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I v - v - S- JONES. AUGUSTA, GA., THURSDAY MORNING, NOVEMBER*27, 1845. ~ V OL. IX—NoT 142.
JUDGE BERRIES’S ADDRESS. (
Nv r e have been furnished with a copy of the i
following correspondence, which we publish as 1
introductory to the address below ;
Milledgeville, 14th Nov., 1845. I
Hon. John M. Berrien:
Dear Sir:— After you retired fn m the mec»- *
ing of the Whig parly last evening, the follow
ing resolutions were unanimously adopted;
“ Resolved, That the Whig in’ernleis (d the ,
General Assembly have, in electing the i t n. 1
John M. Berrien to supply the vacancy in the I
United Slates Senate occasioned by his own ;
resignation, emphatically signified the unabated i
confidence o) the Whig party of Georgia in him;
—and that, we are gratified by his acceptance
of the appointment.
“Resolved, That a Committee of three lie ap
pointed by the Chairman to request of Mr.
Berrien, lor publication, a copy of the address
delivered by him to this meeting.”
Upon us has been devolved the pleasant duty
of communicating these resolutions to you, and
of requesting your compliance with the wishes
oflhe meeting at your early convenience.
We have the honor to be, very respectfully, I
your obedient servants,
A. J. MILLER,
C. H. SHOCKLEY,
A. F. OWEN.
Savannah, 32d Nov., 1845.
Gentlemen: —l have the honor to acknowledge
the receipt of your letter of the 14th inst., trans
mitting to me a copy of certain resolutions
adopted by the Whig members of the 1 -*egisla- j
lure, on the Kith inst., and asking from me, for
publication, a copy of the address delivered by
me at that meeting.
Availing myself of the earliest moment,
which among many and pressing engagements
i have been able to command, i have hastily
committed to paper, and now forward to you
the substance of that address.
I avail myself of the occasion through you to
offer to the Whig members of the Legislature
of Georgia, my respectful acknow'edgments for
this renewed expression of their confluence, anil
to you, Gentlemen, the assurance of respect and
esteem with vt’hich I am faithfully yours,
JOHN MACPHERSON BERRIEN.
To the Hon. A. J. Miller. C. H. Shockley,
A. F. Owen.
ADDRESS.
Gentlemen:—! have been advise! by your
Committee of the Legislative action of this day,
recalling me to a seat in the Senate of the Uni
ted States, and of the desire which you have ex
pressed for our present interview—and 1 am
here in compliance with the wish thus conveyed
to me.
1 meet you to-night, Gentlemen, under cir
cumstances ot a very extraordinary nature, in
duced to do so, by no consideration of my per
sonal feelings, of which, I am of coutse, the
exclusive guardian; but influenced by the be
lief that this oral and personal communication
between us, may best subserve the interests of
that party, which has been hilhert) the object of
onr ardent and united devotion; that it will best
promote the advancement of those great con
servative principles of policy, both State and
National, which the Whigs of Georgia, have
heretofore so gallantly maintained, and which
unmoved by personal considerations, every
feeling of my heart seconding the deliberate
convictions of my judgment, will prompt me
still to cherish and defend. I would indeed, if
it were practicable, exclude on this occasion
every personal topic; but since a stern neces
sity forces me to speak ot myself, I desire to
prevent misapprehension by saying, that 1 do
not come here in a querulous spirit—that I
have no complaint to prefer, either against
masses or individuals. I address myselftn men
ut honorable feelings, who will perfectly under
stand that an honest man, entirely conscious of
the rectitude of his own purposes and conduct,
cannot consent to occupy that position. They
will equally understand that I am not here for
the promotion of my personal interests. I have
probably less interest in the evems which are
passing before us. than any one who hears me.
