Newspaper Page Text
Cm-tUceklu Chronicle & Sentinel
BY WILLIAM S. JONES
Chronicle and Sentinel.
SAMUEL BARNETT, Associate Editor.
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A tr Gr USTA, &A: ■
TUESDAY MORNING, AUGUST »6.
Tlio Article on Secession.
We hope the length of this article will not
deter our readers from its careful perusal. It
ia the only issue tendered by the Southern
Rights party of particular present importance,
and it is well to acquire clear views upon it.
It will he seen that the Southern Rights party
are at variance on this issue, from the Repub
lican party, going as far wrong ou one side of
the true line as did the Federalists on tho
other.
The Right of Secession.
The writer of this would state ia the outset
that, in the right above referred to, correctly
understood, he thoroughly believes. The pro
posterous extent to which ita claims have been
carried by many members of the State Rights
parly, and the erroneous interpretations given
to the word, have done much to bring i into
contempt, it is, however, a right, which in its
substance, its proper meaning und extent, (be
Republican party will never consent to sur
render.
The controversy between the old Federal
and Republican parties was whether the Gene
ral Government had the exclusive and final
right of judging of the extent of its own pow
ers; or whether the rights of the General Go
vornment were subject to inte'pretation by the
Sta'es. The Federalists claimed for ihe Gene
ral Government the exclusive and final right to
judge. The Republicans denied the claim.
The present Southern Rights part r claims for
any dissenting Sta'e the exclusive right to
judge without responsibility to the other States.
Its claims are as unfounded and absurd, as far
removed lroin the true Republican ground, as
are those of the Federalists. Tho Republican
asked of the old Federalists the foundation of
the claim of the General Government to the
exclusive rightof ja iginent. With equal, nay
greater propriety, he may ask the foundation
of the c'aim of !ho d ssetni.ig State to such ex
clusive right. Why Bhould the one party to
a controversy have rights of judgment superi
or to those of the other party? Is one party
fallible and the other infallible ? Are not the
two parties equally parlies in interest? What
possible foundation is there for any claim on
either side, on '.he side of tho dissenting State,
or on the side of the co-Statos for ihe exclusive
right of judging ? The old Federal doctrine
led to consolidation. The present States Rights
doctrine leads to anarchy. The Federal dec
trine destroyed the centrifugal force. The
Stato Rights doctrina destroys the centripetal.
The ono makes the Union a band of iron. The
other&ropa of sand. Both are alike distant
from the truth and from the Republican faith.
The one doctrine is as absurd in theory, as
fatal in practice as the other. Perhaps in a
Governu ent so commuted as ours, the more
fatal of 'he two errors is that which tends to
anarchy. State sensitiveness, the great facility
of organizing power, the absence of the pen
alties of treason, renders a confederacy more
liable to lly apart, than to be consolidated into
an undistinguished mass.
No one can deny that the Constitution has
at least the effect of a treaty between the States.
The Federal party considered it to have vastly
more They held that the sovereignty of the
States was merged into that of the General
Government. We regard ih'e Constitution in
its own language, a Constitution established
“between the States ratifying thj same.”—
These States are sovereign to the full extent
of their reserved powers. Their existence as
sovereign States is not touched by the estab-
I shmeruof the Constitution.
Suppose now a question as to the construc
tion of the Co ustitution to arise between ona
State or more, and the remaining States. A
question is before them for decision, Who
shall decide it? Waive, for ihe present, all
claims of the Supreme Court of the United
* States to be the arbiter seleoted by the parties.
If they did select and agree to abide by its ar
bitration, they were competent to do to, and
are bound to abide by it. But suppose no ar
biter to have been chosen. The question awaits
decision. Who shall decide it? S all one
party—either party—set up as exclusive judge?
Federalism says, “ yea, the General Govern
ment is exclusive judge.” State Rights says,
“yea, the State is the exclusive judge.” Rea
son and Republicanism both say, “ No, there
are two parties equally interested and equally
fallible. The one has no more right to judge
that the other. The one has no leas right to
judge than tho other.” But the judges may
differ. Certainly, when there are two fallible
judges of the sa > e controversy, they m«f
differ, often will. That is the very reason
why each should have the same right to judge
as the other. If they would invariably agree,
this would furnish a good argument for letting
one only consider and decide, as it would work
no harm to the other—the decision being the
same to which the other would have come.
But the Judges differ in their decision.—
What then ? llow shall they be made to agree?
