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—llT rff __ _ ■ i ■ urn ni i l —
Cljroittde & Sentinel
BY WILLIAM S. JONES
(Uliroiiirie and Sentinel.
AUGUSTA, GA:
SATURDAY MORNING, AUGUST 33.
SAMUEL BARNETT, Associate Editor.
A Question answered.-. And a Question
asked.
Thk Editor of the Constitutionalist, once of
the Republic, has asked perhaps not Jess than a
■oore of times, substantially the following ques
tion.
“What foot is there of the recently acquired Ter
ritory t.i which tho Southern planter can go with his
slaves ? ’ ’
To one familiar with the position of that
paper, it seems a “pleasant joke” that such a
question should ever have proceeded from
such a quarter. One must really suppose, from
his intimate acquaintance wifi these subjects,
that the Editor /(notes, and humorously conceals
his knowledge. The answer, however, is very
plain :
“Into any foot—any acre—any inch of Sew
Mexico or Utah.."
Does the Editor wish authority on this sub-
Ijoct? Has there bean any judicial decision to
Icontradict his own often expressed assertion?
Has not he in common with a vast majority of
the southern people, pronounced the supposi
tion of the existence of any obstacle, an absur
dity? Dojs he not hold that opinion to ihis
day ?
Suppose there is a difficulty, htwever.
How much better off is the Seutbern Rights
party than (he Union party ? Does it pro
pose any means of removing the difficulty 1
But tho planter might be subjected to a law
suit, if he should go there. He is subject to
law suits here—any where—at any body's suit—
to defend any part of his property. The only
question is, whether the law suit in any partiou-
W case would be successful. The South has
held wit'i unexampled unanimity that it could
not be successful in the present case. There
has occurred nothing to change her opinions.
The establishment of Territorial Governments
has in tr,o opinion of some, tended materially *
to strengthen the grounds of that opinion, even
of thoso, who held the expression of the con
queror's will necessary in order to the repeal of
the laws of the conquered. Many consider
the establishment of a Territorial Government,
a sufficient expression of that will. Such a
government, they c:risider to displace—and to
be intended to displace—the Government, pre
viously established The purpose of the law
of nations—the prevention of unareby—i»ful
filled by the establishment of a teriitorial gov
ern-neat. So far as any alteration of circum
stances goes, it tends to strengthen, instead of
changing the opinion of the South.
If the more opinion of a few, that we have
no right to go, is equivalent to a decision to
the contrary, then the opinion of a vastly
larger number of persons, that congress has
no right lo legislate at all on the subject of
slavery in the Territories, for a like reason,
deprives Congress of the power to aid us.
Judgo “Public Opinion” has pronounced
against the Constitutionality of Legislation, in
much louder tones than for the existence of
Mexican laws.
What force is there in urging the possibility
cf a suit, the bare idea of the success of which
is an absurdity 1
Having answered the interrogatory of that
paper, we beg leave to ask of it the following
question.
Does the Southern Rights party propose any
redress for the past wrongs of the Synth—or any
point of resistance to future aggressions ? And
if so—what ?
The River.— -The late rains in the upper
part of the State have raised the river from
five to six feet —the largest class steamers have
therefore no difficulty in navigating with full
cargoes.
The Corn Coop. — We learn from papers and
letter*, and from persons who have visited the up
country, most melancholy accounts of the total de
‘ ttruction of the corn crop in a portion of the upper
and |nidJ'e counties of this State, Georgia and South
Carolina. In large sections they hgyiL-not even
made bread for their families, much less fool for the
\ stock. The cotton crop is, more over, in these sec
| tiona unfortunately a failure also, and will net yield
f half enough to pay for the bread stuffs nesesiary.
. Tnis stato of things has produced much alarm, and
we observe projects mooted in Georgia for oalling
the Legislature together for the purp ise of import-
I ing a supply of ern from the West by the State, to
be sold at prices covering cost and expenses, and
thus protect those of limited means froiq. the exac
i tions of the speculators. We observe, also, in Pick
, ens county, m this State, a meeting called at Car
■ rollton, to “ devise the ways and means of procuring
K n supply ol corn.'’ Some portions of Indiana and
I Missouri have made heavy crops, end contracts for
R corn, if engaged at an early period, can doubtless
Ibe made on rea onable terms. The ©ora crop in
■ this immediate section of the State, and on the jrai
m ries and riverlands, and in the cansbrake counties,
Risa moderate average. On the light and thin lands
I it is short. Prices have row risen from 65 to 75
I cents per bushel. It will probably go much higher.
I Wk were forcibly reminded, on reading the
labove, from the Montgomery Journal, of the
told aiage of “going from home to hear the
news,” for it is the first intimation we have had
of any project, in Georgia, to call the legisla
ture together for the purpose of itapar ing a
supply of corn from the West, by the State.
It is true that the corn crop has been cut-very
abort in almost every section of the State by
the unprecedented drought, but no one, we
ie imagine, unless some alarmist or hypocondriac,
■b Bias ever entertained the idea of calling the
19 Legislature together, to obtain the aid of the
»(State, to relieve the necessities of the people,
y- For our own part we have no idea that the
price of corn will rangs as high throughout the
lyear as it is now, notwithstanding, we are suis-
Ified the State will have much to buy.