My life in the ordinary course of nature, is
drawing to its close—and but for those efforts,
whether of professed friends, or avowed oppo
nents, which have by producing the present
stale of things, defeated their own purpose, my j
public life would have been ended. I saw or
thought f saw at the close of the last session of
Congress, but little prospect of rendering ser
vice by retaining my seat in the Senate; and
without affecting an insensibility to the honor
which that station confers, or indifference to
the opportunity which it affords of acquiring an
honorable reputation among my countrymen, I
can frankly say that mv ambition had been
satisfied. Wnen I left Washington therefore,
it was with a determination not to reiurn.—l
thought, if a majority of Whig members were
elected to the Legislature of Georgia, I would
then have re.'tored my commission to those who i
had confided it to me—while on the other hand,
h the people should determine again to com
mit their affairs to the rule of our opponents,
s uch an expression of their opinions and feel
mys tollowjng in immediate sequence, the in
ference from their vote at the last Presidential
election, whould equally authorize my retire
ment. My personal arrangements were made
in conformity to this determination. But 1 re
fttrned to the State, last spring, to find myself
'he object of a violent, vindictive and reckless
denunciation by my political opponents, and
■'•non alter to learn that a lew, (as it was repre- j
' p nted to me,) a very few of my political asso
ciates, influenced it was said, by personal at- |
fachment, weredesirousofsustaining the claims j
I other individuals to the station which f occu- I
pied, ft certainly never did occur to me, that j
any portion oflhe party with which I had labored, j
and ( or which I had made some, not inconsider
able sacrifices, would on any public considera
tions, consent, to plead guilty to the charges of
our opponents, and yield up to them as a victim,
one who in the prominent situation in which
he had been placed, had been the object of their
'■special denunciation, simply because he had
been the unfaltering advocate of the party wiio
Ltd placed him lhere. But let this pass—f ad
vet! to it to show you how little personal inter
-1 had in this matter. Certainly, no con-
Mdei ation of that sort prompts me now to ad
dress you. My purpose is to commune with
you f rankly, as to the course which it behooves
’•he Whig parly of Georgia to pursue in the
present state of our affairs, embarrassed as they
Live been by recent events; and in forming
V'-utt judgment on this subject, I desire that my
l"‘i: ‘iia! interests may be merged in the higher
'■'insideration of the public welfare.
Let me say in advance, that for the Legisla
te action of this day, for the manifestation of
,;on tinned and unabated-confidence, which you
‘"Tve thus afforded me, 1 thank you. We are
'" ,w enabled without the imputation of intru
'Veiu-ss on my part, or a forfeiture of that self
which every man is bound to cherish as
to his individual usefulness—we
'"J* 'low, enabled to take counsel together, in
to the great interests of our common
'/'Untry, and with feelings which will, I trust.
Leon purified by the crisis through which
.V : Lave passed, to lay our united offering on
ue altar of patriotism.
_ ■-> .rs A-e .y y ?-■ .- a.-t
| 1 speak now with an entire exclusion of
j my petsona] relation to the subject, and as if
j another had occupied the post which it had
j been your pleasure to assign to me, when 1
1 say that wo have committed an error. Un
j doubledly the events of the past week have
| exercised, and are exercising an unhappy in
i fluence on the present harmony, and future
! prospects of'the Whig party of Georgia, ft
would be unwise to repress the acknowledg
j ment of this fact. True wisdom requires that
i we should look our difficulties in the face, and
j provide a remedy for them. It is true of the
! movements of a political party, as it is of the
| conduct of an army on tne battle field, that it is
I dangerous to change its front, in the presence
of an active, vililant, and powerful adversary.
And what possible motive had we-—what mo
tive which could it'd ence those paftiilic
Whigs, who heretofore, in the face ol difficul
ties, before which stout heaits might have
quailed, had gallantly and unitedly struggled
for the maintenance of those great conservative
principles which bind ns to each other—what
motive had we to perform this evolution? We
had just come from the exciting conflict of the
recent canvass in ourSiate. Elsewhere, through
j out the United States, tlie unexpected defeat
i which the Whig parly of the Union had sus
mined in the last Presidential election, had ex
cited terror and dismay. Looking to its result,
and to the means as they were from time to
time developed, by which that result bad been
produced, men stood aghast at r fie contempla
tion of the utter inefficiency of the elective
franchise, to secure the genuine expression of
the will of the American people, in the election
o! their Chief Magistrate. Here in Georgia,
we felt that it had been trampled on—but in
dignation, not fear, was the r suit of that con
viction. Mere, undismayed by defeat, it was
the high resolve of the patriot Whigs of Geor
gia to wic-t victory from Hie conquerors in the
moment of (heir triumph ; and clear heads and
stout hearts, and strong amis, and common
counsels, and united efforts, bad achieved the
lofty purpose. Thebauner of the Whig parly
was borne proudly amid the perils of that
exciting conflict, and with all its high con
servative principles broadly inscribed upon
it. waved in triumph over the patriot chief,
who had led us on to victory. AI suck a
crisis, vkal iros our duly? Undoubtedly it
was to t avc renewed our vows of fideli
ty to our common country ; to have re-affirmed
by a new at.d rnon solemn pledge, our devo
tion to those principles, for which as a party
we had contended ; and drawing closer the
bond of union among ourselves, with a firm
reliance on the intelligence and patriotism of
the people of Georgia, and an humble but tin
waveting trust in the mercy of Heaven, to have
stood up, manfully to have stood up, to the
great work which i; was allotted to us to perform,
to the redemption of our noble State from that
misrule which, in the name o( Democracy,
was wasting her resources, paralizing her en
ergies, and demoraliz ng her people. What is
non- our duty? “ Hear me for my cause!” for
the cause of our common country—it is tor
that country I invoke your attention, ft is our
duty instantly to regain the proud eminence on
which v.e.stood—to “hangout our banners on
the outward wall”—at once to put ourselves in
position in front of our opponents, and with
stout hearts, and in serried ranks, to bid defiance
to their assaults. Are there any among us who
believe that it is mote expedient to tepress, or
to modify, than thus frankly and fully to ex
press our opinions or. the great questions of
public policy lor which we are contending ?