If they never come to an agreement, how
shall tha disagreement De settled ? Shall one
have the privilege of acting on i's judgment,
and tbe other not? If so, why ? The parties
are equally entitled to judge Why not equal
ly entitled to act upon their judgment of their
own rights and remedies ?
Let it be a case arising under a treaty between
France snd England. The mind vunprejudi
ced in this contest) does not hesitate to deny
this exolnsive elaim of either of these States to
judge for herself and for the other party too.
Neither party baa a fight to make • dishonest
decision. Bu; who shall decide which is dis
honest, which is fair? But the question may
be asked, where did the Republicans locate the
right of final an i exclusive judgment. No
where. To Bay that in a controversy between
States there is any final or exclusive judge f
unless appointed by the parties., is sheer folly.
The Federalists considered that the General
Government was such a judge, so appointed
under the Constitution. This position was
erroneous but nM absurd. That which gives
to each State the final, exclusive and irrespon
sible right of judgment, is both.
But, says an objecior, the General Govern
ment is the mere agent of the States. The
States can withdraw their delegated powers
from their own agent whenever they please.
But the foundation, on which rests the obliga
tion of the States not to resume their delega
ted powers, is misunderstood entirely by such
f ersons. It is not because of any thing in
the relation of principal and agent that the
State cannot resume at will its delegated pow
ers. It is because she has contracted with
other States to delegate them. The delega
tion of certain powers is the subject matter of
a contract. If a question arises whether the
General Government has exceeded the dele
gated power, it is a controversy between the
Slates as to what their agreement was. The
breach of compact, if any, is not the breach of
a compact of agency between the State and
the General Government—but of a compact
between the State and its co-States, by which
they agreed between themselves to do a par
ticular thing, to wit: to delegate certain
powers.
But it is contended that tha contract is disso
luble at th : mere will of the parties. The
reason given for this is, that no words of per
petuity are found in the Constitution. That
instrument ii equally silent as to perpetuity
and as to any limitation of time. To inter
pret this silence is the point. What is the
uniform construction put upon treaties (save
those styled personal treaties, between Mon
archs, not Monarchies, and w rich can have no
existence between Republics) which upon
thoirface have no limitation ? Tney are con
sidered peroetual. The absence of a limita
tion imports perpetuity, save in some particu
lar cases where the treaty is simply to accom
plish a temporary object.
This is the uniform mode of construing
treaties under tha law of nations. When the
States conferred on Congress the war ntaking
power—the exteu. and meaning of the power
was not defioed. Tnis express p i vver was to
receive its interpretation from the law and
usage of nations, as the meaning of the right.
When the President and Senate were invested
with the treaty making power, the limits of
this express grant were undefined, and left to
be gathered in I ke manner from the usage of
maikind. The silence of tho Constitution as
to the duration of the confederacy is to receive
its interpretation in like manner.
Nor does any harm accrue to the States, by
so leavingjic to be construed. The construc
tion is the same which the parties fully intend
ed it to bo. This failure to express a limita
tion is not a cunning trap to beguile the States
into a perpetual Union against their will.
They understood it perpetual at the time.
Says Madison ou this point—the fa her of the
Constitution and leader of the old Republican
party —chargeable now with federalism by these
new light Republicans, ‘ The Constitution re
quires an adoption in toto and forever. An
adoption for a limited tints would be as defec
tive as an adoption of some of the articles only"
This shows the contemporane ms construction
of the silence. The want of limitation as to
time, meant there was to be no limitation. The
anue, by the law of nations, and by contempo
raneous construction—and we may add, uni
form construction ever since—has been thrown
upon those who from silence, presumed limi
tation ; instead of upon those who from silence
as to limitation, presumed perpetuity.
But the Constitution fixes a mode of con
struction, says another objector—when it
says—“ The powers not delegated to the Uni
ted States by ths Constitution, nor prohibited
by it to the States, are reserved to the States,
respectively, or to the people.” The right of
secession is claimed under this as a reserved
right of the Stata. To construe this amend
meat to the Constitution as having any refe -
once to Secession at all, is preposterous. The
duratioo of the Union —of the Constitution —
is not even remotely hinted at. If the Consti
tution be of perpetual obligation (subject only
to be broken for infractions by the other par
ties,) then to dissolve tbe Union, is to break
the comoact. The States never had a right to
break treaties. Such a right therefore, they
could not have reserved. They did have a
right to judge of the infraction of treaties.
This right as between themselves, and the re
maining Siates, they did not surrender. This
failure to surrender such right is the founda
tion of the right of Secession, for an iafrac*
tion of the Constitution. The former right'
was never held, therefore not reserved.