The Cotton Chop.— Wo have heretofore
LYfceen of the opinion that the growing crop of
cotton in this region and in North Alabama
k*generally, would be a large one—more than
Avjln average, but the severe drought in July
checked the growth of the plant, and it did not
I branch as much as usual and is quite small. It
is impossible for the plants to mature a full
crop, even if the fall is a late one. The crop
will not bs a large one—cannot, we believe,
reach an average in North Alabama.
We have pretty muchjlhe same news from
various parts of the cotton region. In North
Mississippi, Western District, South Alabama,
Georgia and South Carolina, the crop has been
disastrously affected by the exceedingly drv
summer. An overgrown crop the present
year is out of the question.— Huntsville Adv.
Bor the Chronicle Sf Sentinel
“If South Carolina resorts to Secession and
seperates herself from the Federal Government,
ehe will be a foreign Government to all intents
and purposes. She will he subject to all the
policy adopted by our Government in relation
| to foreign Governments.”—[Extract from the
letter of Charles J. McDonald to the Southern
Confederacy meeting of Charleston.]
1 have shown in my former articles, that the
true issue in Georgia is, whether the Union
should be Dissolved on account of tho past ac
tion of the General Government relative to the
slavery question. I think I have also satisfac
torily proven, that the adjustment measures
recognized and affirmed the policy upon which
Mr. Calhoun and his friends said the South
could stand and “ ever be a respectable portion
of thecomn unity.” Admitting the sincerity of
the profession of those who oppose the Consti
tutuiional Union party, that they are for tho
Union, taken in connexion with the oft-repeated
declaration, that enormous injustice has been
perpetrated a?ainst the South and every South
ern State degraded, I have demonstrated that
they are unfit and unworthy to be the custodi
ans of States honor or rights. I come now to
tear the silver veil from the po'iticil prophet
who seeks your destruction, and expose him in
all his nakedness and deformity, and like the
veiled prophet of Khorassan when he stood
forth before the sworn bride, ask you, people of
Georgia, in his language :
‘ Here, judge if Hell with all its power to
damn,
Can add one curse to tho foul thing I am.”
The Southern Rights party with Governor
McDonald at their head, admitted that the
rights of the South have been disregared and
the Southern States reduced to inferiority in
the confederacy, and yet hold that the people
should submit. They also affect to believe that
it ia a fixed purpose on the part of the North
ern States to abolish the institution of slavery
‘ in the States. Thev also declare their devotion
to the Union, and express tho desire that the
North will in the future cease its assaults upon
our rights, administer the constitution faithfully,
and let us remain as we are, a united people. Let
us for the sake of the argument enppose that
theso declarations carry with the** >e impress
of sincerity, I appeal to the peopl< Georgia to
know it their policy is calculate i effect any
change in the public mind North, ir impose any
restriction upon the aggressions of which they
complain. If they are honest in their declara
tions of fidelity to *he Union and desire above
ail things to see it preserved in its purity, will
it cause the majority to cease one jot or one
tittle in carrying out their fixed purpose, by yield
ing to their exactions and submitting to the deg
radation they have imposed. .Suppose there
should go up from the South to the North a
united declaration in words: “Brethren
of the North, you have treated us with injustice,
you have disregarded our rights, you have
bribed our young Bister and seduced her from the
path of virtue, you have taken from us our equal
ity and degraded us to an inferiority never con
templated by the Consitution, but yet to all
this we are willing to submit.” Now, I ask, and
ask triumphantly, if this policy will have any in
fluence upon a people resolved to go one step
farther and abolish the institution of slavery in the
States ? Will it in the least counteract any of the
evils that have been growing at the North in
connexion with their opposition to Southern
institutions. Contrast this policy, with the one
proposed by the Constitutional Union party of
Georgia and decide, according to reason and
common sense, which will, in the end, most
eliectually secure our rights and preserve the
Union. Wnatis the language of the Constitu
tional Union party to the North? We have, say
they, settled this slavery question upon a basis
on which we will “ ever be res ected in the
community” of which we form a part—the
agitation of it has been to us a source ot deep
anxiety, and we have been well nigh alienated
from you and our common country "by the ceas-
Icss discussion it has engendered. We are now
however where we can stand: the settlement we
l ave made we will abide by, in all its parts, and
we expect and we demand of you the same obe
dience. The laws, upon which this adjust
ment is made, must be executed in good faith ;
if they are not, you may rest assured that we
shall part from you, and part we hope in peace.”
If the public mind at the North is to be reached
by any policy, short of disruption or revolution,
will not this of the Constitutional Union party
prove more etiectual, than the opposite one ad
vocated by the Southern Rights Party ? Fellow
citizens, divest yourselves of every thing like
passion, and come to the consideration of these
subjects, with calmness, with firmness and with
reason for your guide.
As I said in a former number, if your rights
have been infringed and you have been degraded
by the Government that was bound to protect
you, the blood of your ancestors “ cries to you
from the ground, my sons scorn to be slaves.”
