to tho other parts of Mr.
Strange’s reply.
Tho Senator from North Carolina, said he,
gives us to understand that, in alluding to tho
mode of carrying elections, through the instru
mentality of dinner feasts, ho had no reference to
the President’s tour through the State of New
York, during the last summer and autumn. I
am glad to hear this explanation. For, under the
impression that his remarks might be intended for
the President, it seemed to mo to exhibit a symp
tom of disloyally which 1 hud not expected from
that quarter. But, the honorable Senator com
plains that the President was not received by the
people of New York as ho ought to have been.—
If be were not, it was his fault—not theirs.—
There was every disposition to receive him as
President of tho United States, and to tender to
him those civilities which are readily accorded to
the high station which ho occupies. Hut hodi
vesled himself of his otlicial char.ctcr, ami as
sumed the character of the partisan. Preparato
ry arrangements were made in tho city of New
York to receive him without distinction of pnrly,
not oniy by the citizens, but by the Common
Council. ITowwcro these arrangements treated
by him? The very first thing lie did, after ho set
his foot on the soil of his native Slate, at tpnsllo
Garden, was to make a formal and studied address
to his “Democratic fellow citizens." In this ad
dress, ho dwelt upon tho Sub-Treasury scheme,
the tavorilejneasure of his administration, and
evinced his determination to force it upon the
people of New York—a measure to which a large
majority have, three times over, shown themselves
opposed: and, not only opposed to it, but know
and believe, that the manner in which it has been
urged by tho Executive is the principal cause of
the ruin which has been brought upon the coun
try. But, itis said this reply of the President was
in answer to an address from some of his Demo
cratic fellow citizens; unci how could ho reply oth
erwise, being thus called upon of a sudden to re
spond?
Sir, it is well known that all those formal ad
dresses are submitted to the parties far in advance
of the occasion, and tho answers are deliberately
prepared in reference to the matter of tile address
es. There is no doubt that this nddicss was hand
ed to the President sonic lime before he reached
New York, and ills reply to it deliberately con
cocted. Be that ns it may : there was one, and
only one true course for him to have taken, if he
expected to bo received ns President of the Uni
ted Slates, instead of a mere political partisan,
on an electioneering tour through the Slate. Ho
should have said to those who thus indiscreetly
addressed him “ Gentlemen, I have Just returned
to my native State, after along absence, it being
the first opportunity which I have had to mingle
with my fello\*-citizcns of New York since I en
tered upon the discharge of tho duties of that
high station, to the attainment of which their aid
so essentially contributed. Tho measure alluded
to by you is one which lias divided not only tho
people of this State, but of the whole country. It
has caused much excitement—and coming as I
now do, ns the Chief Magistrate of the Union, to
visit my native State, to whose kindness I am
under such deep and lasting obligations, I must
bo excused from touching upon topics which
would give to my visit the appearance ofa par
san character. I come to reciprocate civilities and
kindnesses with all my fellow citizens, without
distinction of parly, and hope that, however much
we may didi-r on political subjects, there will be
no interruption of that interchange of friendly
sentiments which so eminently distinguish the
citizens ol'Ncw York. You will, therefore, par
don me, gentlemen, for not replying to the parli
zan character of your address; and I trust, alter
what lias fallen from me, you will duly appreci
ate the motives which bring me to this determin
ation. Follow-citizens, without distinction of par
ty, it gives mo infinite satisfaction to meet you
on this occasion, and to tender to you my grate
ful acknowledgments fur the honoryou have done
m?.
1 do not know, said Mr. T., that I have made
as good a speech for the President os he would
have made for himself; hut Ido l< now, that if ho
had manifested such a spirit, his reception
throughout the State, would have been ail that he
or bis friends could have desired. Instead of that,
it was a mere electioneering tour, from beginning
to end ; and I will not undertake to arraign the
motives of thnso who left his reception to his
own political friends, to whom, on Ids first ap
pearance at Gustle Garden, he saw fit to exhibit
himself as a political partizan, instead of Presi
dent of the United States.
The Vice President, who had also fallen into
a mistake respecting the language of Mr. Tall
madge, audits application to the Piesident per
sonally, then took occasion to make some remarks
on the duties of the Chair, and the manner in
which it becomes Senators to speak in debate, of
the Executive, ns a co-ordinate branch of the Go- j
vernment: and though be submitted the question i
as to tho extent of the Chair under such cir
cumstances to the .Senate itself, yet he threw out
an admonition in regard to the impropriety of
speaking of the President in terms personally of
fensive ; which, as applied ti» Mr. Ta'lmadgc,
was certainly quite gratuitous and unnecessary.
Mr. Tullmadge, in reply, ssid he duly appre
ciated the purity of motive which actuated the I
Chair, and the kindness with which the Chair had
expressed its views on thi i occasion. He could
not, however, admit that it was either the right
or the duly of the Chair to call to order for any
thing said here, except in relation to niemliers of
this or the other House. This rale, which is
necessary to preserve order in this body, is not
necessary in reference to those who are not mem
bers of one or the other House of Congress. If
therefore, the Chair had first satisfied itself that
neither right nor duty required its interposition,,
it would have saved to itself and to me the trou
ble of this admonition. Not doubting, however,
the kind intentions of the Chair, and knowing:
the purity of motive by which it is always gov
erned, Mr. T. said, that so far as related to him*
self, he had no disposition to complain. But,, •
said ho the Chair, as well as the Senator from
North Carolina, (Mr. Strange,) has labored under,
a misapprehension in regard to this whole matter.