After all, the question as to perpetuity and
the question as to the clause relating to reserv
ed rights, are both to be decided, like all other
questions. We believe we have given their
correct solution. If we have not, or if we
have— whenever the question arises, it is for
the decision ofthe one State, and of the General
Government as the agent of the remaining
States, subject, if they desire it, to au ultimate
appeal to the sovereign S ates. That the
rights of the latter are equal to those of the
former, is all that we have contended. That
the rights of the lattsr are superior, was the
Federal Doctrine. That the rights of the
former are superior, is the Southern Rights
doctrine. The true republican doctrine of
equulity of right in judging, was laid down by
John C. Calhoun, in a speech in the Senate
I , „ ....
AUGUSTA, GA. WEDNESDAY MORNING, AUGUST 27, 1851.
I of the United States, on the laid of February,
1833. He was treating of the distinction be
tween reserved and delegated po vers, and of
the right of each party to juJgi of the extent
of each class of powers. It will bB observed
that his argumen takes for granted the co-equal
right of the General Government, (of course,
as the agent of the States, and subject to ap
peal,) to judg* of the extent of its own powers
—and is only intended to show the equal right
of the State :
“All must admit that there are delegated and re
served powers, aod that the powers reserved are
reserved to the States respectively. The powers,
then, of the Government are divided between the
General and State Governments ; and the point im
mediately unier consideration is, whether a
State has any right to judge as to the extent of its
reserved powers, and to defend tliam against the en
croachments of tbe General Government. Without
going deeply into this point, at this step of the argu
ment, or looking into the nature and origin of the
Government, there was a simple view of the subject
Which be considered as conclusive. The very idea
of a divided power implied the right on tbe part of
tbe State, for which be contended. The expression
was metaphorical when applied to power. Every
one readily understands that the division of matter
consists in tbe separation of the parts. But in this
sense it was not applicable to power. What then is
meant iy a division of power? He could not con
ceive of a division, without giving an equal right to
each to judge of the extent of the power allotted to
each. Such right he held to be essential to the exis
tencc of a division ; and that to give to either party
tbe conclusive right of judging, not only the share
allotted to it, but of that allotted to ths other, was to
annul the division, and would confer the whole power
on the party vested with such right.” (Congressional
Debates, 1332—3. Part Ist, Page 522.)
These are the opinions of Mr. Calhoun, on
the equal right of judgmen’, set forth in his
usual strong, nervous, and perspicuous stylo
The absurd idea of denying to the co-States,
and the General Government as their agent,
tbe equal right to judge with the righl of the
dissenting State, never entered so clear a head
“He could not conceive of a division, without
giving an equal right to each to judge ofthe
extent of the power allotted to eaoh.” Lan
gnage could not be o'earer. To deny the equal
right of each—of the State and the General
Government—was to annul the division, and
would confer the whole power on the party
vested with the conclusive right of judgment.
The Federal construction against which he
contended, absorbed into the powers of the
General Government, the reserved rights ol
the States. The Southern Rights construc
tion equallyabsorbsthedelegated powers. Eith
er "onstruction, in the opinion of Mr. Calhoun,
is inconsistent with the very idea of “a divided
power.”
Modi. Andrleu’s Diorama.
Embracing a view of the cities of London
and New Orleans, Hyde Park and the Crystal
Palace, exterior and interior, by daylight,
moonlight and gas-light—the raos‘. artistic and
higoly finisned paintings of the kind we have
ever seen, (we speak of the Crystal Palace,
the others we did not see.) The World’s
Fair by gas fight is magnificent, the whole spir
ited and life-like. Mons. A. relies upon the
excellence and artistic skill of his pictures, ra
the r than the number, and the square feet of
canvass covered. We thought the amiable
Mrs. Parting’on needed a little more light to
bring out the “ bio omer," These paintings
will be exhibited at Concert Hall this and to
morrow evenin •.
Severe Storm. —The celebration of the
anniversary of the storm of the 24th of August,
1850, wat. exceedingly well got up by the offi
cers of the weather cn Saturday night and
Sunday. The rain commenced falling Satur
day night about 8 o'clock, and continued, with
more or less wind from Sonth to South East,
without intermission through the night—
and until noon on Sunday, the wind blowing
a gale all of Sunday forenoon. Although the
storm was not ro severe as that of last year,
no have little doubt the corn crops have been
materially injured—particulaly late corn.
Rail Road Celebration Postponed.