You owe it to your children to strike for inde
pendence and strike now, though every stream
that lertilizes your soil should be crimsoned with
blood, if the inheritance bequeathed to you has
been invaded. But if on the other hand, these
things have not been, the obligatory ties of the
past, the present and the future, demand of you
to sustain the government of your fathers and
to put down tne madness or the folly, orboth,
that would land you ia civil war and revolution.
It therefore does seem to me, that the policy as
proposed by ths Southern Rights party can be of
no earthly benefit to the South for the evils of
which they complain. To suomit to the oppres
sions of the past will not rel eve us from the bur
thens of the present, nor will it secure us against
the exactions of the futur6. Then, the question
arises, if they propose no remedy, still cling to
tho Government that oppresses them, and
makes no effort and has no hope that the
oppressor’s hand shall bo stayed, are they
the persons with whom you are willing to
entrust your honor, your rights,and in fact every
thing you hold dear? If I was disposed to hold
up the leaders of the Southern Rights party, to
tne scorn and contempt of every right-thinking
man in Georgia, I would insist that they were
sincere in the positions they have assumed, and
thereby evince their utter destitution of the es
sential element of every revolution. But charity
compels me to believe that they are at heart for a
dissolution of the Union, and their neglect to
avoW|it, forces upon me the conclusion, as it will
upon every one, that their want of confidence in
so declaring is the beßt evidence of their infi
delity to the truth.
Feeling the insecurity or their position, and
smarting under the rebuke which they met
i in the election of delegates to the convention
that placed Georgia upon the proudest pinnacle
she ever occupied, they have attempted to mis
lead the people from the truoissue and substitute
another. The right of a State to secede irom
the Union Is now the burthen of their song; and
L suppose we admit a State has the right to secede
from the Union, does thatentitle Charles J. Mc-
Donald to the confidence of a people for whom
he is not willing to raise one finger to relieve
Worn degradation? But let us examine this
i question a little, and see the position that Mr.
AUGUSTA, GA. SUNDAY MORNING, AUGUST 24, 1851.
McDonald now occupies before the country, ta
king his own recorded declarations as true expo
nents of his principles. Bear in mind, people
of Georgia, his declarations of attachment to this
Union and his desire to see it perpetuated. In
his late letter, addressed to the Charleston com
mittee, he holds the doctrine that if the State of
South Carolina secedes she is to all intents and
purposes a foreign power, and she will be subject
to all the policy adopted by our Government ia
relation to foreign Governments. In the next
sentence he holds out the encouragement to her
to secede, by declaring that if his Government,
the United States, ot which Georgia is one, the
Union to which he is attached, and the Constitu
tion which he will swear to support and defend
if he is elected Governor, should come in collis
ion with South Carolina, it will light up a blaze
of civil war, which could never be extinguished,
but in the life’s blood of the lovers of Constitu
tional liberty. In the first place, how could that be
a civil war in a conflict between two foreign pow
ers? for if South Carolina secedes, to all intents
and purposes she is a foreign power,and the policy
of tnis government towards her will be the same
as it is towards all Governments. Besides, if
South Carolina should become a foreign power
by seceding, where is the obligatioi for Mr. Mc-
Donald ana his associates to take part with her
in a conflict with his own Government, which he
pretends to venerate ? Will it be upon the plea
of weakness? If so, he ought to have taken
part with Mexico in our late conflict of arms.
Suppose South Carolina had never belonged to
this Union, and a conflict between her and the
General Government should grow out of the
policy we adopt towards other foreign Govern
ments —would Mr. McDonald and his friends
take her part and fight against his own Govern
ment ? Tho question is not changed by the fact
that she was once an integral part of the general
Government, for according to the doctrine of Mr.
McDonald, as soon as she secedes she is to all
intents and purposes a foreign power. Again,
suppose South Carolina is out of the Union,
and thereby nececsarily a foreign powei, will we
permit her to enter into any alliance with any
other foreign power by which our policy in re
gard to foreign powers is thwarted or our interests
jeoparded? Seif-protection says not; and he
who takes part against his own government in
such a conflict is a traitor, and if ever caught,
will receive a traitor’s doom. If then we will not
permit South Carolina to form an alliance with a
foreign power to affect our rights or interest in
any way, wiil we permit her of her own accord,
independent of such alliance, to do that very
thing, sho being a foreign power? I presume
not, and the man who gives “aid and comfort”
to the enemies of the United States in a con
flict with a foreign power, will find the punish
ment due to those who desert the flag of their
country. Ido not know that the general Gov
ernment will desire to force South Carolina to
remain in the Union, unless from motives of
humanity, believing, that a* '<e has proved
herself wayward and unruly. ir all the re
atraintsof a kind parent and ti. advice of affec
tionate sisters, she might be unable to contend
agaiast the allurements of a deceitful world,
single handed and alone. She will however not
be permitted to interfe-e wyth the policy of the
Federal Government, by any act of her own or
alliance with another. As the (opponents of the
Constitutional Union party desire lo rest this
controversy upon an issue dependent upon a con
tingency, it would be well to know their views
upon another question that may arise. If South
Carolina should secede from the Union, will they
be willing to see her fail into the hands of a for
eign power ? If she secedes, and is to all intents
and purposes a foreign nation, she will have the
unquestionable right to form an alliance with
any other Government. Will the Federal Gov
ernment permit her to exercise such a right?
