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J. W. &W. S. JONES. AUGUSTA, GA„ THURSDAY MORNING, DECEMBER 18,184 b. VOL. IX—NO. 151
v£l)romclc tmb oenlinel. !
AIJ GUSTA. G a
WEDNESDAY MORNING, DEG. 17, iB4O.
Things in Mllie»lgevllie.
Correspondence of the Chronicle «f. S- .dim'.
Millepoevu.lp, December 13.
In Senate, Mr. Murphy, of the rommiitee
on internal Improvement, presented an able and
friendly report on the Western and Atlantic
Railroad.
Air. Wofford, as Chau man of the joint com
mittee of twenty, presented the report ot the ma
jority on the Penitentiary. This report speaks j
. fan error of SIOO, made hy4he Principal Keep- i
er, against himself, in his last annual report; j
with this exception, the committee entirely agree j
with the Principal Keeper—commend in the !
highest terms the general management of the 1
Institution, especially the remarkable improve- j
mem in thecondition and disposition of the con
victs—and recommend, in consideration of their
arduous and responsible duties, that the Princi
pal Keeper’s salary be raised from SI6OO, to
S2OOO. and the deputy Keepers Rom SBOO to
SIOOO.
Mr. Wofford, on the part of the minority,
■onsisting ol Messrs. Wofford, Marlin, Greene,
Born, McGregor and Dot many, presented a
counter report; Mr, Gaulding, ol Pike, and
olher Democrats on the committee, did not go
with the minority. As well as I could hear the I
reading of this document by the Secretary. I un
derstand it to state—that reports of the Peniten
tiary representing its labor as profitable to the
State are false and delusive; that the boohs of
the Institution are neatly and correctly kept; and,
in the next breath, that there Is a mistake of
about $30,000 somewhere!!
A document bearing on its lace such palpa
ble contradictions, will no doubt meet with the
estimation to which it is entitled by a discrimi
nating public, ft is a lamentable, but incon
trovertible fact, that there is a numerous class
of politicians,—composed of every grade, from
high intelligence to stupid ignorance.—who,
in the discharge of their public duties, are go
verned by a blind and zealous devotion to ■parly,
as a principle, leaving the good of their country
out of sight, as a mere incident, to take care ot
I itself—nay, are unwilling to discriminate in fa
tor of the country within the minimum of their
established theory; this class of politicians do
not enter upon the investigation ol any subject,
having a connection with party politics, as in
quirers after truth, as men under the most im
posing obligations to render even-handed justice
to parties alike, to the country, to individuals,
and to all concerned ; but they apply them
elvesto their allotted task with a. pre-determi
nation to be dissatisfied; to search for loops on
which to hang doubts, fasten suspicions and
build accusations. And where is the work ot
human hands in which ingenuity aided by pre
judice or malice may not accomplish --neb a
purpose ?
As these remarks are designed to have a spe
cial as well as general application, 1 will advert i
to an incident that occurred at one of the sit
tings of the committee above referred to. it
was proposed, for the purpose of readily and ful
ly explaining some of the more difficult details
connected with the Penileniiary, that Mr. Red
ding (whose high moral worth, integrity" and
inteiigence it is net necessary for me to herald
10 the world,) be requested m come befoie the
comrnihee. This sensible and reasonable pro
position was objected to by Ale-st -, Wofford
I and Martin only—the latter petulantly remark- j
mg (as stated by one of the committee) that Mr. j
Redding; had better be. added to the. committee >
There are other incidents in the progress of i
the committee which, alibis time, I will with- j
|
hold. The majority and minority reports (200 i
copies ot each) were ordered to he printed. j
The Middle Branch Railroad bil', after con-;
-iiierable debate, was made the special order for |
Tuesday next —yeas 23, nays 17 —ami the ;
| speechifying will then have to be repeated pro- j
hably. ” !
A communication was read from the Direc- j
| ‘ tors of the Central Bank, in compliance with :
Mr. Calhoun’s resolutions concerning the Bank !
ol Darien, and referred to Mc«is. Calhoun, j
Wofford and Crawford, as a select committee.
Mr. Calhoun’s bill to incorporate Messrs. i
J. If. Howard, F. Carter and others, as a Wa
ler Lot Company in Columbus, was passed,;
altera rejection of Air. Stell’.s amendment.
A bill war passed, making it a penal offence |
for owners of slaves to permit them (o seek or :
1* e|pr( their own employments.
Adjourned till 3 o’clock.
In Senate, this afternoon, ascetic look place !
almost as ridiculous as it was disgraceful. Mr. i
Hacked, (who avows ids deterrninati m to 1
break up at ernoon sessions, &c..) combined i
with Mr. Chastain in offering a I"-
iniclinp our Senators in Congress. Ate., to have
a turnpike road made through the county ol Ra
bun or Union. These gentlemen, undoubtedly,
had been very lately experimenting upon cer-
Itrdn “effectson the conscience,” “ vivid flashes”
.Mid "efflorescences,” so shrewdly and eloquently
-et forth by Dv. Cooper, in his lecture on intem
perance ; but they seemed totally ibigetful ot
certain admonitions ot the divine Ecksiastes.
that “to everything there is a season”—“a
1 1tne to keep silence and a lime to speak, &c.