The celebration of tha comp letion of the
East Tennessee and Georgia Rail Road to the
Hiwassee river, which has been advertised to
come off at Charleston, Tennessee, on the
271 b inst., has been postponed to Friday, the
sth day of September r.ext.
The Rockbridge Alum Springs, Va . have
been sold, for one hundred thousand dollars,
to four gentlemen from Eastern Virginia.
Surrendering tbe Ports.
The following specimen of Sophomorean
grandiloquence is from the Southern Repub
lic, published at Catndeu, South Carolina, and
affords an idea of what some of the chivalry
will regard “an act of war” on the part of
the General Government:
“The ‘first assault’ will be the retaining cf the
forts about Charleston. Unless the United States
withdraws all its forco from the posts, and surrendrs
them at once te the new sovereignty, that will be an
‘ act of war ’ South Carolina w.ll proceed to at
tack and take them ; that will be an act of defence.”
Our only hope for the salvation of the forts
and arsenals is, that Mr. Fillmore may not
see the article of the Southern Republic, or
wafear he would give them up even in ad
vance of the secession of the Siate. For who
can doubt if South Carolina proceeds to at
tack, she will most certainly take them!
None, though a world in arms were to oppose!
Think of that, Mr. Fillmore, aud that your
knees will smite together, no man in South
Carolina doubts—ser tainly no trus scion of
Quattlebomdom !
The River has risen about ten feet from the
lowest point of the season, and is now several
feet above the lower wharves. If the same
quantity of rain has fallen in the ap country as
here, we think the river will oontinue in fine
navigable condition the remainder of the season.
The Law is Executed.— The delivery, in
the city of Buffalo, New York, the very hot
bed of Abolitionism and Free-soilism, of a fu
gitive slave to his owner, is quite an unfortu
nate support, for the assertions of the disunion
's that the law is “ a mere mockery”-*” a
(dead letter.” What will the/ say to the follow
ing paragraph, as indicating the tone of the
public authorities:
“ When the mob pressed around tbe fugftive
slave lately taken at Bulfaloo, with a view to effect
a rescue, the Express tells us that “the Commission
er proclaim’d in a loud voice, and in a very emphat
ic manner, as follows: “ 1 want “o say to you color,
ed people, that I have made tbe order to carry off
this man, and there will be force to execute it, tele
graph or oo telegraph, and if any ot you resist, you
will be shot down.’ ”
A Bell twenty-three thousand pounds in
weight has been cast in Boston for the iron
tower in New York. Fourteen tons of metal
were melted for the casting The first cast
was completely successful. The metal was
poured in on Saturday, the 9th instant, and the
mould opened on the Wednesday morning
following, when the bell was found still hissing
hot.
Correspondence of the Chronicle 8f Sentinel .
Washington, D. C., August 19, 1851.
Mv Dean Sir:— I Tho Union newspaper has
taken extraordinary pains to prejudice the peo
ple of the South against tho President, on ac
count of the agreement of two committees repj
resenting both wings of the whig party in the
State of Now York. It is due to the public not
less than to the Administration, after so much
misrepresents tion on the subject, that it be placed
in its true light. This I will endeavor to do.
All Whigs in New York agree in desiring
the speedy enlargement of the Erie and
Oswego canals, and the early completion of
those of the Genesee Valley and Black River.
These are great public works which the Demo
crats have contrived to keep back for ten years,
to the iucalcu'able injury of the Agricultural
and Commercial interests of that noble Com
monwealth. A Democratic ascendancy in cither
branch of the Legislature can, of course, pre
vent appropriations, and arrest the progress of
these important improvements, which have been
sixteen yearsin hand. They can only be prose
cuted under Whig auspices ; for the other party
is committed every way against them. Inde
pendently of national affairs, here is an im
mense local pressure that forces all the friends of
the Canals into one party, under their ancient
associations. For this state of things, the Presi
dent is no way responsible.
To understand the present position of the
Whigs of New York in reference to the Com
promise question, tho fact should be borne in
miud that Gen. Taylor, his Cabinet and a large
majority of Northern Whigs were opposed to
the adopted plan of adjustment. The patriotic
course so promptly taken by Mr. Fill mere, was
naturally construed into a reflection on the wis
dom, if not the patriotism of those Northern
Waigs who had concocted und steadily pursued
the line of policy, repudiated by the present Ad
ministration. Noticing but a deep sense of duty
to ris country, and to the Constitution which he
had sworn to support, could have induced Mr.
