Newspaper Page Text
Daily Chronicle & Sentinel
BY W. S. JONES.
[From the N. Y. Herald.]
The Speech of Kossuth in Full.
lam yet half sick, gentlemen; tossed and
twisted about by a fortnight’s gale on the At
lantic’s restless waves; my giddy brains are still
turning round as in a whirlpool, and this gigan
tic continent seems yet to tremble beneath my
wavering steps. Let me, before Igo to work,
have some hours of rest upon this soil oflreedom,
your happy home. Freedom and Home, what
hea\ enly music in those two words! Alas, I have
no home, and the freedom of my people is down
trodden. Young Giant of free America, do not
telljme that thy shores are an asylum to the op
pressed, and a home to the homeless exile. An
asylum it is, but all the blessings of your glorious
country, can they drown into oblivion the long
ing of the heart, and the fond desire, for our na
tive land? My beloved native land! thy very
sufferings make thee but dearer to my heart; thy
bleeding image dwells with me w T hen I wake,
as it rests with me in the short moments of my
restless sleep. It has accompanied me over the
waves. It will accompany me when Igo back
to fight'over again the battle of thy freedom once
more. I have no idea but thee; I have no feeling
but Ihee. Even here, with this prodigious view
of greatness, freedom, and happiness, whieh
spreads before my astonished eyes, my thoughts
are wandering towards home; and when I look
over these thousands of thousonds before me, the
happy inheritance of yonder freedom for which
your fathers fought and bled—and when I turn
to you, citizens, to bow before the majesty of the
Unued States, and to thank the people of New
York for their generous share in my liberation,
and lor the unparalleled honor of this reception,!
see, out of the very midst of this great assem
blage, rise the bleeding image of Hungary, look
ing to you with anxiety w'hether there be in the
lustre of your eyes a ray of hope for her; wheth
er there be in the thunder your hurrahs a trumpet
call of resurrection. If there were no such ray
of hope in your eyes, and no such trumpet call
in your cheers, then wo to Europe’s oppressed
nations. They will stand alone in the hour of
need. Less fortunate than you were, they will
meet no borther’s hand to help them in the ap
proaching giant struggle against the leagued des
pots of the world; and wo also to me. I will
feel no joy even here, and the days of mv stay
here will turn out to be lost for my father-land —
lost at the very time when every moment is
teeming in the decision of Europe’s destiny.
Citizens, much as lam wanting some hours of
rest, much as I have need to become familiar
with the ground I will have to stand upon be
fore I enter on business matters publicly, I took
it for a duty of honor, not to let escape even this
first moment of your generous welcome, without
stating plainly and openly to you what sort of
man i am, and what are the expectations and the
hopes—what are the motives which brought me
now to your glorious shores. Gentlemen, I have
to thank the people, Congress, and government
of the United States for my liberation from cap
tivity. Human tongue has no words to express
the bliss which I felt*when I—the down-trodden
Hungary’s wandering chief—saw the glorious
flag of the stripes and stars fluttering over my
head—when I first bowed before it with deep
respect—when I saw around me the gallant of
ficers and the crew of th%Mississippi frigate—
the most of them the worthiest representatives
of true American principles, American greatness,
American generosity—and to think that it was
not a mere chance which cast the star-spangled
banner around me, but that it was your protec
ting will—to know that the United States of
America, conscious of their glorious calling as
well as of their power—declared by this unpar
alleled act to be resolved to become the protectors
of humau rights—to 6ee a powerful vessel of
America, coming to far Asia, to break the chains
by which the mightiest despots of Europe fatter
ed the activity oi an exiled Magyar, whose very
name disturbed the. proud security of their sleep
—to feel restored by such a protection and in
such away, to freedom, and by freedom to ac
tivity, you may be well aware of what I have
felt, and still feel, at the remembrance of this
prond moment of my life. Others spoke—you
acted; and I was free! You acted; and at this
act of yours tyrants trembled; humanity shouted
out with joy; the down trodden people of Mag
yars—the down trodden, but not broken, raised
his head with resolution and with hope, and the
brilliancy of your stars was greeted by Europe’s
oppressed nations as the morning star of rising
liberty. “ ‘ ; .
Now, gentlemen, you must be aware how
boundless the gratitude must be which I feel for
you. You have restored me to life—because, re
stored to activity; and should my life, by the
blessings of the Almighty, still prove useful to my
father-land and to humanity, it will be your
merit —it will be your work. May you and
your glorious country be blessed for it. Europe
is on the very eve of such immense events, that
however fervent my gratitude be to you, I would
not have felt authorized to cross the Atlantic, at
this very time, only for the purpose to exhibit to
you my warm thanks. I would have thanked
you by facts contributing to the freedom of the
continent, and would have postponed
my visit to your glorious shores till the decisive
battle for liberty was fought—if it were my des
tiny to outlive that day. Then what is the mo
tive of my being here at this very time? The
motive, citizens, is that your generous act of my
liberation has raised the conviction throughout
the world that this generous act of yours is but
the manifestation of your resolution to throw
your weight into the balance where the fate of
the European continent is to be weighed. You
have raised the conviction throughout the world,
that by my liberation you were willing to say,
“Ye oppressed nations of old Europe’s continent,
be of good cheer; the young giant of America
stretches his powerful arm over the waves, ready
to give a brother’s hand to your future.” So is
your act interpreted throughout the world. You,
in your proud security, can scarcely imagine
how beneficial this conviction has already proved
to the suffering nations of the European conti
nent. You can scarcely imagine what self-con
fidence you have added to the resolution of the
oppressed. You have knit the tie of solidarity in
the destinies of nations. I cannot doubt that
you know how 1 was received by the public
opinion in every country which I touched since
I am free, and what leelings my liberation has
elicited in those countries which it was not my
lot to touch. You know how I, a plain, poor,
penniless exile, have almost become a centre of
nope and confidence to the most different nations,
not united but by the tie of common sufferings.