Will the people of Georgia rest contented under
<he fact, that South Carolina is]a colony of Great
Britain, a government which has abolished sla
very in ev?ry colony that belongs to her? It is
only necessary to ask these questions to show
the momentous consequences involved in per
mitting a foreign power to hold territory so con
tiguous to us. It was only a few years since
that the “manifest destiny” of this Republic
was to occupy all the territory of the continent,
and to keep out all foreign powers ; now those
that were most vociferous for this doctrine, are
willing to give up one of the States to the ra
pacity of the British lion or any other potentate
that may choose to occupy her. People of Geor
gia, you should consider these questions in all
their length and depth and thickness—they in
volve consequences pregnant with everything
but safety. Let not passion govern you upon so
important an occasion—but let reason be your
guide. Distrust any man or set of men who
huve mt the courage to propose a remedy for
the grievances of which they complain. Turn
over the questions in this controversy in any
and every shape—expose them to any and every
light and the standard bearer of the Southern
Right Rights party, Charles J. McDonald, occu
pies a position before the people of Georgia de
grading and disgraceful to a true statesman. If
he believes that bis State has been oppressed
aud degraded, and is willing as he says to submit
to the oppression and degradation, to be worthy
to be her Governor he should be made of “stern
er stufl.” If he is at heart a disunionist and all
his professions of attachment to his government
are intended to deceive, his ambition to be your
ruler, should be coupled with sterner virtue.
And if in a collision between his Government
and a foreign power, h" would take side with the
latter, he is deficient in that stern patriotism that
distinguishes the hero Irom the traitor. It is not
pleasant to dwell upon his defects; but Mercy,
in a contest involving the liberties and happiness
of a free people, must yield to the demands of
Justice.
To tbs State Rights Men of Georgia*
That I may do Mr. McDonald and his party
no injustice in the now doctrines which they
are attempting to establish, I will copy the
resolution of their Convention. It is as fol
lows :
“ Resolved, That each State in view of the volun
tary nature of the Union, has the right in virtue of
its sovereignty and independence, of seceding from
the Union whenever the people thereof, in their
sovereign capacity shall determine such a step ne
cessary to effect their safety and happmess ; and of
consequence that the General Government has no
authority to attempt by military force or otherwise,
to res rain a State in the exercise of such sovereign
act.”
Here is their faith, written out by them
selves. It assarts two propositions, firrt, that
a State may secede from the Union at any time,
under any circumstances, and without any
cause, and secondly, that she cannot be pre
vented or restrained from the act by the Gene
ral Government, which is but the agent of the
States, in no way whatever. It matters not
what injury or rain befolis the other States by
that act, still the State cannot be restrained
from the act, and she is answerable to no one
for what she does. We will illusoae the
principle by a case. Massachusetts has en
joyed the benefits of the Union for seventy
years; for twenty-five years she has had the
benefits of a protective Tariff, paid by the
South, and by which her manufacturers have
grown immensely wealthy. The government
has built large factories for guns, aud erected
Navy Yards and Docks for the building o(
Ships within her limits. Through these bene
fits derived from the Government, she has be
come the wealthiest State in the Uaion.
Now, the Negroes of Georgiacitizsns escape
into her borJers, and when we seek to get
them, Massachusetts secedes from the Union I
Georgia has complied with the Constitution
in every respect—she has submitted to a
protective Tariff and paid the duties in good
i faith—but now when she asks the Government
to .give her in turn the benefits of the Union;
Massachusetts says no, you may have the bur
dens, but not the benefits of the Union. I
will secede, and you cannot prevent me in any
way ! This is the doctrine of State Rights
which Mr. McDonald and his parly support.
This doctrine was intended by Mr. McDon
ald and his party to be a response to the fol
lowing resolution of the Disunion Conven
tion assembled at Charleston :
“ Resolved , That the right of secession is one of
the sovereign rights of the States composing the
confederacy ot States known as the United States
of America, to be exercised by any State at its
discretion
The State Rights men deny this doctrine and de
clare according to the Virginia and Kentucky reso
lutions, that there must be a " deliberate , palpable
and dangerous ” violation of the Constitution be
fore she can recede, and that she is responsible to
her sister States, for her acts and their effects ; and
that they have as much right to judge whether they
have violated the Constitution, as she has ; and they
have an equal right to judge and act as well as she.
Here are the resolutions :
“ That in ease of a palpable, deliberate and
dangerous ete other powers not gra ited by
the said compact, the States who are parties thereto,
have the right, and are in duty bound to interpose
for airestinv the progress of (be evil and for amin
taining within their respective limitsthe authorities,
rights and liberties appertaining to them.”