Fillmore to separate himself from a majority of
his party at the North, an i encounter with a self
devotion never surpassed, the deep and appa
rently resistless current of anti-slavery and anti-
Compromisd feeling which carried all before it
in the non-slaveholding States. Nearly the en
tire delegation from New York were Whigs, and
ardent supporters of the Taylor Administration.
The Whigs from the North generally were com
mitted against the Compromise, as were their
constituents and the press. The President was
told by a hundred friends, with whom he had
acted for a quarter of a century, that, if he sud
denly changed the policy of the Whig Adminis
tration he would ruin the party, and bring lasting
discredit upon himself and political associates.
“To resis; the popular will was to ommil sui
cide and destroy his friends as well as himself.”
But Providence had made him the Chief Magis
trate of this favored Republic, at the most criti
cal period in its eventful history; and he believed
it to be his duty to grasp the idoi, “Free Soil,”
dear as it is to a million hearts, dash it to the
ground and break into a thousand fragments.
His country called for the sacrifice, and like
Abraham of old, he had the moral courage to
obey the voice of duty, no matter what it com
manded. Neither seif, nor friend, nor party
could deter him from doing what he believed for
the best interests of his wnole country. Since
that trying hour, the President has pursued so
conciliatory a course toward the honest, but too
often misled people of the North, upon whose
feeiings the Fugitive Slave law grates harshly,
that all, save a few incurable fanatics, now ac
quiesce in this part of the Compromise. His
wisdom, his moderation and time are doing
much for the American States. All intelligent,
patriotic men must see the importance ot not
mixing up mere local questions with national
politics, and o! adhering to the letter and spirit
of the Federal Constitution, in all State as
well as Congressional legislation. Not a lew
Northern Stales have legislated against slavery
with very little respeet to the Magna Charta of
the United States, and of the rights and inter
ests of every freeman. To bring the Amer
can people back to the ancient landmarks ot the
Constitution is the leading idea in the policy of
tne Executive whom Providence appointed.
Whether the next President be c lied Democrat
or Whig, it is now morally certain that lie must
be a conservative Union man. This is a great
point gained for the country, and secures the
overthrow and ultimate extinction of both
Northern and Southern ultiaisin and geographi
cal hostility. When this is done, impartial his
tory will do justice to the present Adminisuation.
In no senso can Mr. Fillmore be character
ised as a party President, because from the day
he took the oath of office, all his acts shoev that
he has looked beyond party, above a trainband of
followers of the Administration, to the approval
of the wise and patriotic of all sections, and the
certain applause of posterity. Tne doctrines of
his annual message, “ the final settlement ot the
slavery controversy,” are cardinal points from
which the President haa not varied in the least,
and will not to the end of h<s Administration.
Even the N. Y. Tribune and Albany E. Journal
have acknowledged the folly of agitating the
question of a repeal or modification of the
Fugitive Siave law. Public opinion has
wrought this change in those prints, and a
hundred others, not their friendship for the res
ident. The people having approved ot the
Compromise and the Adminatration, politicians
are constrained to do likewise. W'iule nobody
proposes to abridge the freedom of speech, or
of the press, yet these rights, like all others,
must be controlled by a sound public sentiment
not to be subject to incalculable abuse. Com
pare public sentiment at the North now with
what it was one short year age, and then say
whether a Northern executive who thoroughly
understands the people of that quarter of the
Union, does not deserve something better than
unceasing abuso from Southern slaveholders 1
Hundreds of thousands who denounced the
President for supporting and signing the Com
promise bills, nine months since, now honor him
for his firmness and wisdom in so doing, against
their wishes and remonstrances. Whatever tra
ding politicians may agree to do or not to do,
the people every where admire the independence
ol their Chief Magistrate who looks only to the
Constitution and the Laws as his guides. Mr.
Fillmore was never an office-seeker, nor will he
now tarnish his flair fame by seeking to prolong
his residence in the White House beyond his
P'esent constitutional term. The republic has
many able snd good men, and whoever may be
chosen his successor, he will find the bitterness
of sectional prejudices nearly extinct, the Gov
ernment respected abroad, and at peace with all
nations, and the American people happy and
prosperous, because they have both the virtue
and intelligence to do what is right betwee man
and man. d. Lee.
Meeting In Hancock.
Searta, Aug. 22, 1851.
At a meeting of a portion of the Constitutional
Union purty of Hancock County, held this day at
the Court House, on motion of Col. T. M. Turner,
L. S. Stewart, Eaqr., was called to the Chair, and
Thos. C. Andas, requested to act as Secretary.