What is the source of this apparition unparalle
led in mankind’s history? The source of it is,
that your gunferous act of my liberation is taken
by the world for the revelation of the fact that
the United States are resolved not to allow the
despots of the world to trample on oppressed hu
manity. It is hence that my liberation was
cheered, from Sweden down to Portugal, as a
ray of hope. It is hence that even those nations
which most desire my presence in Europe now,
have unanimously told me, “Hasten on, hasten
on to the great, free, rich and powerful people of
the United States, and bring over its brotherly
aid to the cause of your country, so intimately
connected with European liberty;” and here 1
stand to plead the cause of the solidarity of bur
man rights before the great republic of the Uni
ted States.
Humble as I am, God, the Almighty, has se
lected me to represent the cause ol humanity be
fore you. My warrant to this capacity is writ
ten in the sympathy and confidence of all who
are oppressed, and of all who, as your elder broth
er, the people of Britain, sympathize with the
oppressed—my warrant to this capacity is writ
ten in the hopes and expectations you have enti
tled the world to entertain, by liberating me out
pf my prison, and by restoring m# to activity.
But it has pleased the Almighty to make out of |
my humble self yet another opportunity for a :
thing which may prove a happy turning point in j
the destinies of the world. I bring you a broth
erly greeting from the people of Great Britain.
I speak not in an official character, imparted by
diplomacy, whose secrecy is the curse of the
world, but I am the harbinger of the public spir
it of the people, which has the right to impart a
direction to its government, and which I wit
nessed, pronouncing itself in the most decided
manner, openly—that the people of England,
united to you with enlightened brotherly love, as j
it is united iu blood—conscious of your strength .
as it is conscious of its own, has lor ever aban
doned every sentiment of irritation and rivalry,
and desires the brotherly alliance of the United
States to secure to every nation the sovereign
right to dispose of itself, and to protect the sover
eign right of nations against the encroaching ar
rogance of despots, and leagued to you against
the league of despots, to stand, together with you,
godfather to the approaching baptism of European
liberty. Now, gentlemen, I have stated my po
sition. I am a straightforward man. I am a
republican. I have avowed it openly in the mo
narchical, but free England; and I am happy to
stare that I have nothing lost by this avowal
there. I hope I will not lose here, in republican
America, by that frankness, which must be one
of the chief qualities of every republican. Sol
beg leave, frankly and openly, to state the fol
lowing points;
First,that I take it to be thcduty of honor and prin
cipl'i not to meddle with whatever party question of
your own domestic affairs. I claim for my country
the right to dispose of itself; so I am resolved, and
must be resolved, to respect the same principle here
and everywhere. May others delight in the part of
knights-errant for theories. It is not my case. I
am the man of the great principle of the sovereignty
of every people to dispose of its own domestic con
cerns; and I most solemnly deny to every foreigner,
as to evory foreign power, tho right to oppose the
sovereign faculty.
Secondly, I profess, highly and openly, my ad
miration for the glorious principle of union, on
which stands the mighty pyramid of your greatness,
and upon the basis of which you have grown, in tho
short period of seventy five years, to a prodigious
giant, the living wonder of the world. I have tho
most warm wish that tho star spangled banner of
the United States may forever be floating, united and
one, tho proud ensign of mankind's divine origin;
and taking my ground on this principle of union,
which I find lawfully existing, an established consti
tutional fact, it is not to a party, but to the united
people of the United States that I confidently will
addross my humble requests for aid and protection
to oppressed humanity. I will conscientiously res
pect your laws, but within the limits of your laws I
'•ill use every honest exertion to gain your operative
ipia pathy, and your financial material, and political
u!«i for my country’s freedom and independence,
am. entreat tho realization of those hopes which
your generosity has raised in me and my people’s
Lreasis and also in the breasts of Europe’s oppress
ed nations.
And, therefore, thirdly, I beg leave frankly to
state that my aim is to restore my fatherland to the
full enjoyment of that act of the declaration of in
dependence, which, being the only rightful existing
public law of my nation, can nothing have been lost
of its rightfulness by the violent invasion of foreign
Russian arms, and which, therefore, is fully entitled
to be recognized by tho people of the United States,
whoso very existence is founded upon a similar de
claration of independence.
Thus having expounded my aim, I beg leave to
state that I camo not to your glorious shores to en
joy a happy re3t. I came not with tho intention to
gather triumphs of personal distinction, or to be the
object of popular shows; but I came a humblo pe
titioner in my country’s name, as its freely chosen
constitutional chief. What can be opposed to this
recognition, which is a logical necessary consequence
of the principle of your country's political existence ?
What can be opposed to it ? Tho frown of Mr.