And again:
“ This Government created by the compact, was
not made the exclusive and fiaal judge of the extent
cf the powers delegated to itself, since that, would
have made its discretion and not the Constitution,
the measure of its powers ; but that as in all other
cases of compact among parties having no common
judge, each party has an KauAi right to judge for
itself, as well of infractions as the mode and measure
of redress.”
This is tho doctrine of Thomas Jefforson. The
latter resolution was penned by him— the first, by
Mr. Madison, »nd constitute the faith and principles
of every republican throughout the Union.
Here then is the difference between the McDon
ald doctrine and the republican doctrine. McDon
ald soys that a State may secede without any cause
that she may judge and all the other States must
submit to her judgment—that she cannot be preven
ted from secession in any way, and that she is res
ponsible to : o <»ae for ths act, however she may in
jure them,
The republican doctrine is, that a State can only
secede when tbe Constitution has been deliberately
and dangerously violated, because violations may
sometimes occur unintentional, and of no moment,
and because a State cannot take the benefits of the
Union ; and when she ia about to encounter any of its
hardships, aecetie to avoid them. She must take the
?ood and b d together, and when ehe does secede,
others besides h-rself, have an equal right along with
her to judge ol th?t violation; and if she judges
wrongfully, then she is responsible to whoever she
may injure by the act. Thiß is the doctrine of
State rights now, of common sense, of common
justice and of common right.
The doctrine, of Mr. McDonald originated in
South Carolina, were broached for lhe purpose of
accomplishing disunion alone, and have nsver been
sustained in Georgia until now, and are supported
now alone by those who s -ek to destroy the Govern
ment. The Jeffersonian doctrines were advocated
by Chas. P endon, C. B. Strong, Judge Sayre,
Judges l.ougbtreet and Clayton, Wm. H. Crawlord,
Seaborn Jonet. Rieh’d. W. Habersham, A. H. Chap
pel, Gen. W*r». r. W.T. Colquitt, Mark A. Coop
er. Joel Crawlord, Jno. H. Howard, Irby Hudson
and Charles Dougherty, and at the meeting in 1833,
forming the State * ights party, on motion of Charles
Dougherty, the resolutions I have quoted, were pub
lished in the papers of the State, and from that pub
lication I have extracted those I have published.
The doctrines of Mr. McDonald ate false and de
ceptive. They induce tbe people to believe that it is
both peaceable and constitutional to destroy the go
vernment and men will be lead to attempt secession,
believing that they incur no responsibility for the act;
whereas, if they knew they must suffer under the
laws of nations, they would not attempt it. They
destroy the equality of the States—which, whenever
done, degiades all the States at the foot-stool of one.
It puts every State in tbe wrong but the seceding
State, and if they dare interpose, even for their own
safety, it is lawful for other nations to combine and
conquer them for any act of opposition, however
much the seceding State may be in the wrong. I
think, fellow-citizens, that you will agree with me,
that un old Federalist will ne/er do for a State Rights
teacher, i have tiiown you the opinions of the pro
minent State Rights men of Georgia ; let me call
your attention to t nothcr. It is Gov. Troup. What
he says, I know will not be acceptable to Mr. Mc-
Donald and his party, for Mr. McDonald denounced
him as a traitor, for standing by Georgia in 1825,
and he will doubtless think him a tory now. He
says “ There is no power given by the Constitution
to resist the laws of the United States.” “ Theonly
constitutional remedy for unconstitutional laws, is the
ballot-box ;” away then, with constitutional seces
sion !
“ The States, in v rtue of their sovereignty, when
evils are no longer supportable, must judge the evil
and thj remedy.”
The sovereign knows but two modes of settling
controversies—“ Negotiation and War.”
“As States may do very imprudently and unwise
ly what they have a right (o do, it becomes them to
act very deliberately and cautiously, because it is
lawful for other Slates to unite against them to
compel a fufitment cf their obligations under the
public law
Hera Gov. Troup takes issue with and contradicts
Mr. McDonald, and says that there “ must be evils
no longer supportable," before a State can secede ,
and th n she does it at her own hazard, for it ie
“lawful for other States to combine to compel a
fulfilment of her obligations," under the constitu
tion.
In another letter, written by Gov. Troup in 1833,
he considers the question more fully, and puts to
flight every position of Mr. McDonald. He affirms
that a State can secede only for justifiable causes.
One State can not judge for the others—nor bind
them by her judgment—the Union is a contract; it
can only be violated under the sanction of the law of
eternal justice; and when disruptured by secession,
the party seceding does it at the hazard of accounta
bility.
He says: “ Admitting that a State may at any time
destroy its own Constitution, can a State at its own
pleasure destroy the Constitution of the United
States? Tbe answer ie, No. Because other States,
equally sovereign as itself, are equal parties to it.
But, although a Sine may not for this reason alter or
destroy the Constitution, it may throw it off; it may
for jusifiable causes cease to be a party to it. Are
there no such good and justifiable causes 7 Yes,
there are such us will justify the breach ol a compact
between sovereigns, by oue of the parties to tl at
compact, many of which causes are to be found in
that public law, which is the Divine law, which is
the law of right an 1 justice, and wh’ch being the
paramount law, is as controlling over compacts and
constitutions, as the sovereign itself.” Gov Troup
upsets Mr. McDonald’s doctrine here again, by say
ing that there must be justifiable causes for dissolving
the Union.