Be this our answer. The argument which
produces conviction, is that which results from
the conviction honestly avowed, of him who
urges it The opinion which finds acceptance
with a patriotic and intelligent people, is that
which is frankly, fully, if you will, boldly and
fearlessly proclaimed by him who professes it.
Shall we be told that there is danger in this
counsel? and because danger is an element of
gieat achievement, shall we shrink from the
performance of the high duty which is allotted
totis? Will this re-union of heart and hand,
of counsel and of effort, require a sacrifice of
individual prejudices, and of individual par
tialities—an oblivion of individual griefs? 1
am a man, with all the feelings, and with all
the fraililies of ot r common nature, 1 have
something, as much as any other, to yield on
this occasion; but you. Gentlemen, have led
the way —you have given an example of mag
nanimit}'- to-day, and 1 may not counsel, what I
will not do. Here then, on our own party
altar, around which thousands of Georgia’s
patriot sons have heretofore offered an undi
vided homage—her- and now, I offer an un
reserved surrender of every feeling, which may
disturb the harmony, or impede the progress,
or impairthe efficiency of the band of patriots
who shall rally under our glorious banner. —
Within the broad limits of our noble Mate, is
there a Whig, worthy of that name, which the
blood of our fathers has rendered sacred;
worthy to share the peiiisand the triumphs of
their sons, who will not go anddc likewise ?
But come we to consider what is that danger,
which it is the policy of our opponents to mag
nify, and which we now know has been whis
pered among ourselves? What is the danger
which is apprehended from she frank avowal,
the unwavering support before an intelligent
and patriotic people, of those gfeac conserva
tive principles, for which the Whigs of Geor
gia have hitherto contended ? I speak to-night
loan assembly composed chiefly of the Wfffg
members of our legislative body, but without
doubt, in the presence also of manv of onr in
telligent opponents, prompt to understand, and
zealous to profit by the knowledge of our coun
sels. Be it so. It is the glory of the party
under whose banner we tally, that it seeks no
concealment. The tie which unites us, is
drawn closer by the conviction of the integrity
of our principles, W»* rejoice in the assurance,
that pursuing hot es' purposes, by honest means,
we can take counsel together, not merely in
the face of our opponents, but humbly as be
comes ns, yet with an abiding confidence in the
rectitude ol our intentions, even before high
Heaven. What then is this danger? You
can scan it in all its varied aspects—you can
survey it in its whole extent, by recalling to
your recollection the denunciation by our oppo
nents during the past summer, of my public
conduct. It f can rescue that from their grasp,
they will stand before their countrymen, as the,
promoters of a false and unfounded clamour
against me, against you, against the Whig
party of Georgia.
Let us come then to its consideration. On
all the other questions which divide the two
great political parties in Georgia, two only ex
cepted, there was during the recent canvass, an
apparent truce. Hereafter, the strife maybe
renewed —but for the time, and except in rela
tion to these, partizan presses and demagogue
Politicians were silent. TEXAS and the
TARIFF, these were the themes to which they
had recourse to excite the people of Georgia—
to divert them from the consideration ol their
own domestic interests —to connect the appro
priate issue ol the recent canvass, with those
which belong.-1 exclusively to that which pre
ceded it, and thus t<> cover an operation, by
which they hoped to secure to themselves,
‘ the spoils of victory.” 1 mistake. There
was another, suggested by desperation, and
adoption in fatuity. Southern men had the lolly
1 f to accuse Southern men of giving countenance
{ ! to ABOLf 1 ION, Ol these charges in theit
I i order:—
[ !