Air. Chastain, who has hitherto appeared to
a steady and unobtrusive member, evinced
:i determination to get up a rousement by falling
kiulofMr. Berrien—he even stated that nobo
|a l ‘y had ever heard of a Senator refusing to be
I ‘ n strucled, &e. ( before Air. B. had done so—de-
I bounced Mr, B. in what he no doubt designed as
I v «ry “ siragorous” terms —yes, yes, “the little
I *'°y kicked at the Moon !” To borrow an idea
’; ■ itOIQ Air. Pettigru, “it really beat fa-a roe !”
vr—-------r - --r 7-■z-g-.’^SLgarsa:r.#.. w, pjaagi
J When Air. Chastain stopped, perhaps from
| weariness, the question on striking out the word
! irtsfrvcling and insetting requested, was taken —
yeas 30. navs 3ft, Here the last vestige of Whig
gery, (left alone in hi bean amidst Ore wreck j
of his change 1 like the departing glory of the
setting sun, illumined the dark countenance of
(he President,- who ptomptlv and manfully
voted to. strike out.
Mr. Harken then moved to strike out Sena
tors and insert “ lion. Walter T. Colquitt.”
Mr. ( hastain again tried the forceof his lungs—
evince ! little more respect for Noah Webster
than the Sinn!or himself, and less, if possible,
i for Lindlev Murray, and still less for true legis
|ln live decorum. Mr. Chastain having once
I move taken his seat, .Messrs. Craw lord and
S Miller, at the same instant, popped the previous
! question. The Democrats refused to sustain
I it !>}' a parly rote, and tire subject sleeps for a
i day. 1 trust The constituents of these gentle
men, and the “hack bone” of the country gen
eral!}, will deliberate upon the character of i
these proceedings. Every day wasted in the
present Legislature costs the tax payers Seven
hundred dollars!
It being late in the evening, the Senate ad
journed.
In House, the day was consumed in discus
sing the tax bill. After numerous amendments
had been debated, rejected or received, and
the bill gone through with, Mr. Sanford of
Greene, proposed the existing tax law as a sub
stitute. Mr. Jackson offered an amendment to
reduce the taxes 25 per cent, from the last two
years. Messrs. Ware, of Madison, and Bird,
’ ’ ’
Whigs, voted for the amendment; three Demo
crats; Alessrs. Anderson, Ward, and Strong,
voted against it- -nays 66, yeas 53.
Air. Hull charged Mr. Jackson with an open
attempt to embarrass the government. Air.
Jenkins also seriously deprecated the course
pursued by that gentleman. I will heie add that
the existing tax law, apait from its being most
onerously unequal in its burthens, will not
raise a sufficient sum by about $30,000.
Air. Hull offered an amendment requiring tax
receivers to make their returns before the Ist
ol July in each year, &c., which was agreed
to—yeas 59, nays 56. The bill was then pass
ed—yeas 65, najes 53.
in Senate an ad valorem bill will be offered
byway of an amendment, and we shall then see
what we shall see. ft is just and equitable in
principle and practice, and every tuan who has
a clear and well poised sense of right will stand
up to it. A.
A For«f.ry.—The public mind in New-Orleans
ha r been for some days excited by reports preju
dicial to the character of the Hon, Rice Garland,
A seriate Justice of ihe Supreme Court of Louisi
ana, For two successive days, on his corning into
Court-, his associates retired from the bench, re
fusing to "it with him, whereupon he addressed
the bar and those assembled iu Court, asserting his
innorendfe and avowing his readiness to enter into
an investigation. Accordingly a preliminary in
vestirstion was entered upon before Judge Maurian
of the Parish Court , the result of which we find in
the New-Orleans papers of the 11 th insl:
G. K. Smith, broker, stated that on the 22d of
October last, Major J. A. Beard delivered to depo
nent a note, dated the Sth of that month, payable
to and endorsed by Rice Garland for the sum of
‘'6,250, at \2 months, which deponent promised to
discour i and pay the proceeds next morning at 10
o’clock. The note was signed in the name es Mr.