Hulsemann—tho anger of that sattelitc of tho Czar,
called Francis Joseph of Austria; and the immense
danger with which some European and American
papers threaten you, and by which, of course, you
must feci extremely terrified, that your minister at
Vienna will have offored his passports, and that
Mr. Ilulsomann leaves Washington, should I be re
ceived and treated in my official capacity; Now, as
to your minister at Vienna, how you can combine
the lettiDg him stay there with your opinion of tho
cause of Hungary, I really don’t know; but so much
I know, that the present absolutistical atmosphere
of Europe is not very propitious to American princi
ples. I know a man, who could tell some curious
facts about this matter. Rut as to Mr. Hulsemann.
really I don’t believe that ho would bo so ready to
lca#fe Washington. Ho has extremely well digested
the caustic pills which Mr. Webster has administer
ed to him so gloriously; but after all I know enough
of tho public spirit of tho sovereign people of the U7
States, that it would never admit to whatever res
ponsible depository of the executive power, should
he evon be willing to do so, which, to be sure, your
high minded government is not willing to do, to bo
regulated in its policy by all the Ilulsemanns or all
the Francis Josephs in the world. So I confidently
hope that tho sovereign of this country, flic people,
will make tho declaration of independence of Hunga
ry soon formally recognized, and that it will care
not a bit for it if Mr. Hulsemann takes to-morrow
his pass-ports, bon voyage to him. But it is also
my agreeable duty to profess that I am entirely con
vinced that the government of the United States
shares warmly the sentiments of tho people in that
respect. It has proved it by executing in a ready
and dignified manner tho resolution of Congress on
behalf of my liberation. It has proved it by call
ing on the Congress to consider how I shall be treat
ed and received, and even this morning I was hon
ored, by tho express order of the government, by an
official salute from the batteries of tho United States,
in such a manner in which, according to the mili
tary rules, only a public, high official capacity can
be greeted.
Having thus expounded my aim, I beg loavo to
staio that I came not to your glorious shores to en
joy a happy rest —I camo not with the intention
to gather triumphs of personal distinction, but be
cause a humble petitioner, in my country’s name,
as its freely chosen constitutional chief, humbly to
entreat your generous aid ; and then it is to the aim
that F will dovoto every moment of my time with
th .• more assiduity, tho more restlessness, as every
moment may bring a report of events which may
call me to hasten to my place on tho battlefield,
where tho great, and I hope tho last battle will bo
fought between Liberty and Despotism. A moment
marked by tho finger of Hod to be so near, that
every hour of delay of your generous aid may prove
fatally disastrous to oppressed humanity ; and thus
having stated my position to be that of a humble
petitioner in tho name of my oppressed country, let
me respectfully ask, do you not regrot to have be
stowed upon me the high honor of this glorious re
ception, unparalleled in history ? I say unparalleled
in history, theugh I know that your fathers have
welcomed Lafayette in a similar way ; but Lafayette
had mighty claims to your country’s gratitude ; he
had fought in your ranks for your freedom and in
dependence, and what still was more, in the hour of
your nood. He was tho link of your friendly con
nection with France—a connection, tho result of
which woro two French fleets of more than thirty
light men-of-war, throe thousand gallant men, who
fought side by side with you against Cornwallis, be
fore Yorktown ; the precious gift of twenty-four
thousand muskets, a loan of ninoteon millions of
dollars, and even the preliminary treaties of your
glorious peace, negotiated at Paris by your immortal
Franklin. I hope the peoplo of the Unitod States,
now itself in tho happy condition to aid those who
aro in need of aid, as itself was once in neod, will
kindly remombor those facts; and you, citizens of
Now York, and you will yourselves become tho
Lafayettos of Hungury. Lafayette had groat claims
to your love and sympathy, but I have none. 1
came a humble petitioner, with no other elaiins
than those which tho oppressed have to the sympa
thy of free meu, who have the power to help; with
tho ' aim wliich the unfortunate has to the hap-
T. ! and the down trodden has to the protection of
oti rnul justice and of human rights. In a word, I
have no other claims than those which tho oppress
ed principle of freedom has to the aid of victorious
liberty. Then I would humbly ask, aro these claims
sufficiont|to ensure your gonerous protection, not to
myself, but to tho causeof my native land —not to
my native land only, but to the principle of free
dom in Europo’s eontinent, of which the indepen
dence of Hungary is tho indispensable key-stone.-
If you consider these claims not sufficient to your
active and operative sympathy, then let mo know
at once that the hopes have failed with which Eu
rope's oppressed nations hare looked to your great,
mighty aud glorious republic—lot me knew at unco
the failure of our hopes, that I may haaton back
and tell Europe's oppressed nations. “ Let us fight,
forsaken and single-handed, the battle ofLeonidas ,
let us trust to God, to our right, and to our good
sword; there It no other help for tho oppressed na
tions on earth.” But if your generous republican
hearts are animated by the high principle of free
dom and of the solidity in the destinies of humani
ty —if you have the will, as, to bo sure, you have
the power, to support the oause of freedom against
the saeriligious league of despotism, then give me
some days of calm reflection, to .become acquainted
with tho ground upon which I stand—lot mo take
the kind advice of some active friends on the most
practical course I have to adopt —let me see if there
be any preparatory steps taken in favor of that
cause which I have the honor to represent; and
then let me have a new opportunity to expound be
fore you my humble requests in a political way.—
I confidently hope, Mr. Mayor, the corporation and
citizens of the Empire city will grant me tho second
opportunity. If this bo your generous will, then
let me take this for a boon ot happier days; and let
me add,with a sigh of thanksgiving to the Almighty
God. that it is your glorious country which Provi
dence has selected to be the pillow of freedom, as
it is already the asylum to oppressed humanity,
I am told that I will have the high honor to re
view your patriotic militia. Oh, God! how my
heart throbs at the idea to see this gallant army
enlisted on tho side of freedom against despotism ;
the world would be free, and you the saviours of
humanity. And why not? These gallant men
take part in the mighty demonstration of the day,
proving that I was right when I said that now-a
days even the bayonets think. Citizens of New
York, it is under your protection that I place the
sacred cause of freedom and independence of Hun
gary.