Texas.- -I voted against the resolution, bv
, which it was proposed to incorporate the Stare
of Texas in this Union. In doing so, I ex
a . pressed the almost unanimous conviction <»i
I those who had confided to me the ttust which
I I was called upon to execute. In mv own de
' 1 libeiate judgment, that resolution was an open,
I j palpable violation of she Cons'Hull on, ie.it rh ]
i had sworn tu support. I placed mv vote on the
, j ground of fealty to that sacred charter, and I
; | said to the American Senate: “On such a
’ ! question, the duties and the responsibilities of
- i each individual man give the rule of his con
‘ | duct, it is to be found in communion with
' , God and his own conscience.” I abandoned
the question of expediency, to those who felt
[ | themselves at liberty to discuss it. i did not
: j consider that this was my privilege, i sail,
“ it is not expedient for me to do, what in my
j | judgment, the Constitution fmbids.” J referred
| to the expression at a preceding session, ot my
_ views in relation to the expediency olffkis
measure, but 1 added that i would “chcWpfa*
yield them to the wishes of rny constituents,
c which i would have taken care to ascertain; if
the resolution on which we were acting hail
been compatible with the Constitution”—and
■ I added: “Georgia, Sir, is my home, as it was
* j that of him from whom I derived my being—
-1 | as it is, and will be, the home of my children.
, | Humanly speaking, it is tire boundary ol my
f -1 hopes, and of my wishes—and whether for
weal, or for wo, 1 am content to share the lot
of her people. As a Senator of the State of
1 Georgia, therefore, on a question of expediency,
the wishes of her people, are my wishes—
’ when made known to me, thev are the rule of
my conuuct.”
Here is the published declaration of my views
, opinions, the recorded evidence of my con
s duct, on ihis momentous and agitating question.
\ . I know that they met the approbation ol my po-
I li’.ical associates at home, from the many and
j cheering evidences of their approval, which
j were transmitted to me; while even among my
’ j opponents, there were those who looked with
1 | dismay, on the inroad which had thus been
; made on the Constitution of the Union.
Whence then this denunciation, which an act
of treason to the Constitution, could alone have
averted? . et me tell you, gentlemen —ft is not
the condemnation of the past, but the apprehen
sion of the future which prompts it. Honest
men, though they may be political opponents,
would not require from me the commission of
perjury, even for the acquisition of Texas.
That act is not, therefore, the motive to tins de
nunciation ; it was the fear of the luture which
prompted it. The consummation of the union
of 'Texas, with this Confederate Republic, re
mains with the American Congress; and the
apprehension is, that this consummation may
be resisted under a continued sense of constitu
tional obligation. On this point, so far as lam
concerned, our opponents may dismiss their
fears. They have a se .rarity which, under a
change of circumstances, they could not give to
us, alike resulting from my sense of the consti
tutional power, and duty, of an American Sen
ator. The opinion which 1 am now about to
state, has been heretofore expressed on the floor
ol the Senate, on anr. her occasion, in combating
the doctrine then advanced by a member of that
body. It is still my opinion, and must therefore
guide tr.y conduct, if called to act upon this
question, in all open questions, where no pre
vious legislation embarrasses his action, a mem
ber of Congress is not only permitted, but bound
to decide lb’ himself, how far the proposed
measure conforms to, or violates, the Constitu
tion ol the United Stales. When, however, an
act has received the concurring sanction of both
branches of the National Legislature, and has
been approved by the President, it acquires the
authority of law. and it devolves upon another
. depaitmentof the Government, to decide the
question ot its constitutionality. So long as it
remains on the statue hook, sustained by these
sanctions, and not annulled by such decision, it
. is obligatory upon legislators, as well as citizens.
I will exemplify this opinion. If I believed, as
some of our opponents do, that Congress had no
constitutional power to establish a Bank, and
acting on this belief, had voted against its char
ter, 1 should not cor sider myself authorised to
refuse, by a subsequent act of legislation, to pro
vide for the punishment of offences against the
corporation, un the gronnd that its charter was,
in my individual judgment, unconstitutional.
That question would belong to the Judicial de
partment. I presume that this must have been
Mr. Jefferson’s view, when he approved an act
establishing a branch of that corporation, the
constitutional validity of whose chatter he had
denied.
In the consummation of their wishes for the
annexation of Texas, I have said that its advo
cates have a security which, under a change of
circumstances, they could not give !o us. With
them the maxim is, that each public agent is to
obev the Constitution as he understands it—a
maxim signally illustrated in the House of Rep
resentatives of the United States, when in de
fiance of the act lor the Apportionment of Repre
sentatives. they admitted to seats on that floor
persons who had been elected in utter disregard
of its provisions. I admit the truth ot the
aphorism, that it is lawful to be taught by an
enemy, but that lesson I am not willing to learn.