McDonough, which was familiar to him. Depo
nent observed to Major Beard at the time he de
livered the note, that it was disfigured and some
what, broken, irom the bad quality of the paper
and printing. Major B. said he had made the
same observation, and was informed by Judge
Garland that lie had dropped it in the gutter where
there was time. The note was discounted at Bper
| cent, premium, ebatging a brokerage of I per
j cent, and paid the proceeds next morning, by a
i check, to the order of Mr. J. A. Beard. Mr. Mc-
I Doncugh passed the office of the deponent some
| hours after, when the latter told the former that
Ihe had the note in question. Mr. McDonough said
| that im had no note out of that amount, and asked
| to see it. Deponent told him it was his signature,
j and Mr. McDonough said it looked like it, but did
’ not acknowledge it, and repudiated the payment
iof it. Deponent went to Messrs. Beard, Calhoun
| & Co., who stated they had paid the proceeds of
; the note to Judge Garland, after deducting what
Ihe owed them, and showed the receipt. On speak
: ing to Judge Garland on the subject shortly after,
i he stated that the note was a genuine one,and that
i I should be satisfied if I would go over the river
I with him to Mr. McDonough’s. Deponent did not
| go, but Mr. J. R. Beard did. Mr. McDonough
: called on the deponent next day, and the business
was seUled by Mr. McDonough giving deponent a
rote for $2,802 63 cents, which the latter had dis
counted at 8 percent premium. Judge Garland had
i previously paid deponent tire balance, and the
oiigiual note was returned to Mr. McDonough.—
The latter stated tiiat the affair was entirely be
tween him and the Judge ; that he had given the
| Judge a blank piece of paper, with his name, to be
filled up for the purchase of some negroes,hut that
it had been tilled up lor more than the sum intend
ed meaning that it was a breach of confidence.
; Mr. McDonough next gave his deposition, and I
1 confirmed what Mr. Smith had said o the original
• ;otc. lie said he was quite astonished on seeing
| the note ; tha. the signature was lib, but that he
i knew nothing of the body of it. He had been in
i the habit of sending presents lo Judge Garland,
i with notes,and oue of these notes had been used
| by Ihe Judge for the purpose of making the notejin
i question. That the words of the letter must have
j been obliterated by some chemical process, and the
I Marik tilled up with Ihe promise to pay, and figures,
i He told Mr. Smith to get his money as •soon as he
j could 'flic deponent then returned home, and at
; 4 o’clock, P. M., Judge Garland presented himself
at his house, begging him to save him and the honor
of his children He was touched, and went next
day, took up the note, and gave another fur the
s2,'■CO, the balance having been replaced by Judge
Garland.
This is about lire substance of the evidence given
befo-c the examining court. We might make many
columns of the testimony, but the lyhojc affair is so
painful in its character, so desolating in its effects
upon the reputation, of the party suspected, and so
ghastly in its details, that we forbear to enter upon
them. There was sonic little contrariety in the
evidence, and undoubtedly there has been pre
varication on the part of Mi. McDonough—perhaps
it was a desire on his part (o save the Judge from
the consequences ol his guilt that induced him to
give different versions ot the same transaction —
but the effect of the whol? testimony was suclr as
to leave no question on the mind of any one pre
sent that a grave and heinous crime had been com
mitted.
About the time the court commenced its session.!
Judge Garland attempted to commit suicide by
jumping off the steamboat Sultan into the river.—
He was rescued by Capt. Wilson of the steamer
F. M. Streck, before drowning, and after a second
time endeavoring to take his life was carried home
in a state of great exhaustion. A more terrible
| r-uibution never yet overtook an offender against
the laws of the land. Himself a high priest of the
law, he has fallen under its dreadful denunciations.
The court adjourned at a late hour. Its decision
has not transpired, but it was generally understood
that a writ was issued against Judge Garland for
forgery.
Report of the Secretary of the Treasury#
[continued.]
At least two-thirds of the taxes imposed by
the present tariff are paid, not into the treasury,
but lo the protected classes. The revenue from
imports last year exceeded twenty-seven mil
lions ol dollars. This, in itself, is a heavy tax;
but the whole tax imposed upon the people by
the present tariff is not less than eighty-one mil
lions of dollars —of which twentj'-seven mil
lions are paia to the government upon the im
ports, and fifty-four millions to the protected
classes, in enhanced prices of similar "domestic
articles.
1 his estimate is based upon the position that
the duty is added to the price of the import, and
also of its domestic rival. If the import is en
hanced in price by the duty, so must be the do
mestic rival; lor, being like articles, their price
must be the same in the same market. The
merchant advances in cash the duly on the im
port, and adds the duty, with a profit upon it,
and other charges, lo the price—which must
therefore be enhanced to that extent; unless the
foreign producer had first deducted the duty
Irom the price. But this is impossible; for
such now is, and long has been, the superabun
dance of capital and active competition in Eu
rope, that a profit of six per cent, in aaj r busi
ness is sufficient to produce large investments
of money in that business; and if, by our tariff’,
a duly ot 40 per cent, be exacted on the nroducts
of such business and the foreign producer de
ducts that duty from his previous price, he must
sustain a heavy loss. This loss would also
soon extend beyond the sales for our consump
tion to sales to our merchants of articles, to be
re-exported by them from our ports with a
draw-back ol duty, which would bring down
their price throughout the markets of the world.