Again he says: “But is it competent for one State
to judge of the violation of the charter? Yea, but it
judges for itself alone—every other State by virtue
of tho same sovereignty has the same right.” After
speaking of tho Union involving rights and obliga
tions—that it can only be violated by communities
under toe einct'on of the law of eternal justice, he
says: “ But with regard to the riguts of other parties
—what can they do? As sovereigns they can de
maid satisfaction; they can go to war; they ean
annihilate the party resisting; they may satisfy
vengeance, but they cano t compel the party to send
members to Con-rass or electors of President to an
electoral College. The Constitution of the United
States au horizis Congress to declare war, but not
against a State.” Mr. McDonald takes his doo
trioes from the Disunion Convention of Carolina —
but who shall be believed ? Thos. Jefferson and
Gov. Troup, or Soilh Carolina and Mr. McDonald?
Carolina never liked Mr. Jefferson—she voted for
Aaron Burr for President against him—and Mr.
McDonald called Gov. Troup a traitor (or these
sentiments.
We would ask if a State, by virtue ot her sore- ,
reignty, can judge and withdraw from the Union,
why cannot the other States also judge and prevent
her from withdrawing from tbe Union? It is sove
reignty which authorizes the first act, why can it
not authorize the second? Is there any reason for
it ? This leads us to inquire what is sovereignty 1
It is a word much used and but little understood.
When applied to political communities, ir. means lit
tle more than the right of self-preservation. That
may be brought about, either by making, altering
or destroying governments. Life, liberty, self-pre
servation, and the pursuit of happiness ere the great
i purposes lor which all governments are made; and
i when governments become destructive of these ends,
it is the right and the duty of the people to provide new
guards sot their future safety. Now it matters not how
these objects are defeated, either by the action of the
General Government, in the exercise of powers not
delegated, or by the resumption by a State of powers
delegated, the right of sovereignty exists to protect
the people, in just such manner and by sucti means
as the necessity of tbe cise may require. The rest
of tbe States may be as much injured by one State
resuming her delegated powers, as that one can be
by others assuming powers not delegated; and if
sovereignty can protect the latter, why can it not
protect the former? If self-defence requires and
justifies the one, why not the other?
The Constitution of the United States provides as
follows: “ We, the people of the U. States, in order
to form a more perfect union, establish justice, en
sure domestic tranquility , provide for the common
defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the
blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity,
do ordain and establish this Constitution for the Uni
ted States of America.” ThU Constitution was rati
fied by every State in the Union.
Now I ask, if a State, by seceding, would endan
ger the safety of the other States, may not they, by
virtue of their sovereignty, resist her action? Most
certainly ; or they are not sovereign. If they can,
then the doctrines of Mr. McDonald are false and
deceptive.
In truth, you must deny the sovereignty snd equal
ity of all the others but the seceding State, or you
must deny the truth of his new Tangled notions of
State Rights. Bjt 1 may be asked, is not this right
of the other States to judge and act, an abstraction
whic*’ can be of little consequence? I reply, it is
no more an abstraction than the right of secession out
of which it grows, and without which it could not
exist. But it is not an abstraction. It is n dange
rous and fatal theory as to the structure of our go
vernment ; it disseminates wrong opinions which may
lead the States into false action j it teaches the peo
ple of one Stite to treat with conten»pt and disregard
the rights of the other States, and in these times
when disaffection is threatening to destroy the go
vernment, it is leading the people to rush into revolu
tion, civil war and anarchy, when they had supposed
that they were employing and are exercising only
constituti >nal means.
It is a decoy into which men are to be led to find
a cherished princ'ple, and when they reach the spot,
they find it the plain of revolution and civil war.
To the Old State Rights men of Georgia I appeal
to resist to every extreme the federal doctrine which
Charles J. McDonald and his friends are trying to
induce you to embrace. He denied the sovereignty
of the States when he denounced your principles as
those of the Hartford Convention. He denies their
equality, and consequently their sovereignty now.
Y :u owe it to your principles, to your lofty patriotism,
to past professions, to repudiate the d c'rine of seces
sion. It is but an impudent attempt to f.sten an c di
ous end treacherous measure to a cause which vou
signalized by your unflinching devotion to Luth.
From the mountains to the ocean ; from east to west,
in e»ery county and district, rally, rally uad defeat
McDonald, and let him and his hateful crusade
against Union and equality perish together. Teach
him, bv your votes, that an old, worn out, and broken
down Federalist cannot aspire to be the leader of the
State Rights men. Toll him that the man W’o de
nounced Gov. Troup as a traitor, for defending the
rights of Georgia against the federal bayonets of
John Quincy Adams, can never presume to lead the
Republicans of Georgia. Let him follow Rhett in
his treason against his country; it is his right position.