(Correspondence of the Baltimore American.)
Thirty-Second Congress—First Session.
Washington, Dec. 11, 1851.
SENATE.
Mr. Miller gave notice of a bill granting fur
ther remedies to patentees.
Mr. Fish presented the memorial of Brevet
Brigadier General Talcott, lately Colonel of ord
nance, in relation to his trial and dismissal from
the service of the United States by the finding of
a court-martial. He also submitted a resolution,
which was adopted, calling upon the War Depart
ment for a copy of the proceedings of that trial.
Mr. Walker introduced a bi 1 !, granting land to
Wisconsin for certain improvements in that
State.
Mr. Fish introduced a bill to establish a Mint
in the city of New York.
Mr. Underwood introduced a bill to procure a
revision of the United States laws, and of statu
tory law in force in the District of Columbia.
Mr. Underwood introduced a resolution, which
was laid over, directing an inquiry into the pro
priety of grading and paving Pennsylvania Ave
uue, from 17th street to Georgetown, in this
city ; also, of continuing the avenue in a straight
line across Rock Creek.
Mr. Bright’s resolution, providing for an elec
tion of tire Secretary, Sergeant-at-Arms and
Door-Keeper of the Senate on next Monday, and
providing for their election at the first session of
each Congress, was taken up. Messrs. Bright
and Douglas supported the resolution. Messrs.
Berrien, Butler. Badger and Shields opposed it.
The latter thought the present an inauspicious
moment for Democrats to commence removals; it
would be better to postpone it till after the next
general election, when removals could be more
universal.
The resolution was then rejected—yeas 20,
nays 24.
The Senate proceeded to the election of Chap
lain, C. M. Butler having received
twenty-five votes of forty-five, was declared re
elected Chaplain of the Senate.
The joint resolution tendering to Kossuth a
welcome was then taken up.
Mr, Foote read some extracts from a speech
by Mr. Webster, in the House of Representatives,
on the Greek question, showing that sentiments
expressed by him, Mr. F., on this resolution were
similar to those of Mr. Webster at that time.
The question recurring on the amendment of
Mr. Berrien, the question was divided so as to be
taken first on that part of it extending the wel
come to the of Kossuth.
Mr. Badger was of opinion that the associates
were equally entitled to a welcome.
Mr. Cass considered Kossuth the representa
tive of a great principle, and all amendments des
troyed, to an extent, the effect of the welcome.
It was idle to say he had been invited as an or
dinary emigrant, to take his 160 acres of land,
and settle down to its cultivation. He had been
invited as a token of respect for his cause. The
Hungarian struggle was like our own, they ex
pressed loyality, but demanded reform. We did
the same. Every nation in Europe now con
tains in her borders, and supported and maintain
ed exiles from other lands.
He considered Austria and Russia had viol tted
the law of nations, and that the U. States had
right to go to war or protest against it. By wel
coming Kossuth we could give no offence forbid
den by the law of nations; under that law of na
tions we had the right to go further and rebuke
Russia for- violating the law ol nations. The
amendment was an abstract declaration that by
this resolution we meant nothing, and as such
was uncalled for an 1 undignified. The Senate
of the U. States presented a singular spectacle of
hesitating and doubting, when compared with
the course of the Sultan of Turkey.
Mr. Berrien followed in maintainance of his
amendment.
Mr. Douglas supported the resolution in a
speech of some length, agreeing throughout with
the sentiments of Mr. Cass, enforcing the same
principle, and urging that Congress should not
declare whether we will or will not ever inter
fere to maintain the unquestioned principles of
the law of nations. Congress should leave that
question to be decided when the case arises.
Mr. Dawson followed in support of the amend
ment, as just to ourselves and to Kossuth, to let
him know what we mean by our invitation.
On motion by Mr. Badger, subject postponed.
Adjourned.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
After the reading of the Journal, which occu
pied upwards bf half an hour, owing to the nu
merous petitions presented and motions made
yesterday, Mr. Disney, of Ohio, Chairman of the
Committee on Elections, applied to be relieved
from his duties on the committee, which was
agreed to.
On motion of Mr. Houston, of Alabama, the
House went into a Committee of the Whole on
the State of the Union, Mr. Jones, of Tennessee,
in the chair; when Mr. Houston submitted the
usual series of resolutions, referring the various
subjects embraced in the. message to appropriate
committees.
There being no probability of the Committee
coming to a decision, the House resumed; when
Mr. Stevens, of New York, was sworn in.
On motion of Mr. Houston, the resolution ap
portioning different parts of the Message to Com
mittees was ordered to be printed.
Communications were received from the Sec
retary of State, accompanying the Reports of
the War Department, and other public docu
ments.