On the question of expediency, my opinion
as it was stated in the Senate, remains un
changed. I did not doubt, that some of our peo
ple, abandoning the worn out fields of Georgia,
might derive an immediate profit, from the cul
tivation of the rich and virgin soil of Texas—
but I love Georgia better than Texas, and I felt
that f was bound to consult the welfare of her
collective people, rather than that of those who,
influenced by the thirst ofgain. would abandon
their native land, and the homes of their fathers,
leaving it in comparative desolation, with the
resources which it had given them to build up
and enrich another Stale. I did not realize the
truth of the proposition that the annexation of
Texas was necessary to the conservation of our
peculiar domestic institutions. My personal
observation had assured me, that the danger
with which these were said to he menaced, had
been magnified by demagogues, and my own
view was, and is, and is unchangeably, when
ever that danger shall really exist, that the safer,
as well as the loftier course for Southern men
to pursue, is to cut at once the cord which binds
us to fanatics, and to meet as open enemies,
rather than as confederate states, those who
would seek thus insolently to interfere with a
subject, which belonged to us, and to us alone,
and exclusively, to regulate.
I could not doubt, since a portion of Texas,
from its soil and climate, was adap'ed to slave
labor, that lhe South by its admission, would ac
quitc an accession of strength, in the councils
ol the Union —but when I looked throughout the
conlederacy, and saw how many of our confed
erates were in the process ol change, from tin’
• condition ot slave to free Stales, and the utter
. impossibility that a converse change would oc
» eur in any single solitary instance, ! felt that
. this struggle for Southern preponderance in
r those councils, by superiority ol numbers, was
vain and idle—a war against the fate to which
■ our Union with the other vStates of the von fed-
I eracy had destined us, only to be compensated
\f i by the essential advantages which that Union
e securea to us —that it. might temporarily sub
r j serve the views of those whose lives ha J been
I spent in one long dream of elevation to the Pre
u | stdeucy of these Sia'es, but that it would not
e permanently promote the interests oflhe South
J feared too the influence of this precedent, and
. the overwhelming retribution which might be
t, brought upon us. when circumstances should
_ permit, and a majority of Congress should re
solve upon the annexation of States, resting on
j another border of our confederacy.
g No, Gentlemen, the strength of the South, in
j the councils ot the Union, does not depend, and
j Lie inevitable course of events, never will re
> suk from our numerical superiority, It can be
. produced only- by union among ourselves-by
j °nr own united counsels— by silencing the
1 clamor of demagogues—and by baffling the in
t t' ig'iers, who batten on the national crib, in ser
t v 'le obedience to those who feed them, anti ut
terly regardless of the interests of the State
i which protects them, ft can be produced bv this
i union. Labor and capital are antagonist pow
. ers. ft is the natural, unceasing object of the
5 fcrative to increase the wages of labor, of
f "kid' she result is a diminution of the profits of
capital. It is as naturally the object of the ca pi
{a!i<t to reduce the rate of wages, thus to lessen
1 fhc charges on the employment of capital, and
j increase its profits. Elsewhere, these aniago
-5] nist powers are tound in two different classes,
both of whom participate in the exercise of the
elective franchise, and their respective represen
, lives would often Is* found in opposition in
r the councils of the nation, if we ol the South
, had not compelled them to unite, by the war
j which vve have made, both upon labor and capi
tal. W ith us, in this portion of the confederacy,
’ a (liiffrcnt state ot tilings exists. Labor and
I capital are for the most part in the same hands,
anti all that is necessary to give us our due
. weight in the national councils, is that those who
wield them, looking to their own true interests,
should lie firm and united. 1 dismiss the sub
’ ject of the annexation o! Texas, therefore, with
I this brief remark, that the question of Constitu
, 'ional power which it involves, has been de
cided—that the faith of this nation stands pledged
, to the people of Texas, and that their faithful
i compliance with the terms which have been pro
posed by the United States, is ihe only remain
t ing to their admission into this
Union. And when that shall have been accom-
I pljshed in good faith, 1 bid them God speed,
with as sincere and hearty good will, as those
, who have most strenuously advocated the mea
sure, which 1 have as strenunuslv opposed.
[ (concluded to-morhow.]
' .l=s^s-||-yi«m I I j.-—E»-
#ljrontri£ ani Sentinel
AUGUSTA, Ga.
WEDNESDAY MORNING, NOV. 2G.
Mr. Berrien’s Address.
We present this morning the first part of the
, address of the Hon. J M. Berrien delivered at
a meeting cl Whigs in Miliedgeville, on the
evening alter his re-election to Ihe Senate, for
a copy of which, in advance of their regular
issue, we are indebted to the courtesy of the
Editors a! the Savannah Republican. We shall
conclude it to-morrow, and bespeak for it, in
advance, a careful and attentive perusal. U
the old adage be true, “that goo? wine needs
no bush,” this production ol the distinguished
Senator needs no heralding, to induce those who
feel an interest in the important subjects of
which it treats, to give to it their calm and dis
passionate consideration. Convinced that it
will command the respectful consideration ot
the reader, we submit it without comment,’’and
leave each and all to form their own conclu
sions of this able and powerful vindication of
one of Georgia’s most distinguished sons.