The object of the meeting having been explained,
on motion of Col. D. G. Wilds, a Committee of
five, consisting of Col. D G. Wilds, Col. T. M.
Turner, E. Cain, Esqr,, B. F. Riley and Jas. E.
Berry, was appointed by tbe Chair, to report two
suitable persons from each Militia District of the
County, to meet at the Court House, on Saturday
the 6th of September, to report to a meeting, then
an i there to be held, a proper person as a casdida.e
to represen tttae Union party of Hancock for Repre
sentative in the next Legislature. Also that said
delegation ue empowered and instructed to act with
a corresponding delegation from the County of Bald
win, at such time and place aw the latter may desig
nate, to no niuate a candidate to represent tlie 24th
Senatorial District in the next Legislature.
Tho Committee of five reported the following
named persons as the delegation :
From the 101st District, John Amoss and Jas.
W. Simmons; 102 d, Dr. Thos. S. Powell and L. 9.
Stewart; 103 d, Iroy Hudson and Seaborn Law
rence ; 104th, Jno. R. Bimon and Sterling G.
Evans; 106th, Levin 1). Culver and Dr. Benj. H.
Pearson; 107th, William Askew and Stephen
Knowles; 108th, Dr. Wm. H. Green and Hon.
Eii H. Baxter: 109th, Abram M. Williams and
Sami. Gentry; 111th, Win. Akin and Wm, R.
Mors; 112th, John L. Birdsong and Wm. H.
Brantly ; 113th, l.ovet Sa ders and Wm. B. Hall ;
114th, Henry W Coleman and David Dickson ;
tl6th, Wm W Devereaux and Benj. K. Butts ;
117th, Wm. H. Spe gbts and Jas. T. Brady ; 118th,
Lee Reaves and Jas. B. Gonder.
On motion of E. Cain, Esqr., the proceedings of
tbe meeting were ordered to be published in the
Southern Recorder and Chronicle & Sentinel.
On motion the meeting adjourned.
L. S. Stewart, Ch‘m.
Thos. C. Audas, Sec’y.
Small Pox. — At Mrs. Crenshaw’s, near
Woodville, in Green county, eight cases have
occurred —shore has been no ccatii, and in
most of the the patients are ou* of dan
ge~. The attending physician iufoims us that
ha shall be dissapointed, if any uew case oc
curs in Mrs. Crenshaw’s family. Such mean,
ures have been adopted, as it is hoped and
believed, will confine the disease to its present
subjects.
Two cases are reported in ilairdstown—the
child of Mr. Kelly aud a servant Miss
M’Common was at the house of Mr. Kelly
during her affliction.
Prompt »nd efficient measures have been
adopted at every point, to confine the d eeaao
to *ts present limits. And we have great con
fidence that its bounds are fixed We again
assure our readers, that correct information
upon this subject shall be given, if we can
procure it ; and it is hoped no credit will be
given to the many false rumors so widely cir
culated Tenn. Banner, 23d inst.
Extract of a letter dated
Walterboro’, So. Ca., Aug. 21. — The
army worm had made ils appearance on some
of the neighboiing plantations, but not always
injuring the crops, for I have heard several
planters say that it ha*; done them good sevice
and has improved their crops rather than in
injured them, for it has eaten away all of (he
grass that was choking tho R<ce and Colton.
In one or two cases I have heard they have not
touched a blade of Rice, nor any part of the
Cotton; but in other places, where there was
any green corn, they have made great havoc,
eating the whole of the plant, and sometimes
they strip the whole of the Cotton tushes of
their leaves, piercing ’.he pods ; but I hope they
have not visited you, as they will have the last
corn you planted entirely at their mercy.—
Evening Nctov.
The Cotton Crop.— We hear much com
plaint from ail sections in relation to the Cotton
crop A few weeks have made a vest diffe
rence in the prospects and growers and deal
ers in the staple have been compelled to
chauge their figures materially. Up to the
first of August, the prospect for the crop was
nevermore favorable, especially in the prairies
and river bottoms The long continued
drought, however, about two weeks since be
gan to show its etfecta on 'he Cotton, causiug
a general shedding ot the squares end youug
bolls. The operation was as sudden as it was
extensive, and one week sufficed to effect a
most disastrous change in the appearance of
the fields. The top crop may ba considered
almost an entire failure; if the season from
this time out should be favorable, something
may bo made with the bottom crop. Many,
however, believe that under the best circum
stances the crop in this section will not r. ach
that of last year. The late rains tiive not
benefitted the cotton, but have operated iu
most instances to increase the tendency to she )
the boils.— Montgomery (Ala.) Journal, 23 d
inst.