But this the foreign producer cannot afford.
The duty, therefore, must be added to the price,
and paid by the consumer—the duty constitu
ting as much a part ol the price, as the cost of
production.
If it be true that, when a duty of forty per
cent, is imposed by our tariff, the foreign pro
ducer first deducts the duly from the previous
price on the sale to our merchant, it must be
equally true with a duty of one hundred per
cent., whieft is exactly equal to th.e previous
price, and, when deducted, would reduce the
price to nothing.
The occasional fall in price of some articles
after a tariff' is no prool that this was the effect
of the tariff’; because, from improved ma
chinery, diminished prices ol the raw material,
or other causes, prices may fall even after a
tariff’, but they would in such cases have fallen
much more but for the tariff. The truest com
parison is between the present price of the same
article at home and abroad; and to the extent
that the price is lower in the foreign market
than in our own, Ihe duty if equal lo that dif
ference, must to that extent enhance ihe price,
and in the same ratio with the lower duty.
The difference in price at home and abroad is
generally about equal to the difference in the
cost of production, and presents, in a series of
years, the surest measure of the effect of the
duty—the enhancement in the price beingcqual
to that difference, if (he duty be higher than that
difference or equal to it, or if the duty be lower,
then the enhancement is equal to the duty; and
if the article is produced, like cotion, more
cheaply here than abroad, the duty is inopera
tive. The great argument for the tariff is, that
foreign labor being cheaper than our own, the
cost of foreign production, it is said, is lessened
to that, extent; and that we must make up this
difference by an equivalent duty, and a corres
ponding enhancement in price, in our own
market, both ot the foreign article and of its
rival domestic product—thus rendering theduty
a tax on all consumers, for the benefit of the
protected classes, ft the Alarshal were sent
by the federal government to collect a direct tax
upon the whole people, to be paid over to man
ufacturing capitalists, to enable them to sustain
their business, or realize a larger profit, it would
be the sane in effect as the protective duty,
which when analyzed in its simplest elements,
and reduced to actual results, is a mere subtrac
tion of so much money from the people, to in
crease the revenue of tite protected classes.
Legislation for classes is against the doctrine of
equal rights, and repugnant lo the spirit ol our
free institutions, and, it is apprehended by
many, may become but another form for pri
vileged orders, under the name of protection,
instead of privilege—indicated here not by rank
er title, but by profits and dividends extracted
rom the many, by taxes upon them, for the
benefit of the tew. No prejudice is fell by the
Secretary of the Treasury against manufactu
rers. His opposition is lo the protective sys
tem, and not to classes or individuals. He
doubts not that Ihe manufacturers are sincerely
persuaded that the system which is a source of
so much profit to them, L beneficial also to the
country. He entertainsa contrary opinion, and
claims lor the opponents of the system a set
tled conviction ot its injurious effects. Whilst
a due regard to the just and equal rights of all
classes forbids a discrimination in favor of the
manufacturers, by duties above the lowest re
venue limit, no disposition is fell to discrimi
na e against them by reducing such duties as
operate in their favor below that standard.
Under revenue duties, it is believed, they would
I still receive a reasonable profit—equal to that
realized by those engaged in other pursuits;
and it is thought they should desire no more, at
least through the agency of governmental power.
Equal rights and profits, so far as laws are
made, best conform to the principles upon which
lire constitution was founded, and with an un
devtaling regard to which all its functions
should be exercised —looking lo the whole
country, and not lo classes or sections.
Soil, climate, and other causes, vary very
much, in different countries, the pursuits which
aic most profitable in each, and the prosperity
of all ol them will be best promoted by leaving
them, unrestricted by legislation, to exchange
with each other those fsbrjes and products
which they severally raise most cheaply. This
is clearly "illustrated bv the perfect free trade
which exists among all the States of the Union,
and by the acknowledged fact that any one ol
these Stales would be" injured by imposing
duties upon die products o| thp others. It is
generally conceded that reciprocal free trade
among nations would best advance the interest
of all. But it is contended that we must meet
the tariffs of other nations by countervailing
restrictions Thai duties upon our exports by
foreign nations qre prejudicial lo us, is conce
ded; but whilst this injury Is slightly iclt by
the rntnufaciuren, «ts weight falls almost ex
clusively upon agriculture, commerce, and
navigation. It Pose interests which sustain
the loss do not ask coqfiteryrilirjg restrictions,
it should not. be demanded by the manufactu-
rer 3 ) who do not feel the injury, and whose
; fabrics, in fact, are not excluded by the foreign
legislation ol which they complain. That
agriculture, commerce, and navigation are in
jured by loreign restrictions, constitutes no
reasen why they should be subjected to still
severer treatment, by additional restrictions and
countervailing tariffs enacted at home. Com-!