A short and interesting debate took place,
with reference to the report of the Secretary of
War; and motions were made to refer it to Com
mittee on Military affairs, and, by Mr. Marshall,
ofKy., to a Special Committee.
Mr. JButt, of South Carolina, contended that it
was unusual to refer reports to a Special Com
mittee, unless for some special reason that was
stated. He reviewed the course pursued by
Congress during the last session; and declared
that he had endeavored to introduce a system of
retrenchment, and would have beensucessful had
he been properly supported during the long ses
sion of Congress.
Mr. Marshall supported the motion for a Spe
cial Committee, on the ground that the Commit
tee on Military Affairs had not recommended
measures of reform, if they deemed them neces
sary.
Mr. Clingman, of North Carolina, Mr. Carter,
of Ohio, and one or two others, took part in this
desultory debate; and eventually the report wm
referred to the Committee on Military affairs,
Mr. Marshall having withdrawn his motion for
a special committee.
Mr. Houston, of Alabama, having found fault
with the absence of the estimates, and given no
tice that on Monday he should move a resolntion
on the'subject, Mr. Brookes, of New York, ex
plained that the fault lay with the public printer,
with whom they had been deposited; the act ol
Congress requiring that they shall be submitted
in a printed form.
The House then adjourned till Monday next.
Washington, Dec. 12, 1851.
SENATE.
Mr. Gwin presented several petitions, praying
the establishment of a lunatic asylum in the
District of Columbia.
Mr. Borland reported in favor of printing 10,-
000 additional copies of the report of Superinten
dent of Coast Survey.
Mr. Cass called up his resolution requesting
the President to lay before the Senate all the
information in his possession touching the firing
into and seizure of the American steamship
Prometheus, by an English warship in Novem
ber last, on the Mosquito coast, and what meas
ures had been taken to vindicate the honor of
the flag of the U. States.
Mr. Cass made some remarks upon the pro
priety and necessity of our Govenment main
taining the inviolability of the American flag.
He alluded to the rumored alliance of France
and England for the protection of Cuba, and said
that if this were so, it would be no more than an
assertion of the right of search under a new
phase. He was for informing the world that
under no pretext would interference with our
flag be suffered. The resolution was then adopt
ed.
The joint resolution from the House making
land warrants assignable, was taken up and re
ferred to the Committee on Public Lands.
The Senate then took up the joint resolution
extending to Louis Kossuth a cordial welcome to
the United States.
Mr. Mallory advocated the resolution as a just
and proper course to be pursued. He did not un
derstand how any nation could take just cause o;’
offence at such conduct.
Br. Badger followed in opposition to the reso
lution. He denied that Congress had invited
him in any other capacity than that of emigrant;
even if invited, Congress ought not to extend a
welcome to one who avowed himself an open
emissary to promote a principle which would in
volve this nation into unnecessary and unwise
interference with European controversies.
Mr. Foote briefly replied.
Mr. Seward made a forcible argument in favor
of the resolution.
The question was taken on the amendments
of Mr. Berrien, and they were rejected, yeas 16,
nays 26.
Mr. Shields moved to substitute for the joint
resolution the original one of Mr. Foote.
Mr. Borland moved to amend this by extend
ing welcome to Kossuth and associates as worthy
representatives of their country, and inviting
them to Washington to be entertained by the
President, and appropriating money to enable the
President to entertain him. This was rejected.
Mr. Shields’ amendment was also rejected.
The original resolution of Mr. Seward was then
ordered to a third reading—yeas 33, nays 6. The
resolution was then passed.
AUGUSTA, GA.
TUESDAY MORNING, DECEMBER 16.
Democratic Forbearance. —The refusal of
the Democratic caucus iu the House of Repre
sentatives to sanction the Compromise, was
prompted, we are given to understand, says the
Baltimore American, by a desire to preserve the
harmony of the party. Not a harmony of prin
ciples, the reader will ’ake notice —No ; it was
because there was no harmony of principles that
the vote on the Compromise, which would have
tested principles, was avoided. A more hu
miliating attitude than that now held by this
mongrel coalition, styling itself the Democracy,
was never held by any party before. The Abo
litionist among them are the only ones in their
ranks who can hold up their heads; for they
have not only preserved consistency, but they
have also triumphed throughout.
On the subject of the proposed test which the
caucus refused, the N. Y. Evening Post says:
“ Suppose the resolution so impertinently
offered by Mr. Polk had been adopted, it would
have been the signal of war and dissension ; the
democratic array in Congress would have been
broken and thrown into utter confusion. Its
rejection was the signal of peace and united ac
tion. The same result will follow, if the resolu
tions are introduced into the counvention which
is to nominate a President; adopt them, an l the
ties which hold the party together are in a blaze;
reject them, and the party goes on quietly.
This reasoning is admirable. What has a
party to care for but to keep in the majority ?
What hae principle to do with polities ? What
though one portion of the great Democratic par
ty declares an intention to agitate agaimt slavery,
,to make war upon it as an institution, to strive
continually to make the Government the agent
of its destruction, aud if that cannot be (Tone
under the Constitution as it is, then to chauge
the Constitution s > that it can be done—what,
though a portion of the great Democratic party
avow their intention to do all this, even if the
Union shall perish in the effort, the other portion,
unwilling to give up an alliance which has se
cured to them a long hold upon the power and
emoluments of the Government, are to continue
still to act with these men, prizing their votes,
but detesting their principles. This is Demo
cratic, unity ; have what principles you please,
but vote with the party.