Ths New York Courier contains a notice of
a trial made in that city on Tuesday of a new ro
lary engine recently invented by Mr. Eb«ne
zer Barrows. The result of the trial was very
satisfactory to all parties interested. The ves
sel, in which the engine was placed for trio,!
was bat thirty five feet long and seven wide,
drawing four feet water, and carrying twenty
five or thirty persons. The engine occupies
a space of only 14 by 10 inches. The steam
chest or chamber is but & inches in diameter,
and £ of an inch deep, equal to about 5 cubic
inches. The wheels are ft- in diameter, with
16 floats or buckets, and are driven at the rats
of 50 oo more revolutions per minute. Th
capacity of the engine is 150 pounds preasu: a
to tr,e square inch; but at no time during the
trip were there over 60 ponnds used. With
this the vessel ran against au easy tide way at
the rate of over 8 miles per hour.
The Cuba Expedition —Our New York
Exchanges learn from Capt. Couillurd, of the
steamship Winfield Scott f r om New Orleans
August 15th, that the steamship Pampero,
Capt. Lewis, anchored in the harbor of Key
West on the 10th ins . and remained there
till 11 P. M , when she departed for Cuba,
with Lopez and his force ol 450 men, whom
she landed at Cubanos, 40 miles West of
Havana. The Pampero then returned to
Key West, but remained in the harbor onlv
an hour, fearing seizure. She crui-ed off
that port unfit the 15. h inst., and then having
taken ou board from 20 to 25 recruits, she left
at evening for Jacksonville, Florida, to embark
Gen. Goiutales aud his company, with the
intention, as was thought of taking them to
Cuba to re-inforce Gen. Lopez. That Gen.
Goncalts. however, did not embark in her, is
evidant from the jfaot that he arrived at the
VOLUME XV.-: O. 103.
> Charleston Hotel in this city on Saturday,
which ha left for Columbia yesterday morning.
The severe storm ofyesierday precluded our
receiving any dispatches, otherwise doubtless
we should have been able to lay before our
readers some important intelligence.jinaimupb. .
as we perceive from the Baltimore papers of
Friday that the steam ship Cherokee arrived
on Thursday evening at New York in four
days from Havana; and that the news brought
by her is important may be inferred from tbo
following fragment of a dispatch to them, the
t conclusion of which in consequence of eleo
tricity inirerruping the wires, could not be
> obtained in time for publication that morning.
1 “ The accounts from Havana are of the
most serious nature. We are indebted to the
Pursuer of the Cherokee for the following
f fearful narrative. Toe steam boat Habanera
while cruising off a place called Rahia Honda,
40 mile- west of ——— Ch. Cour.
’ T : LE GRAPHIC NEWS. '
r
i n ;i« for the Chronielt & tuttasl.
From the Charleston Courier —By Telegraph.
New Orleans, Aug.22.—Cotton.—4oobales
were sold to day, part of which were the new
crop; 'diddling 8 a 8i; Good Middling B£.
, The week s receipts are 1,000 bales: total re
ceipts at all the ports ahead of last year, two
I undred and four thousand bales. Stock four*
teen thousand. Receipts of the new crop, eo
far, are one thousand againßt three bales last
year.
Cleared—Brigs Henry and Tartar for
I * 'harlusion, and barq re Midas for Savannah.
i b rom the Baltimore American.—By Telegraph,
Louisville, Aug. 20.—The Lexington Ob
server is out in tavor of Henry Clay for the
next Presidency. The editor states that he
j has done so without consulting Mr. Clay.
; The health of our city is restored.
; It is now thought that Powell’s majority for
i Governor will reach 1,000.
Presley Ewing. Whig, is elected to Con
gress in the 3d District by 297 raaj.
Pittsburg, Aug 20.—The Convention in
favor oi the nomination of Gen. Winfield
Scott for the Presidency, met here this after
noon. The attendance was very large, and
the proceedings throughout were of the most
enthusiastic and harmonious character.
, Gen. Markle was chosen President of the
, Convention, assisted by sixteen Vioe Presi
dents.
Speeches were delivered by Gov. Wm. F.
’ Johnston, Hon. John Strohm and others.
Philadelphia, Aug. 21, P. M. —An immense
| Democratic meeting is being held to night at
t the Chinese Museum, to welcome Col. Bigler,
the D mocratic candidate for Governor,
i Hon Geo rge M. Dallas was eleoted President,
i anti in taking his seat made a brief speech.