merce. agriculture, and navigation, harassed as i
they may be by foreign restrictions, diminish
ing the amount of exchangeable products which :
they could otherwise purchase abroad, are I
burdened wi’h heavier impositions at home. ■
Nor will augmented duties here lead to a re- 1
duction of foreign tariffs; but the reverse, by,
furnishing the protected classes there with the j
identical argument used by the protected classes 1
here against reduction. By countervailing
restrictions, we injure our own fellow-citizens
much more than the foreign nation at whom
we purpose lo aim their force; and, in the con
ftict ot opposing tariffs, we sacrifice our own
commerce, agriculture, and navigation. As
w’el! might we impose monarchical or aristo
cratic restrictions on our government or people,
because that is the course of foreign legisla
tion. Let our commerce be as free as our po
litical institutions. Let us, with revenue duties
only, open our ports to all the world, and na
tion alter nation will soon follow our example.
If we reduce our tariff’, the party opposed lo
the corn laws of England would soon prevail,
and admit all our agricultural products at all
times freely into her ports, in exchange lor her
exports. And if England would now repeal
her duties upon our wheat, flour, Indian corn. ;
and other agricultural products, our own re
strictive system would certainly be doomed to
overthrow. If the question is asked, ‘Who
shall begin this work of reciprocal reduction?
it is answered by the fact, that England has
already abated her duties upon most of our ex
ports. She has repealed the duty upon cotton,
and greatly reduced the tariff upon our bread
stuffs, provisions, and other articles: and her
present bad harvest, accompanied by a reduc
tion of our tariff, would lead to the repeal of
her com laws, aud the unrestricted admission, at
all times, of our agricultural products. The manu
facturing interest opposes reciprocal free trade
with foreign nations. It opposed the Zoll-Verein
treaty ; and it is feared that no other treaty produ
cing a reciprocal reduction of our own and loreign (
tariffs will receive its support. If that interest
preferred a reciprocal exchange of our own for
foreign fabrics at revenue dunce, it would uot have
desired a tariff operating, without exception, against
all nations that adopted low. as well as high
tariffs; nor would it have opposed every amend
ment proposing, when the tariff of 1842 was under
consideration, a reduction of our duties upon the
exports of such nations as would receive, free of
duty, our flour and other agricultural products. If
that interest desired reciprocal free trade with
ether nations, it would have desired a very differ-1
ent tariff from that of 1842. It would have
sought to confine the high duties to those cases
where the foreign importer would sell his imports
for cash only ; and admitted a drawback of one
half of the duty where American exports would
be taken abroad in exchange—not an actual
barter of foreign imports for an equal amount in
value of our products, but without any barter,
where a sum equal to the value of their exports
was used in purchasing here an equal amount in
value of any of our products ; and the shipment
made abroad of these products, upon the same
principle under which a drawback cf duties is
now allowed on the re-exportation of foreign im
ports.
This would be less simple, and is not recom
mended in lieu of that absolute reduction of the
duties, which will accomplish the same object
ot unrestricted exchange. But.such a provision
would be a self-executing reciprocity law, and
should be desired by those believing in counter
vailing tariffs against foreign nations, but in re
ciprocal free trade with all—thus enabling our
farmers and planters to seil their products (or
cheaper foreign manufactures, getting more for
what they sell, and paying less for what they
purchase in exchange. It seems strange, that
while the profit of agriculture varies from 1 to 8
per cent,, that of manufactures is more than
double. The reason is, that whilst the high du
ties secure nearly a monopoly of the home mar
ket to the manufacturer, the larmer and planter
are deprived to a great extent of the loreign
market by these duties. The farmer and planter
are, to a great extent, forbidden to buy in the
foreign market, and confined to the domestic ar
ticles enhanced in price by the duties. The
tariff is thus a double benefit to the manufactu
rer, and a double loss to the farmer and planter— j
a benefit to the former, in nearly a monopoly of
the home market, and in enhanced prices of
their labrics, and a loss to the latter, in the pay- ■
menlof those higl( prices, and in total or partial I
exclusion Irom the foreign market. The true I
question is, whether the farmer and planter I
shall, lo a great extent, supply our people with |
cheap manufactures, purchased abroad with
their agricultural products, or whether this ex- j
change shall be forbidden by high duties on such I
manufactures, and their supply thrown, as a !
monopoly, at large prices, by high tariffs, into j
the hands of our own manufacturers. The
number of manufacturing capitalists who de
rive the benefit from the heavy taxes extracted
by the tariff from twenty millions of people,
does not exceed ten thousand. The whole num
ber (including the working classes engaged in
our manufactures) deriving any benefit from
the tariff, does not exceed 400,000, ot whom not
more than 40,000 have been brought into this
pursuit by the last tariff. But this small num
ber of 40,000 would still have been in Ihe coun
try, consuming our agricultural products, and ]
in the attempt lo secure them as purchasers, so ,
small in number, and not consuming one half of
the supply oi many countries, the farmer and
planter are asked to sacrifice Ihe markets of the
world, containing a population of eight hundred
millions, disabled from purchasing our products
by our high duties on all they would sell in ex
change. The larmer and planter would have
the home market without a tariff, and they !
would have the foreign market also to a much |
greater extent, but for the total or partial prohi- [
bilion of the last tariff.