Extraordinary Misrepresentation
The Columbus Sentinel objects to the Presi
dent’s message, among other things, because, says
that journal, it “recommends arrangements to be
rnado for a national reception of Kossuth.”
Now it is a remarkable fact, that the President
recommended nothing, except that Congress
should consider in what manner Kossuth should
be received and treated. We subjoin his exact
language :
“ This country has been justly regarded as a
safe asylum for those whom political events have
exiled from their own homes in Europe: and it
recommended to Congress to consider in what
manner Governor Kossuth aud his cornpanions
brought hither by it* authority, shall be
cei ved and treated,”
How the Sentinel could construe this inte a
recommendation to make arrangements for a
“national reception” is certainly beyond our com-!
prehension.
Ihe opponents of Mr. Fillmore are evidently
hard pressed for objections to his message, when
they are driven to such a resort as this.
D. G. Ligon, has been elected Judge of the
Supreme Court of Alabama, vice Judge Colkt
man resigned.
Saml. S. Sibley, has retired from his con
nexion with the Savannah Georgian, the paper
wHI be conducted in future by the other partners
of the late firm, Messrs. Punch & Hilton.
Eighteen thousand four hundred and (ifty-four
bales of cotton—the greatest quantity that has
arrived any one day during the season, arrived on
the 9th inst., at New Qrl<?an#.
It is W. C. Hives, Jr., and not our Minister to
Franee,who earns in the Pasift*
Whitfield .Michols, M. D., a distinguished phy
sician of Newark, died on Tuesday of Chronic
Bronchitis.
Kossuth's Reception-
In the midst of the Kossuth furor at the
North, which seem ) to have seized upon the
press as well as the great muss of the people,
(both of whom, with honorable exceptions, are
making themselves supremely ridiculous,) it is
truly gratifying to find in two such journals as
the New York Journal of Commerce and Balti
more Sw», both ably conducted neutral papers,
such sound sentiments in reference to the re*
coption of Kossuth; and we cordially com
mend thorn to the reader’s calm and dispassion
ate consideration:
From the N. Y. Journal of Commerce, Dec. 6.
Kossuth — How shall we treat him ? —We have
seen Kossuth. We have heard him speak We
have felt the magic of his eloquence—the elo
quence of an honest man, deep in his feelings,
earnest in his purposes, frankly speaking what
he thinks. YVe were astonished at the boldness
with which he told, at the first opportunity he
has had to speak to the people of the United
States, what he wanted, what he expected, what
he thought they ought to do. It is a shame to
give such a man words from our mouths which
we do not mean to make good with our hands;
yet the very first spoken to him, us he himself
says, anticipated all his wishes and promised in
advance all he meant to ask. He is earnest,
and thinks we are; and takes us at our word,
and hopes to return to his beloved Hungary
furnished by us with the means of restoring its
liberties by force of arm-.
He is impatient of delay. Glorious visions of
the futuie already fill his dreams, and he expects
ere long to awake and find them true. But are
not we ourselves dreaming ? Have we in one
hour, on the impulse of a generous courtesy,
passed a final and emphatic resolve to disregard
the wisdom of our ancestors, turn aside from
those courses which have hitherto proved our
safety, to “leave our own and stand on foreign
ground?" We shall know that we have done
no such thing; and no one knows that we ever
will do it. It cannot be done till the sober
second thought of the whole people has express
ed itself in favor of it, and wise men will want
to think seven times—yea, seventy times seven
before they bid adieu to their senses.
Let the orators who address Kossuth take pat
tern from him, and speak sober and guarded
truth. As he asks no less than he wants, let them
promise no more than we will give. YVe will
give him an entnusiastic welcome, a generous
entertainment as the nation’s guest, and offer
him a permanent home ; and when he leaves to
sound the ‘ resurrection trump of Hungary's
freedom," we will give him our good wishes
and our prayers. But we will not give up to
him our peace, prosperity, ar.d successful pro
gress. YVe will not leave our own to stand on
foreign ground. This iilustrous man must be
aware that those who addressed him at Staten
Island were not authorized to express the senti
ments of the people of the United States;
though they may have been ambitious to take
advantage of the elevation of the moment to
anticipate and lead the public sentiment. The
indiscretions that they were guilty of can be re
medied here and elsewhere.
From the Baltimore Sun of Dec. G.
The Kossuth Resolutions. —The withdraw
al of the resolution lor the appointment of a
committee to provide for the reception of Kos
suth as a national guest, is wise. It would have
been wiser not to have proposed it. There will
be nothing wanting on their part. No debate,
no prudential hesitation, no fear about prece
dents. They will do the thing without the
formal style of a resolution. That may all be
very well for committees, and presentations, and
personal interviews. The masses have all their
resolution by heart, and the quality of the man
is the rule by which they will be guided in the
expression of their welcome. We shall hear
from it presently, and it will be felt not only
here but yonder. Some of those puppets in
crowns will think it is an earthquake ; but it
will be to them really a heartquake.