Col. Bigler spoke at length, occupying almost
the entire evening in remarks explana’ory of
i his views upon public measures. Resolutions
i were adopted iu support of the Union, as the
■ paramount duty of every patriot, and in favor
of the Compromise. The use of the jails fpr
the detention of fugitive slaves was also
strongly recommended.
Pittsbdbo, August 21st.—The Democratic
Convention met yesterday, and their proceed
ings were characterised by great unanimity
and enthusiasm, resolutions weie passed to the
effect that “the Democracy of Alleghany Co.,
i having now, as heretofore, confidence in the
i integrity and patriotism of the Hon Jas. Buo •
i hanan, Pensyivania’s favorite son, do again
I present him as our first and only choice for the
Presidency.
Boston, August 21.—Henry Belcher, a shoe
dealer of this city, bas decamped, having forg
ed paper to the amount of $6 000.
la this city, on the 15th iust., of Cancer, Mrs.
Demarius -Smith, consort of Mr. J. D. Smith, In
the 47th yenr of her age.
(iLcMimemal.g
AUGUSTA MAItKET,
Monday P. M.
Cotton.—W e heir of sales of some 300 bales to
day, at full prices. The market is very firm.
NFW ORLEANS, Aug. 19, P. M. — Cotton.—
Stock on hand Sept. 1, 1850 bales* 16,448
Arrived since 993,232
Arrived to-day 94
1,009,774
Exported to date 998,793
Exported to-day 21—993,814
Stock on hand and on shipboard not cleared• 15,960
Flour. —Market dull; sales confined to 250 bbis.
Ohio in 3 lots at 84 50 a 4 60 end 200 extra Missouri
at a low figure.
Corn Sales 2500 sacks, including 800 at 32e.;
150 at 33c ; 128 at 40c.; 200 at 420.; 977 White at
48c. and 100 prime at 56c.
Whiskey— 50bbls. Raw sold at 22c.
Bacon. —60 casks Sides were sold at lOlo.;
Shoulders retailing at 810.
Freights. —Nothing new.
Exchanges. —Demand limited.—London 81 a
101 per ct prem.; Ptris 5f.061 a 6f.15 ; New York
60 days 11 a 21 per cent, dis.; do. Sight 1 a 1 per
cent prem.
EXPORTS.
For New York, steamship Southerner—ls bales
Sea Island and 473 do. Upland Cotton.
Sijipjjina Jntcllujentif.
CHARLESTON, August 25. —Arr. abip Isaao
Newton, Bush, Liverpool; C. L. Brig Emily, Re
vel!, N. Y ; schr. I cuisine, Smith, N. Y. Cleared,
steamship Southerner, Dickinson, N. Y.; brig Chief,
Smith, Georgetown, S. C.; echrs. Village Belle,
Pritchett, Baltimore; North Caroline, Seaman,
Pembroke, (Me ;) Matilda E. Welle, Tyler, N, Y.
CONSIGNEES.
Per Iron Steam Boat Co.’s Steamer A. Sib
ley, with boata 1 and 7. — Md’ae. to D B P'umb
tfc Co ; Russell A Whitehead ; A. Gardeile J Car
michael A Been ; Hand, Williams A Coj Baker
A Wilcox; Scranton, Stark A Varis; W. S. A
T. H. Roberto ; D Antignao A Barry j T N. Pool
lain A Son ; V*. M. Rowland Agent; VV. K.
Kitchen; Z. McCord, A Co.; Jeffers A Cothran ;
A. T. Ayer ; Williams A Brother , N . K. Butler
ACo ; Lambaok A Cooper , G. M. Thaw ; W.
J. Owens , H. &J. Moore , H E. Clarke , W.
E Jackson A Co.; Lallerstadt A Wunberly ; Dun
ham A Bleakly ; P. A. Scranton ; P. A. Moise |
J. Miller & Co.; Henrv if* Skinner ; Seymour,
A Beley A Co.; Miller A Warren and W. H. Ma
harry A Co.
-r .1 Mima
i) kVkkies uk an old maid, mb
-I%' b.uctng important Hints to Young Men intend
ing to Marry, embetliehed with forty-three Engra
vings. Received by
»u!9 THUS. RICHARD* A SON.
PRINCE ALBERTTsTsaPETY BOX—A
new rnd desirable article, used ae’a Pocket
Match Safe, containing, each, one hundred Wax
Matchea. For sale by
as 24 PHILIP A. MOISE, Druggist.
.1