We have more fertile lands than any other na- j
lion, can raise a greater variety of products,]
and, it may be said, could feed and clothe the j
people of nearly all the world. The home mar
ket, of ilselr, is wholly inadequate for such pro- j
ducts. They must have the foreign market, or
a large surplus, accompanied by great depres- j
sioti in price, must be the result. The States ol j
Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, if cultivated to their
fullest extent, could, ol themselves, raise more
than sufficient food to supply the entire home
market. Missouri or Kentucky could more
than supply it with hemp; already the Stale of
Mississippi raises more cotton than is sufficient j
for all the home market; Louisiana is rapidly I
approaching the same point as to sugar; and:
there are lands enough adapted to that product j
in Louisiana, Texas anil Florida, to supply
with sugar and molasses nearly all the markets
of the world. Ifcolton is depressed in price by
the tariff the consequence must be a compara
tive diminution of the product, and the raising
■ in its place, to a great extent, hemp, wheal, corn.
- stock, and provisions, which otherwise would
' be supplied by the teeming products of the West.
• The growing West, in a series of years, must
1 be tlie greatest sufferers by the tariff, in depriving
i them ol the toreisn market, and of that ot the
, cotton-growing States. We demand, in fact,
-for our agricultural products, specie from nearly
[ all the world, by heavy taxes upon all their
manufactures; and their purchases from us
! must therefore be limited, as well as their sales
{ to us enhanced in price. Such a demand for
specie, which we know' in advance cannot be
' complied with, is nearly equivalent to a decree
j excluding most of our agricultural products
j from the foreign markets. Such is the rigor of
j osr restrictions, that nothing short ot a famine
opens freely the ports of Europe for our bread
| stuffs. Agriculture is our chief employment;
it is best adapted to our situation, and, if not de
: pressed by the tariff, would be the most profita
i hie. We can raise a larger surplus of agricul
j tural products, and a greater variety, than al-
I most any other nation, and at cheaper rates.
; Remove, then, from agriculture, all our restric
tions, and, by its own unfettered power, it will
break down all foreign restrictions, and, our own
being removed, would feed the hungry and
clothe the poor of our fellow-men throughout all
the densely-peopled nations of the world. But
now we will take nothing in exchange for these
products but specie, except at very high duties;
and nothing but a famine breaks dowoi all for
eign restrictions, and opens for a lime the ports
of Europe to our breadstuff’s. If, on a reduction
of our duties, England repeals her corn laws,
nearly all Europe must follow her example, or
give her manufacturers advantages which can
not be successfully encountered in most of the
markets of the world. The tariff’ did not raise
the price of our bieadstuffs; but a bad harvest
in England does—giving us lor the time that
foreign market which we would soon have at all
times, by that repeal of the corn laws which
must lollow the reduction of our duties. But
whilst breadstuffs rise with a bad harvest in
Er gland, cotton almost invariably falls; be
cause the increased sum which, in that event,
England must pay lor our breadstuffs, we will
take, not in manufactures, but only in specie;
and, not having it to spare, she brings down,
even to a greater extent, the price of our cotton.
Hence the result, that a bad harvest in England
reduces the aggregate price of our exports, often
turns the exchanges against us, carrying our
specie abroad, and inflicting a serious blow on
our prosperity. Foreign nations cannot for a
scries ot years import more than they export;
and, if we close our markets against their im
: ports by high duties, they must buy less of our
i exports, oi give a lower price, or both.