Rally, and let us maintain tho doctrine of State
Rights Now is the time to vindicate our principles,
both by the defeat of Mr. McDonald and the election
of his opponent. Both will be a two-fold triumph of
truth ov ?r falsehoid, of patriotism over duplicity and
treachery, Mr. Cobb is every way worthy of our
confidence and support. Upon the broad question of
Union or Disunion, be is with us heart and soul.
That question which swallows up every thing else,
which is so near and dear to the heart of every pa
triot and State Rights man, finds ia Mr. Cobb n most
cordial advocate. Whatever may have been the dif
ferences which divided him and us hitherto on this
great and vital question, which comes Loire to tbe
hearts and firesides of every father and patriot, Mr.
Gobb is what he ought to be, every inch a State
Rights man. His noble, frank, manly heart, beats
for his country alone He wants no broken Union
Asa Georgian he wants his native State unfettered
by a tame submission to the dictates of another State.
He goes for Georgia first; Georgia last, and Georgia
now and forever I
The success of our principles, as State R ights men,
demands the defeat of Mr. McDonald and the elec
tion of Mr Cobb. We have a certain guarantee
♦hat, in the triumphs of our candidate our dearest
principle) will triumph too. Mr. Cobb has no sym
pathy with Mr. McDonald in his federal notions.
When ths tcderal government attempted to defeat
Georgia in iha acquisition of her rightsover her lerri
tory, *4r. McDonald sided against Georgia. When
the federal government sought to prevent Georgia
from exercising her right to punish crimes within
her limits, Mr. McDonald sided against Georgia.
When an abolitionist stole a negro from our State
and was demanded of the Governor of Maine, and
refused to be delivered by him, the Legislature pas
sed a law retaliating upon the people of that State,
Mr. McDonald vetoed tho law. Thus in every case
Mr. McDonald has side I against State Rights, and
in favor of the Federal Government.
A State Rights Man of ’32.
The Stats Fair. —This Fair of the South
ern Central Association, will be held in Macon
on the last week in Octohsr next ; and fromall
accounts, promises to oe the most magnificent
of the kind ever held in the South. Informa
tion has been received from South Carolina,
Florida, Alabama, Mississippi and Tennessee,
ohowjng that those States will be all represented,
and Georg a will put forth one of her greatest
efforts. There will probably he 20,000 people
assembled here on that occasion. The plan
ters, mechanics, and lawyers, with their wives
and children, will ba herewith the rich products
of the freest and happiest, most prosperous
and highly favored portions of the earth. A
grand fair it will be. We are glad to see that
the liberality of Macon is fully appreciated by
our friends abroad. She has been liberal.
Her subscription of S4OOO isbevond precedent
so far as we know, even in the Northern States,
where agriculture is carried to the highest per
fection. '
To tpeet all these preparations abroad,
our city authorities are busily engaged in
making preparations at home. The lot has
been located, and is one of the handsomest and
best adapted that could be found anywhere. 1
The enclosure, consisting of about fourteen
acres, is nearly complete—the buildings, which
are ample, are all under contract, and will
be in readiness by the first of October.
The p!au of the fair ground is beautiful; nnd
from appearances, we should suppose it is in j
contemplation by our city authorities to ex
pend many dollars more than was originally I
s ipulated, in giving accommodation and effect ■
to the fair. ‘
In addition to our splendid hotel accomod i
tions we learn that a number of first rate ‘
Refreshment Houses, will be erectedon th 9 (
fair ground, where all the luxuries of land and
sea will be served up in fine style by some of
our experienced purveyors. Our ci izens
too, will all be at home by that time, prepared
to fill their houses with their friends and ac-
Jiuaintances from abroad, who may chose to f
avor cut with their presence. So that all
VOLUME XV.-. 0.-102.
things considered, we miy expect a stirring,
time of it dnring the week of the fair— Macon
Jour. 8f Messenger.
"■ ■
T E LE Ij&APHIC NEWS.
'I i ansvntited for the Chronicle & Sentinel.
RIOTS IN NEW ORLEANS.
ITTACK ON THE SPANISH CONSU
LATB,
New Yorlt Market.
Friday, Aug. 22. —Cotton. —The market wee
firm to.day. Sales 200 bales. Middling Uplands
84 | Orleans b).
New Orleans Market.
Thursday, Aug. 21,—Cotton. —Only 21 bales
sold to-day—all new crop. Good Middling B|. Flour
still tending downwards; Ohio 54.06*. Whiskey
19*.
Riot.—A party of Cuban Liberators, mostly Wes
tern men, exasperatei by tbo tone of the Spanish
paper, “ La Patrii this afternoon, attacked the
office, broke the windows and doors, threw tha
press and cases, type and furniture into the street,
and destroyed every thing belonging to tbo
The police did not interfere.
After demolishing the Union office, the Rioters
proceeded to the Segar store, corner of Ft. Charles
and Gravier street, and destroyed all the stock and
furniture, which was very valuable.
At 7 o’clock, the Rioters proceeded to the Spanish
Consulate, where they destroyed the desks, furni
ture, and other property of all kinds, and tore down
signs, which wore carried in triumph to the mating
in Lafayette Square.
Nkw Orleans, Aug. 22.