Things in Miliedgeville.
Correspondence of the Chronicle Sentinel.
Milledgeville, November 22, 1845.
The following is one of Mr. Jackson’s reso
lutions, which, by oversight, was not placed on
the Senate Journal of yesterday, from which I
I copied the resolution relating to the tariff, con
tained in ray last letter:
“ Resolved, That the interests, happiness and
honor of our country, require that the annexa
tion of Texas be consumated forthwith by such
congressional action as may remain to be done
for such object.”
In Senate, Mr. Calhoun introduced a bill to
incorporate the Ladies’Benevolent Society of
Columbus, and all other persons of the female
•sex. This isa most admirable stretch ofenlarged
liberality, if you emphasise the word “ all.”
The mover must be what you may call “a
whole souled fellow ” of the first water, and no-
J ]
body, after this, will presume to question his
title.
’Mong nli Hie birds that wing the air 1
Can't he lure one into his snares
More than once during the last summer I <
thought of suggesting that the name and style '
of the “Columbus Enquirer” be changed to the |
“ Ladies’ Souvenir.”
Mr. Miller introduced the following: A reso- 1
lution that the Secretary of Slate be directed to
complete his records. A bill to amend the 11th }
section 10th division of penal code by adding ]
“that any person playing at the games of three I
up, seven up, or any other game or games at |
cards,” be liable to the penalties named therein, j
A bill to recover debts, before due, by arrest of <
person in case of removal. A bill amending
the law in regard to affidavits of illegality, and j
for the release of insolvent debtors. A bill to <
amend the act in relation to the Middle Branch (
Railroad, authorizing the construction of a *
Branch Road from Atlanta to West Point.
Mr. Stoll, a resolution inquiring into the pre
sent alleged neglect ol public jirinting. Mr. t
Hardeman, a bill to amend the charter of Mon
roe Railroad. Mr. Ridley, to build a Railroad J
from West Point to LaGrange. Mr. Lewis, a
resolution instructing Committee on Penitenti
ary to report, on the propriety ot removing said
institution to Atlanta or some other appropriate
point. It would unquestionably enure to the
• interest ol the Slate to have the Penitentiary re
moved to some appropriate situation on one of
5 the great Railways, A ready market for the
i manufactures of convict labor is all that is re
’ quired to render the Penitentiary, under skilful
ii tmanagement, a permanent source ol revenue to
the State. The success of the present keeper,
during the past two years, conclusively proves
the correctness of my premises. The principal
objection which can be urged against its remo
val, is the loss of old buildings and the cost of
erecting new ones. At a point where building
stone is abundant, the cost of electing new
buildings by convict labor would be triflins,
when the permanent advantages of an available
market are considered. Itwcrebetter that the
bats and owls take peaceable jtossession of the
old building®, than that the Penitentiary should
remain at Miliedgeville under its present disad
vantages unless indeed, that aforesaid branch
Railroad from the Capital to the Central Road,
is to be completed, as it was (almost) begun, by
means of a “Ladies’ Pair.”
Mr. Jackson’s resolutions on Federal affairs
were made the special order of the day for next
Thursday week.
The bill for the extension of the Central Rail
road was again taken up. Mr. Jackson endea
vored to explain the justness of the distinction
between Railroad and Manufacturing Compa
nies, as far as related to the individual liability
ot stockholders. Mr. Chappell look the floor
for the purpose of vindicating the same distinc
tion. He stated that he would hold all those
“ petty manufacturing comjianies” liable ac
cording to the views of Mr. Stell, bat when such
views were applied to Railroads, they would he
destructive of the best interests of the country,
and fraught with palpable injustice to the stock
holders. Mr. Chappell’s speech was long, and
tedious, because of the reiterations in which it
abounded.
In vain may the orator study his attitudes,
cultivate the intonations of his voice, gild his
enunciation, and artistically polish the pronun
ciation of In’s words —in vain (had these been
his sole reliance) had Demosthenes himself
shaved half his pale and poured his eloquent
declamation to the heedless raging sea—in vain
may the modern imitator, having no conve
nient sea shore at hand, exercise his decla
matory powers to the tall pines and stern oaks
of his native woods—all this is vain—if be be
stinted o<’ihatsupereminent gift of God, plain,
practical, “horsesense,” all reliance on mere
artificial cultivation will bring nought, but
“ vanity and vexation of spirit.”
Mr. Wofford made a brief reply to Mr. Chap
pell. He began by saying, “ that he had not
been agin ihe bill until he had listened to the
gentleman’s sjieech, but now he mout be !” (A
laugh.) “ That he himself was no legal man
and every body here knew it”—(a general look
of acknowledgement) “but wished he was,”
Ac. —“ thought little fish ought to be protected
as well as big ones,” &c.