I presume said ho, that the Chair is under the
impression, that I applied the word “ traitor” to- -
the President. (The Chair nodded assent.) So E
supposed; and but for that misapprehension,
there would have been no occasion for its inter
position. I have applied no such term to the Pre
sident—and 1 should not have supposed that any.
one present could have so understood it, iff had'
not scon the error into which both the Chair and.
the Senator from North Carolina have fallen. If
there bo blame any where, if belongs to Will..
Shnkspearo. and not to me—for it was his lan
guage I used, and not my own. But there is no
blame any w here.
1 spoke ol the President’s ingratitude towards
his native State, which had nourished and cher
ished him, and made him all be is—that he had*
turned his back upon her interests, as well as the
interests of the whole Union, and had repaid her
overflowing kindness to him, by “ingratitude'
moro strong than traitors’ arm.” It was the'
strength of his ingratitude which I characterized
by the quotation I made. It neither bad, nor
was intended to have, any personal application
ns cupposcd by the Chair. The language will
not bear such a construction ; and if the chain
had understood its true import, I presume it.
would have forborne any remarks upon the occa
sion. Having said thus much, (said Mr, T.) as.
due to myself, I now say, and wish it distinctly,
understood, that nothing shall deter mo from
characterising the acta of the Executive Admin
istration of this Government in language which I*
think is duo to it—an Administration which has
brought ruin upon the whole country—which*
has sacrificed the properly of thousands and
thousands of its citizens, and sent many of them
to untimely graves. Island here ns the Repre
sentative offreemen, and I will speak here, as
well ns elsewhere, ol Executive usurpations, and
the fatal effects of Executive power, as becomes
a freeman, and the Representative of a people and :
of a Slate, whose vital interests have been sacrifi
ced hy Ins perseverance in the destructive meas
ures of his Administration.
Mi. Wright next rose, and again exhibited that
self-complacency, of which he has already given,
so many examples, in utfecling to be the lecturer
of bis colleague—admonishing him not to intro
duce the local matters of their State but declu--
ringthot if Mr. T.did persistin bringing up such >
topics, justice to himself and his filends would,
compel him to enter the discussion. He also
suggested to tho Vice I'resident that it would per
haps have been as well to have forborne any in
terposition on account of what his colleague hadi
said of the Chief Magistrate—that the language
applied to that officer would do no harm, &c.&c.
Mr. Wright referred likewise to tho familiar quo
tation used by Mr. Tallmadge, and notwithstand
ing the explanations just given, and tho manifest*
meaning of the phrase itself, most disingenuous
ly persisted in attributing toil a personal signifi
cation, and insinuated that his colleague had fall
en hack on the quotation, to avoid the responsi
bility of making so grave a charge directly.
Mr. Tallmadge replied wkh great animation..
He said his colleague had alluded to the intro
duction of the local matters of New York, and,
had deprecated it, as on a former occasion. Sir,.
I have not introduced tho local matters of New.
York, in the sense in which my colleague would,
wish to have it understood. I have alluded to-
New York in the course of my argument to-day
byway of illustrating the principles which I have
endeavored to establish. I have alluded to New
York for that purpose, the Fame as I would have.-
alluded to any other State in. the Union, if I had
been os well acquainted with its statistics and its
general condition. I have alluded to the local,
matters of New York for no other purpose, except,
the President’s tour through the State, which,
was a mere matter of pleasantry in reply to the
Senator from North Carolina. I hope my. col
league will hereafter spare himself and the Senata
any farther exhibition of his apparent self-com
placency on this subject. I shall be ready to dim-,
cuss with him Ire re, or elsewhere, the local or —*
general matters of New York, whenever it shall'
best suit his purpose. As to my language in re
gard to tho President’s message, it is much less
harsh than language which I have heard on for
mer occasions, applied to it here, and which pass
ed unnoticed, and without exciting the sensibili
ties ol any one. Hut my colleague seems deter
mined to make a personal application to the Pre
sident, of the quotation to which 1 have hereto
fore alluded and explained. If he insists upon
making that personal, which was not so intended;,
and which was not so in point of fact, I can only,
say, the application shall he his and not mine.
And now, sir, permit me to say to my col
league, that nothing which can come from him.
or from any other quarter, shall prevent me from?
speaking ot the President in his official capacity,
and of the acts of his administration, as I think
he and they deserve. I consider, and I say it
boldly, that he has subverted tho very fundamen
tal piiuciplen of the Government—that in its
practical operation, he has established a despo
tism more galling than tmy despotism in Europe'
—1 moon the dospotisnWbl opinion—a despotism
by which ull freedom or thought and of action is
deslroyed—u despotism by which he has, in ef
fect, usurped the legislative power, and reduced'
to the most al ject slavoiy bis followers throughout
the country. The financial policy of his admin
istration, left to thu unbiassed judgement of the
people, would not receive one vote out of an.
hundred of the electors of New York or of the
Union. ft is the despotism which ho has estab
lished over the opinions of men, by which they
Jure not think, nor speak, nor act; that compels,
j them ngainstti.cir own wishes, and against their
own judgements, to yield a reluctant support to a>
system of measures, which, in their consciences,
they believe, not only detrimental, but destructive
to the best interests of tho country. Yes, sir,
I have seen and knonn many a prominent in
stance of the kind, to which I have alluded*
where the despotic screw of Executive power and
of parly discipline, has been applied with signal
effect, anil with irresistible force to the unwilling
and unoffending subject. Sir, what have we seen,
hero of tho despotism of executive power?
What has been the coarse of the President in re
gard to the groat and leading measure of his ad
ministration, the sub-treasury scheme? He re
commended it to Congress in his message at the
extra session. He said he anticipated great di
versity of sentiment in regard to it. He invited
free discussion —and said if Congress should not
approve it, he was ready and willing to take any
other measure which Congress, in its wisdom,
should adopt. It was rejected in the other house
by the immediate representatives of the people.
Instead of acquiescing in that decision, he has