Cotton. —200 bales were sold this morning.—
Quotations are impossible. Tha Canada’s news was
received by the Picayune yesterday.
More Rioting.—This morning (Friday) 2,000
men have surrounded the City Prison, where the
Spanish Consul hss taken refuge, and threaten to
destroy it, unless the Spanish Consul be delivered
up. About 50 police are on ths ground.
Nearly all the Segar shops in the city, kept by
Spaniards, were destroyed last night.
Minute guns have been firod since sun rise, in
honor of the murdered Liberators I The bodies of
Victor Kerr and Col. Crittenden attract many visi
tors and produce much feeling.
From the Charleston Courier—By Telegraph.
New Or team, Aug. 20 —Barely seventy
bales of Cotton have been disposed of to-day.
Middling of the new crop is worth 8£ cents.
Flou is declining, a'd commands $4.10, Su
Lous is quoted at $4,75. Bacon brings 11 to
11£ cent*. i« ut idj cents. The
s ock of Rio Coffee on hand is nearly exhaust
ed, it is quoted at 9 cents.
The Empire City is expected, but has not
yet arrived.
New Orleans, Aug. 21, P. Us —The U. 3. '
steamer Vixen arrived at Pensacola, reports
that one whole regiment of Spanish troops
had gone over to the Patriots, and that the
people were rising in many quarters. One
general, one Commodore, and one General of
Marines, with two hundred soldiers were
killed, and many were wounded during the
two engagements with Lopex.
The American Consul is reported to have
declined to see the Captain General in behalf
of the captured patriots.
The Empire City has reported that the stea
mer Union has been wrecked on the Mexican
Coast on the Pacific, and is a total loss. The
passengers, craw and gold however, were all
saved. The Captain and passenger are on
board the Cherokee Tno steamer Piazarro is
ashore on the Keystone.
Baltimore, Aug. 19.—0 n Tuesday in the
New York market eleven hundred bales of
co.ton were sold. Middling is quoted at B£,
and Uplands at 8£ cents. An advance of a
quarter of a cent lias taken place.
Baltimore, August 20—The Brother Jona
than has arrived from Chagres, with dates to
the 9th, and from Kingston to the 12th inst.
She brings 400 passengers, but no specie on
freight. The Falcon was at Chagres waiting
for the mails. The Ohio arrived on the 4th
disabled. The Northerner arrived at Panama
on the &th, with two millions in sold, and the
California mails to the l&tb. The steamer
Union was wreched in Ungumials Bay on the
sih of July. She bad 300 passengers and
$300,000 in gold—all saved. The cholera was
disappearing from Jamaica.
From the Baltimore American. —By Telegraph.
Albany, N. F. Aug. 19 —Proposals for the
canal enlargement loan were opened to-day.—
The tenders made for the loan amount to four
and a half millions of dollars at par. one-half
by New York capitalists, and the residue by
capitalists in Albany and along the line.
St. Louis. Aug. 16.—We learn from Mus
catine, iowa, that a very destructive freshet
occurred there on the 11th ins , causing great
loss of life and properly. The freshet oo
cured at night, the creek rising te an unusual
heignt, sweeping away tuauy houses aod
every thing in its course. Iu one house was a
woman and three children, al! of whom were
drowned. The damage to the public works
alone, is upward* of ten thousand dollars,
MARRIE EK
in Hi etunoad county, oa tbd Jim last., oy Her. L.
J. Davies, Mr. Gsoaos W. Bgaar, of Augusts,
and Miss Sarah Frances, daughter of Dr. Wm.
Williams.
con aiawßßS.”
Per Geo. Steamboat Co's Steamer, T. S.
Metcalf, with Tow Boats Nos. 6 ip 11, with mer
chandise, Cbc., to J. B. Guieu, Ag't.—ies. Hope,
Agent; Barret & Garter; T. S. Metcalf) E. o-
Tinsley; J. Silcox; D. Slate; B.
<& Brown; Wright, Nichols & Co.; Gmid, Bulkley
A Co.; Scranton, Stark ip D ivis; Baser At Hart;
Hand & Fleming ; Baker <fc Wilcox ; John Gambia ;
and F. C. Arms, Sup’t.
CIOLUMUIA StlEItfEF’S SALK.—WiII
0 be sold, before tde Court Bouse door in Appling,
Columbia county, between the usual hours of sale,
on the first Tuesday in OCTOBER next, the tallow
ing property, w wit: one lot of LAND, containing
Ten Acres, more or less, lying on the road leading
from James Luke’s to the Petersburg Road, adjoin
ing lands of Michael Reids, levied on as the property
of George W. Roberts, to satisfy one fi. fa. iwuing
from the Justice's Court of District No. 3.0 f said
county, at the suit of Dunham and Bleahley VE.
George W. Roberta, Levy made by John Poster,
constable. GEO. G. STURGIS, Sh’ff.
August 23, 1851. ________
NOTICE.
During our absenoe from the State, H. A.
Faboo will aet aa our Agent, and may h*
found at the Store of Hopkins, Kolb & Co.
au!9-tw3 ADAMS A FARGO.