On motion of Mr. Kenan the bill was made
the special order of the day for Tuesday next.
Senate adjourned until Monday at 10 o’clock.
In House, a bill proposing to extend the ju
risdiction of Justices of the Peace to fifty dol
lars—lost.
A bill to exempt the Columbus Fire Compa
ny from militia and jury duty—passed, A bill
to exempt Professors, Presidents, and Teachers
of schools from the same butthens—lost. Mark
the distinction. O most enlightened, just and
wonderful House of Representatives! The
world will marvel at your astonishing discrimi
nation, and the historian ought to transmit yr»ur
distinguished” names to the latest posterity, :
Nay, perchance some modern Hogarth may I
spring forth from among the people, with a gra- j
phic pencil of delineating power in his hand, to \
paint the scene of your illustrious deliberations
on this occasion—to picture the majority in the
fore ground, with heads adorned with luxuriant
ears, such as would have relieved Midas of his
mortification and sent him to the barber to have
his hair trimmed!
A bill to amend the law of 1837 as to carrying
deadly weapons—passed—adding imprison
ment in jail to present penalties.
A hill requiring two lists of voters to be de
posited with Clerk of Court by superintendents
of elections—passed.
A bill requiring election returns to be made
up and consolidated by the hour of 4 o’clock on
the day after elections—passed.
The House adjourned till half past nine
o’clock on Monday. A.
From Texas. —Bv the arrival of the steam
ship McKim, Capt. Lewis, from Galveston, at
an early hour this morning, we are put in pos
session of dates to the 15th inst., the day of her
departure. As our paper was ready for press
when the news came to hand, we are unable to
furnish full particulars.
The Galveston Globe learns by a gentleman
from Fisher’s Colony, that three of the colo
nists, on their way to Austin, were attacked by
Indians and two of them killed—the third made
his escape. The same paper states that much
dissatisfaction prevails in the colony, on ac
count of the colonists not receiving the lands
promised them, and which induced them to
emigrate to the country.
The Civilian oflhe 15th says : —“ The public
dinner to Gen. Houston on Thursday was, both
in the number ofthose who attended, and the
comfort and appropriateness ofthe arrangements
decidedly the finest affair ot the kind which has
ever coma oft in this city.”
MARRIED-
At Hay Mount, near Fayetteville, N. C., on
the 12th instant, bv the Rev. James McDaniel,
Rev. John J. Brantly to Miss Della Ann,
eldest daughter of the late David Smith, Esq.,
of Fayetteville.
Fashionable depot.—The
subscriber has received at the Fashionable
Depot, (opposite the United States Hotel,) a
large and full assortment of—
Cloths, Cassimeres and Vestinss;
all of the finest fabric, and best quality—-which
will be made to orderin a superior and fashionable
style. Also on hand, a splendid variety of
Scarfs, Cravats, l*ocket Hdkfs, Stocks,
Collars, Suspenders, Gloves, Hosiery,
Shirts, Merino Undershirts and Drawers,
all of which will be sold cheap.
9 22 * J. A. VAN WINKLE.
LATEST FROM ENGLAiN It,
STEAMSHIP HIBERNIA.
Thirteen days Later from Europe*
VERY IMPORTANT NEWS.
Alarming Revulsion in the Railroad Mania
—Dread <;f Famine throughout Great
Britain—Panic of the Governments
Markets—Condition ot Ireland—France
—The Resignation of MarshalSoult, &c.
The steamship Britannia arrived at Boston
on Thursday afternoon, having lett Liverpool
on the 4th inst. The London dates are to the
3d, and Paris to the Ist inst.
The Crops In Great Britain.
I he condition of the public mind in England,
grow ing out of the failure of the crops, may be
inferred from the annexed article, copied from
the Liverpool Times of the 4th instant:
Famine Expected in England. —Hitherto, the
cycle ot the seasons has befriended Sir Robert
Peel. Pour good harvests in succession have
filled his exchequer—filled the stomachs ot the
lieges—made the nation prosperous—the people
contented. Alas! the scene is changed—the
evil day has come upon him, and has found
him unprepared to lace it. Famine—gaunt,
horrible, destroying famine—seems impending.
Fears have seized the public mind. In Ireland
things look appalling—in England gloomy.
The granaries of the continent are exhausted.