Congress has done all that it ought to Jdo in
providing a national vessel to bring Kossuth to
this country. On tne supposition that he de
signed to make this country a permanent resi
dence, and consistently with our interposition
in his behalf; that was all vey well. Even that
would have been manifestly improper, had it
been known that he did not design to make his
future home in America. Congress could hard
ly justify such a provision as a means for a mere
trip to this country to enable the illustri
ous exile to express his gratitude. That would
have been a bid for the indulgence of our na
tional vanity a leetle beyond the people them
selves. A sight of the man would have been a
more plausible pretence—a taste of his eloquence
better still. Curiosity in such a matter Before
vanity, say we.
But why shonld not Congress honor and enter
tain Kossuth ? Because he has no sort of claim
to national honors. Not because by so doing we
might reflect upon or oflfend auy or all of the
European Governments. With that we have
nothing to do. The whole matter must be con
sidered alone with reference to ourselves; and
from such a point of view it does not become
this great nation 'to cheapen its honors by
throwing them about the person of any foreigner
in his individual capacity. Kossuth is called
Governor Os Hungary, but he is not so accor
ding to the recognition of nations. Were he
so, and Hungary free, then, nation to nation,
Congress might properly extend to him the hon
ors of this republic- President or Governor of a
people assimilating in their institutions to our
own, he or any man in the same station, might
with consistency be made the nation’s guest.
But Kossuth, in his present attitude, stands be
fore us as a private individual, an exile from his
own land. In his character he commands our
admiration ; his political principles assimilate to
ourown ; his eloquence captivates our hearts;
his resolu.ion and hope kindle our wavnaest sym
pathies : and as a people we cgn cluster about !
his path, and encourage and anjmate him by
every form of expression common to our hearts,
our lips, and our hands. This is the spontane
ous welcome to which lie is entitled, and which
he will assuredly receive.
Thr Reception of Wa* *TT¥.-The Na
tional Intelligencer, in alluding to the decision
of the Government and Congress, not to accord
4 formal reception to Kossuth as a political per
sonage, observes f at a different course on the
part of the Government, or even of Congress,
would have been an anomaly in legislation and’
without precedent in this government, and cites
the case of the reception of Lafayette, the adapt
ed son of America, as forming no except on
He, says the Intelligencer, w,,s invited by eich
House to a seat within its chamber s the commit,
tee appointed on the subject having politically
announced that,. ‘'entertaining every w.sh to
make 'he reception of General Lafayette us
complimentary as possible,” they yet fouud dis.
tMsnlty m the way of a joint reception, and con
wdered it better that each Ho«se should adopt its
own arrangements and its own "form in the re
cepti'm ol that distinguished individual.” The
General was accordingly presented to tho Pen
ate hy its Committee, with this simple introduc
tton: "I Pc introduce General Lafayette to the Sen
dee of the United States ,” and the General ad
vancing to the chair, was invited by the |*r.si
dentol the Senate to take ase at prepared for him
on hisright. No address to him was made. The
Senate adjourned soon after his tn ing seated
[and then the President and Members of that
body paid their individual respects to him On
the day following, the General was introduced
to the House with similar ceremonies On that
occasion Mr. Speaker Clay, rising from the
chair, nv'de taluui that beautiful and eloquent,
but bind Adresa whiph is to bo found on the
records of Cougress i to which L dayeite made
a reply that wilieveriie remembered by all who
neat a it, consisting of acknowledgments of the
eontmueilgood W ,U of the American People,
of Ins delight in their progress, and his undimiit
ished attachment to the institutions of the coun
try. for whose freedom and Independence he
tad fought nearly fifty years before. The House
then adjourned and the members, led by the
Speaker, paid their per- onal respects to him.
One of the most important manufacturing es .
tabl shments in our town is the Oil Cloth Facto
ry of Messrs. Albro & Hoyt. The factories
(exclusive of drying floors, &c.) cover an area
of one acre and one-third, or a space equal to
twenty-two lots of 25 by 100 feet, and we are
informed that no other Floor Oil Cloth estab
lishment in the world can compare with this in
extent and importance. The buildings are
warmed by means of hot water and steam pipes,
and every improvement in all their internal
arrangements which modern science can sug
gest has been applied. A steuru engine grinds
the paints. Railways are erected for the con
veyance of cloths from one department to ano
ther, and every labor-saving device may here
be found in practical operation.
Accomplished artists are constantly employed
in drawing original designs which, if approved,
are transferred to the blocks for the printers.
Some of these are of exquisite beauty, and of
elaborate workmanship, far surpassing anything
hitherto attempted in this branch of manufactu
res, and the artistic effect is immensely increas
ed by a method of printing invented by Air.
Albro, for w’hich he has secured letters patent.
Indeed, a person who has only seen the cloths
of other manufacturers, can form no conception
of the difference made in their appearance
by this invention.
The blending of colors, the delicate and per
fect shading and the perfection of the printing,
produce an effect superior to the best tapestry
carpeting, while the recent patterns, all of which
are original are acknowledged by all who have
seen them to be immeasurably superior in beauty
and taste to anything ever before produced either
in Europe or America. Our readers will remem
ber that a Prize Medal was awarded at the
World’s Fair, for specimens of Floor Oil Cloth
from this Factory, and we learn that no other
samples at all approaching them, either in quality
or appearance, were exhibited by the English or
any other manufacturers.;
The prize pieces were selected from the stoik
on hand in the factory, (not made for the pur
pose of exhibition) and in our judgment, are
surpassed by some of their more recent patterns. •
The cloths, which are all of the heaviest
tion, are made in pieces of 24 by 99 feet. Sou* v »'
idea of the quantity of materials used irt>.)N
be obta r.cd when we state that three hundred
tons of one kind of paint is used in a single year.