Prior to ihe 30th of June, 1843, a credit was
given for the payment of duties; since which
dale, they have been collected in cash. Before
the cash duties and the tariff’of 1843, our trade
in foreign imports re-exported abroad afforded
large and profitable employment to our mer
chants, and freight to our commercial marine,
both for the inward and outward voyage; but,
since the last tar iff this trade is being lost to the
country, as is proved by the tables hereto an
nexed. The total amount of foreign imports
re-exported during the three years since the
last tariff, both of free and dutiable goods, is
$33,384,394 —being far less than in any three
years (except during the war) since 1793, and
less than was re-exported in any one ol eight
several years. The highest aggregate ol any
three years was 3173,108,813, and the lowest
aggregate 841,315,765 —being in the years
1794, 1795, and 1790. Before 1820, the free
goods are not distinguished in this particular
from dutiable goods ; but since that date the re
turns show the following result; during the
three years since the tai iff of 1843, the value of
dutiable imports re-exported was $12,590,811 —
being less than in any one of seven years pre
ceding since 1820, the lowest aggregate of any
three years since that date being $14,918,444,
and the highest $57,737,293. Even before the
cash duties, for five years preceding the high
tariff of 1818, the value ol dutiable goods re
exported was $94,796,241 ; and for the five years
succeeding that tariff, $66,784,192 —showing a
loss of $28,020 49 of our trade in foreign ex
ports after the tariff of 1828. The great dimi
nution of this most valuable branch of com
merce has been the combined result of cash
duties and of the high tariff of 1843. If the
cash duties are retained, as it is believed they
should be, the only sure method of restoring
this trade is the adoption ol the warehousing
system, by which the loreign imports may be
kept in store by the government until they are
required for re-exportation abroad, or consump
tion at home—in winch latter contingency, and
at the time when for that purpose they are taken
out of these stores, for consumption, the duties
are paid, and ii re-exported, they pay no duty,
but only the expense of storage. Under the
present system, ttie merchant introduces foreign
inipotts of the value of SIOO,OOO. He must
now, besides the advance for the goods make
a further advance in cash, in many cases, of
$50,000 for the duties. Under such a system,
but a small amount of goods will be imported
lor drawbacks ; and the higher the duty, the
larger must be the advance, and the smaller the
imports for re-exportation.
The imports before payment ol duties, under
the same regulations now applied to our imports
in transit to Canada, may be takeu from ware
house lo warehouse —ficm the East to the lakes,
and to Pittsburg, Cincinnati and Louisville —
from New Orleans to Natchez, ANcksburg,
Memphis, and St. Louis—and warehoused in
these&other interior ports, the duties remain ing
unpaid until the goods are taken out ofthe ware
house, and out of the original package, at such
ports, tor consumption ; thus carrying our foreign
commerce into the interior, with all the advan
tage of augmented businesss and cheaper sup
plies throughout the country. It will introduce in
to our large ports on or neat the seaboard assorted
cargoes of goods, to be re-exported with our own
to supply the markets of the world. It will
cheapen prices to the consumer, by deducting
the interest and profit that are now charged upon
ihe advance of duty—building up the marts of
our own commerce, and giving profilable em
ployment to our own commercial marine. It will
greatly increase our revenue, by augmenting
our imports, together with our exports; and is
respectfully recommended to Congress, as an
important part ol the whole system now proposed
tor their consideration.
[concluded to-morrow. |
Later from Texas. — By the arrival at New
Orleans of the fast sailing atcamship New-York,
Capt. Phillips, we have Galveston dates to the Sth
inst. We give such items of intelligence as we
| find in the Picayune and Bee.
Tne weather has been uncommonly cold at Gal
veston. On (be nights of the 2d and 3d inst., ac
cording to the Civilian, ire was formed nearly half
an inch in thickness, and in some positions did not
melt during the middle of the day. The “oldest
I inhabitants” were puzzled, and r.ew comers were
disappointed in their expectations ol a climate of
almost perpetual summer.
Campo, the Tonkaway chief, was encamped
near Austin a few weeks since with a small band
cf warriors. The Delaware chief, St. Louis, was
also near Austin. He is described as a good-look
ing, sensible Indian. Castro, the Lipan chief, was
expected in the course of a few days.
From an article iu the Houston Telegraph, it
would appear that trouble is anticipated with the
Camanchcs. Two friendly Indians recently came
to the hading house of the Torrcys, on the Brazos,
and advised them to be on their guard, as a party
of hostile Camanchcs were preparing to attack j
some ope of the Texan frontier settlements. It
j ,-jems that a large portion of the tribe, residing
neat the sources of the Colorado, are dissatisfied I
with the late treaties with the Texans. They
find, too, that the herds of buffalo are yearly be
coming less numerous, and they probably
imagine that the settlements are encroaching too
rapidly upon their hunting grounds. The east
ern bands of Camanches are not engaged in
this movement at all, the principal chiefs hav
ing sent word to Mr. Torrey that they shall not
act with any of the western bands. The Tele
graph recommends the frontier settlers to keep
a bright look out for the malcontents. It is
thought that the Lipan chief, Juan Castro, has
had some hand in exciting this new mischief,
as ihe hostile parly is mustering in the vicinity
of the Seratics, who are allied to the Lipans,
and as it is known that he has been in commu
nication with them and has a secret enmity to
the whites.
We learn from the News of Saturday, that
the estrangement heretofore existing between
ex-President Houston and General Hunt, has
been completely removed, and the two gentle
men being now personal a«| political friends,
the News thinks “they will hereafter work to
gether for their mutual political promotion”—
which means, we take it, that the two have
formed a coalition for the purpose of securing
their mutual election to the U. S. Senate. 4t is
said in the explanation that has resulted in this
matter, that Gen. Houston acknowledges that
he did write to the British Charge d’Affaires in
Texas that the Mier expedition was unauthorised
by the Government, and that the British Charge
did, in consequence of that letter, communicate
that fact to the Government of Mexico—thus
placing the Texans engaged in that ill-fated
expedition in the position of outlaws. The
Civilian of Saturday, promises in its next, a
“very able and interesting letter” from Gen.