The corn fields of the Vistula, the Danube, and
the Elbe, are barely sufficient lor the local
wants of the inhabitsnts. The nation is in com
motion, and the cry of “ Open the ports and let
in corn, duty free!” is heard, on all sides, rever
berated f rom every part of the empire. The
“ pressure from without” has made itself heard
in Downing-street, and faith in the sliding scale
—Peel’s sliding scale—is gone forever, A thud
of the potato crop in Ireland is destroyed.
The Government has sent scientific profes
sors to the scene of the mischief, and the awful
truth is out that this large portion of the people’s
food—the e-culent that Cobbett abhorred—is
unfit for use. What is to be done in this terri
ble, this uniooked for emergency ? “Open the
ports!” is the exclamation; and there stands the
shivering Premier, like a reed in the wind, pa
ralysed between affection for his sliding scale
and the horrors of public famine. There he
is, balancing the pros and cons. But necessity
is superior to consistency,superior even to law.
The ports must be opened. O’Connell, who
assumes to be the tribune of the Irish people,
goes beyond this. He demands a grant of pub
lic money to the extent of a million and a half,
to he expended in the purchase of food—he
calls lor a tax of fifty per cent on the absentees,
1 and a tax of ten per cent on the residents---he
! asks for the prohibition of corn and provisions
■! leaving the island, and the prevention of distil
; leries consuming grain. Large demands these
] —will they he conceded? A day or two will
i solve the question ; and in the meantime specu
* lation will find a wide margin for the exercise
of its ingenuity.
The sliding scale—that cunning scheme to
make food artificially dear --is in the crisis of
iis fate. Swept away now, as it will be, its re
imposilion, with the views which thepublicen
le Plain, (and which conservative and even agri
eu Itural members have tardily adopted,) will be
found impossible. It is gone forever. In fu
ture years a small fixed duty may be imposed™
the sliding scale never. Everything proclaims
the speedy .extinction of the sliding scale—the
tone of the government organs, the language of
the professed supporters ot the ministry, the
feeling in the public mind It has long been
seen and foretold that the first season of scarci
ty would fix its doom. So it has. Peel is a
good actor; his “ shivering' 1 is probably stimu
lated, not real. Placed between cross fires, ex
! posed on his flank and his rear, it is necessary
j that he should play his part so as not to appear
to give a triumph to either party. This he has
j done, this he is doing.
The failure of the potato crop becomes more
j and more disastrous, and in Ireland especially
j it will cause a general and distressing misery!
j It will be seen that so pressing has the necessity
for a remedy, and a supply of other food be
come, that Cabinet Councils have been held, at
which, the proposition of opening the ports of
.'he kingdom for the admission of bread-stuffs,
duty free, has been discussed, and it is very pro
bable that it will be carried into effect.
Trade, in the manufacturing districts, is pros
trated. In Liverpool the Cotton market was
quiet. American cottons had not varied es
sentially in price. In American provisions
there were no important changes. Dealers
were wailing the action of the government upon
the duties. In American wool, however, there
were some buyers and the trade was apparently
improving.
From Wilma * if- Smith’s European Times , Nov A.
Commercial nummary.
Provisions. —The American Provision trade
presents no very striking feature. Os Beef
there is only a limited quantity in the market,
and holders appear anxious to dispose of the
stock on hand before the arrival of the new.
Pork is dull, notwithstanding the small supply
in the hands of the trade; this result is mainly
attributable to the unhappy state of matters in
Ireland, where the farmers have been compelled
to force their slocks to a sale. There has been
some Cheese brought to the hammer of a pub
lic sale, but only one half ofthe quantity offered
found purchasers, and that at a reduction ot 3s,
percwt. The market is bare of Lard, and the
price is high, owing to the state of the Butter
market. The wool of the United Stales con
tinues to find customers in England, this branch
of trade is improving; indeed, there appears to
be no bounds to the consumption of an article
which never, until recently, formed an article of
exportation from America.
Flour and Grain. —The Corn market con
tinues to rise, and the averages to decrease a
little: but the “jump” in the scale by no means
indicates the actual price which good Wheat
realizes. The quantity of indifferent or bad
grain which is thrown upon the nqarket keeps
up the averages —if such a misnomer can be ap
plied to a scheme which very unfairly represents
the actual price ofthe article. The opening of the
ports is a question so important in itself, not
on).! as it affects the corn trade, but what is of
far Weater consequence, as it affects the geneial
interest of the country, that it absorbs every
other topic of the present moment. A morning
paper stated a day or two back, that a treasury
order bad been transmitted to, and received at,
the Dublin Custom House, admitting grain
free of duty. This statement turns out to be
incorrect, but it was generally believed—a proof
ot the public mind being prepared for such a
step on the part of the Government. An eve
ning paper has published a statement to the
effect that Wheat and other descriptions of Corn,
are to be admitted immediately, at a low figure:
[concluded on last page.)