YVe ought to have added that Messrs. Albro &
Hoyt are Agents for several other factories, and
a visit to their warehouses at 72 and 71, John
Street, New York, will amply repay those who
are engaged in the trade — Elizabeth Town (X.
J.) Journal.
Ex-Legislative Proceedings
Excursion of the Legislature to Sea.—
His Excellency the Governor and the Legisla
ture went on an excursion yesterday to sea. leav
ing the city at half-past ten o'clock in the morn
ing, and returning at half-past five in the after
noon. The lateness of the hour at which they
returned prevents us from preparing such an ac
count of the Excursion for our evening edition as
we would like; we reserve further remark there
fore until our next issue. Suffice it to say, the
day passed off most pleasantly, and every man o',
the company returned apparently delighted w»' j,
the trip.
We understand the members of the Lc , r j s | a .
ture generally will return to the seat of govern
ment to-morrow. Gov. Cobb will pK*’j a bly re
main over till Monday morning ■—'S'jvannnl, rJ.
publican, 13 th inst.
[Telegraphed fc r the Charleston Courier .]
Baltimore, Dec. 14, 9.45 A. M.
i ” New York ma,,ket on Saturday. 2,000
bales of Cotton were disposed of at B*c. for Mid
dling Upland, and B|c. for Orleans. Naval Stores
were active.
John B. Thompson has been elected U. S.
Senator from Kentucky.
The accounts from Hungary state that Count
Pulaski, an agent ot Kossuth’s, had arrived in
that country with Kossuth’s proclamation and
speeches in his possession, and that a revolution
ary movement had been detected among the
Hungarian nobles in the Austrian army, ft is
also stated that Haynau s residence, in Hungary,
had been burnt by some incendiary, and that he
had barely escaped with his life.
Columbia, Dec. 13, 1851.
( Legislative Proceedings.
The Special Joint Committee of both F.oiisps
have recommended an appropriation Ly the
Legislature of !520.000, and the appointment by
the Governor of three Commissioners ‘.o contract
for and superintend the erection oi suitable cast
iron monuments in memoiy of Mr. Calhoun and
; Col. P. M. Butler.
_ 1 The House has rejected the Senate amendment
to the bill dividing Pendleton District, by is
majority.
p The <»mmiinication from the British Consul,
transmitted by the Governor, has been laid on
the table by the Senate, and by the House refer
. | red to the Committee on Colored Population.
, j The bill to incorporate the Bank of Winnsboro’s
' passed its second reading in the Senate and House.
Mobile, Dec. 12,4 P. Al.
■ The receipts of Cott-jn during the week have
comprised 18,790 bales. The stock on hand
( amounts to 68,091 bales. The transactions of
I week . s “ m “p 15,009 bales, and to-day 1500.
The market is stifi at cents.
New Orleans, Dec. 10,11.30 A. M„
Cotton was active to-day, Friday, asvJi
thousand bales were sold at steady prices S'
Middling was worth 7|c. Molasses W'
I active, and 4,000 bbls, were disposed of /oo u
j for prime. Whisky was dull at 17 •_-„?« ' Rice
I was quoted at $3.30 per cwt. nt 1
The barque Acadia, Cant. C*,- , ,
for Charleston. 1 * osb >’ has cleard
A great meeting was hrj U last ni ht for tbe
purpose of devumg m^ UIW for the . ol
|Mr J. S. Thrasher. Resolutions
| calling upon our Government to interferStonee
demand his infant release, and to warn Spain,
agamst committing a similar outrage in future.
I j 5? y k ■!*«£•* w<?re delivered on the occasion,
| ootn Dy Whigs and Democrats. Great enthusi
asm prevailed, and a war spirit was strongly
mamlested.
■ I<ew-Orleans,Dec. 13,3 P.M.
] The sales of Cotton during the week have
comprised 10,000 bales—the largest sales this
season. Prices, however, were unaffected by
the Niagara’s advices. The receipts are 1*21.”
000 bales ahead of what they were at flu* same
period last year. The stock is 121,000 bales.
Low Middling is worth 7, and strictly middling
7| cents. The sales of Molasses during the
week amount to 13,000 bbls. The closing price
for this article was 22 cents. The freight of
Cotton to Liverpool was 7-IG., to Havre If.
1 Exchange on London was quoted at from 8J to
10 premium.
Ihe ship Jessore has arrived form New-York
New Orleans, Dec. 14.
It is reported that’Messrs. Hill, McLean & C 0.,.
the largest Cotton House in the city, have faded.
The rumor has occasioned a great sensation, as
the firm has been long established and was very
popular.
On Saturday 3500 bales of Cotton were
at firm prices.
We haveljreceived from Montgomery a slip
containing the details ol the census of Alabama.
The whole population as the state by this is,
whites 127,747 : slaves 343,298, free colored 2167..
lotal 773,214. In Mobile county the popula
tion is put down at 17,045 whites; slaves
free oolored 901. Total 27,003.— Molnle Tri-
Awwe, 10/A ins/. _
W (MACKEREL.
HOLE and Half barrels of numbers 1, 9«iul 3.
dlO cis BAKKR A WILCOX.
SOAP AND CANDLES.
Q i\t\ BOXES Soap and Candles, for sal o low
O\JSJ by RAKEH & WILCOX.