Houston in relation to this subject.
Cukrokkes.—The N. O. Picayune of the
llth hist, says:—We have intelligence a little
later from (he Cherokee Nation. Col. McKis
sick, the Agent, was exerting himself to put
down the outbreak, but without great success.
A company of Dragoons was encamped close
to the line, but the Indians appeared infuriated
with each other and bent on slaughter. With
out giving the rumors in circulation at Van
Suren, we await further facts.
PROSPECTUS
OF THE
FOURTH VOLUME
OF THE
SOUTHERN CULTIVATOR
A MONTHLY JOURNAL,
EDeooteb to tl)e SmprotJcmcnt of tlje
Agriculture of tlje Soutl).
Edited by JAMES CAMAK, of Athens.
In submitting to the Southern Public the Pro
spectus for the Foubth Volume of the SOUTH
ERN CULTIVATOR, which may now be re
garded as permanently established, the Publish
ers deem it unnecessary to advert to the high
character the Work has attained under the edito
rial control ol Mr. CAMAK, and therefore make
a direct appeal to the Planters and Friends of
Agriculture throughout the Southern States, to
aid them in sustaining a publication devoted ex
clusively to the cause of Southern Agriculture.
The advantages and benefits resulting from
Agricultural Periodicals, have been felt and ac
knowledged by the intelligent and reflecting Til
lers of the Soil in all civilized nations; to be
most useful, therefore, they should be extensive
ly circulated among all classes of Agriculturists;
if possible, they should be in the hands of every
man who tills an acre of land, and to this end
we invoke the aid of every one who feels an in
terest in the improvement of the Agriculture of
the South.
The first number of the Fourth Volume will
be issued on the Ist of January next. It is pub
lished Monthly, in Quarto form ; each number
contains sixteen pages of matter, 9 by 12 inches
square. TERMS;
One copy, one year* SI.OO
Six copies “ “ 5 00
Twenty-Five copies, one year 20.00
One Hundred “ “ “ 75 00
The Cash System will be rigidly enforced.
The cash must always accompany the order.
• J. W. & W. S. JONES.
Augusta, Ga., Nov., 1845.
g3r As we desire to regulate our issue by the
number of subscribers, all persons who obtain
subscribers are requested to send the lists as ear
ly as possible to J. W. & W. S. Jones.
CO M MERCIAL.
New Orleans, December 10.
Cotton— I There has been a fair demand to-day, and
sales sum up 3300 bales, at full prices.
COTTON STATEMENT.
Stock on hand Ist Sept. 1845 Bales 7,705
Arrived since .....316,615
Arrived last night 1.006
Arrived to-day 2,733
328,059
Exported up to the 10th 207,506
Exported to-day 2,634-210,140
—————
Stock on hand and on ship board, not cleared.. 117,919
Sugar —A very active business was done, as holders
wished to get the Sugar off the Levee, where a pretty
Urge slock had been accumulating ; the consequence
of which was that prices were somewhat easier. We
quote fair sto 5Jc.; prime to choice 5J to Cc.
Molasses —The demand has been moderate, and prices
rule at 20 to 20Jc.
Flour —Views of holders and buyers are still widely at
variance. This morning there was a good demand at
SO. but holders putting up the price to $6 50 put a stop
to further transactions.
Whiskey-ti o t ransaclions of moment have transpired
Freights —There have been no new engagement, ex
cept the ship yesterday for Havre at Ic. Vessels tor
Liverpool are filling up at £d.
Exchange —Sterling 5J to GJ per cent premium ;
Francs 5f 35 to 5f.37i; New York, 2| to 3 per cent dis.
Mobile, Dec llth.
Cotton —There has been quite a brisk inquiry for cot
ton to day, but in consequence of the very limited
amount on sale, the transactions hare only reached
some SOO bales. There has been no actual improvement
in rates, yet prices have been fully up to the quotations
on Wednesday, and the market may be considered firm.
Our last advices from the country represent the rivers
as still on the rise.
MARINE LIST.
Charleston, Dec. 16.
Cleared ---Barque Howland, Harding, Boston.
In the Offing -U L ship Sullivan, from New Orleans ;
also a barque and brig.
. Savannah, Dee. 15.
Arrived- —Steamer Lamar, Creswell, Augnsta; str.
Mary Summers, Hubbard, Augusta.
Cleared —Brig Talleyrand, Knowlton, Boston.
MEDICAL.
DK. a. L. HAMMOND offers his
professional services to the citizens of Au-
Igusta and its vicinity. Dr. H. may be found at
all times, when not professionally engaged, at
his office on Center-street, second door north
of A. Baudry’s Drug Store. ap!4-ly