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B’S STAGE AND RAIL
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JAS. P. FLEMING has the grati
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lie that his Stage Line, running be
a and the Central Railroad, is now
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prior teams and careful drivers, i
nrf has been spared to render the
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advantages over all other routes,
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Augusta, Dec. 20, dec 20.
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I hours.
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Jill ii IS article is a compound in which an in
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I|| Jec 16 __
If SW SADDLE, BRIDLE AND HAR
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a. McALLISTEIt, takes this
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the public, that he has commenced the
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From the long experience he has had as a practi
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can Saddles, in every variety ot styles and finish,
and for the last five years in Augusta, Ga. as his
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I B.—Old Saddles re seated aud padded, and
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r 2 cases Mustarde Diaphane,
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»13
ToMMISSION BUSINES3.
'IOHN B. GUIEU, Commission Merchant,
•I Augusta, Georgia—will attend promptly and
with despatch to all business, or any Agency en
trusted to bis care. o«t-3m
tubman seed wheat.
1111 E subscribers can supply here, or by or
dering from Greensboro, the pule Tubman
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_ . , • . ' “ipii — -----—.jw. veuj iA- nPsm.rn W«R
Ifi EKLV (HKIIVKM A SI WML
IHRONICLE AND SENTINEL.
Tha Late Hungarian War
A writer in the Times of this city, published
last week, what he was pleased to denominate
an answer to our article upon the cruses and
oojects of ihe late war in Hungary. In that
pretended reply, we are charged with falsehood
some thirty times; and altogether its character
is such as determined us not to notice it. Its
argument consists of abuse ; and when a formi
dable document presents itselt it is got over by
very deliberately pronouncing it an erroneous
translation! A correspondent insists, however,
that we are bound to republish certain docu
ments which have heretofore so triumphantly sus
tained our position that the Hungarians an l
Kos.siith.did not light for Republicanism, and
that the cuuse of their defeat was their refusal
U> extend to Croatia and other Sclavae ciiun
tries, the liberty they themselves demanded and
wrung fiam the imbecile Ferdinand.
Ihe writer in the Times does not pretend to
impeach the authority of Schlessinger ; and for
the very excellent reason, that Count Pulaski,
who is now present in this country with Kos
suth, said of him :
‘•The author is an Hungarian by birth, hut
long “ago quitted his native country, residing
first in Prague, and subsequently in Berlin. He
is perfectly familiar with Hungary, andhixcon
ception of persons and chaiacters is essentially
accurate.”
Preface, by F. Pulzsky.
We quote from Schlessing* r’s War in Hun
gary.
“The Magyar movement is widely distinguish
ed, both by the power which called it forth, and
the object it had in view, from all the revolu
tions that convulsed Europe during the last two
years The political knowledge of the Magyars
does not extend much beyond that of their own
constitution; and it is remarkable with what
singular affection and constancy this ancient
constitution,with ell i s defects and abnormities,
has been hold fast and cherished by the people.
Whilst all tho other nations huve sought to en
large more or less their representative co stitu
tions, the Magyar has dreaded any change in
his,clinging to its very letter, as the Mussulman
to the words of the Koran "—Sch/essinger's War
in Hungary, vol. i. p. 1i 4.
“Jellaehich’a first appearance was such as to
command respect. In Crotia there was no pil
lage, hut there was equipment; there was no
murdering—there was arming. The Ban
roused his fellow-countrymen to the war against
the Hungarians with the same irresist ihle elo
quence as teat which subsequently enabled
Kossuth to perform such iud editable exploits;
he took the field for the independence of iiis na
tion with great talents for agitation and inflam
matory enlhiisiasrn. He entered the arena of
the revolution with raised visor, in a spirit of
self-reliance, ofconfideuco in the power of his
race, right to revolt.
“The question naturally arose, why the (’roats
should noteujpy privileges which the Hungari
ans had obtained without a struggle, and which
the Italians on the field of battle, and the Ger
mans in their Parliament were striving ! o ac
quire 7 No one who does not condemn all re
volutions as indefensible, can consider the
Croat insurrection less justified than those in
Italy and Poland. In fuel, at its commencement,
Jellachich met with considerable sympathy both
in and out of Austria; notwithstanding that
Sclavism bad never enjoyed any great favor in
Europe. Ib. pp. 26, 27
This solitary extract from an authority thus
endorsed, should be conclusive ; audit is so in
the minds of all who bear in mind, that it is only
since liis downfall that Kossuth and his imme
diate followers have b come Republicans That
they are now Republican's, we rejoice to know;
and whereusthey only had our reaped in their
last struggle, should they make another attempt,
they would command our sympathy as well as
our respect.
On the fourth of July. Kossuth and the
Hungarian Ministry applied to the Erpppror of
Austria to aid in putting down the Crotians, who,
as Schlessinger fays, had only demanded from
Hungary the liberty which she had extorted
from the weak stiff ptnbecile Emperor of Aus
tria. Ferdinand, it must ho i«hH»u}k»red, vv:i9 ,
a perfect imbecile, arising from a succession ftf
epileptic fits, which utterly and entirely de
stroyed h»S intellect and compelled his counsel
lors to depose him 111 favor of his nephew, the
present youthful Kn?p«ror, who has proved
himself a reckless Despot, and openly violated;
all his pledges to his people.
From a Memorial presented to the Archduke by
Kes-ulli uud the Hungarian Ministry, July
4th, 1843.
“Ifhis Highness, the Archduke John, will be
stow a careful attention upon all that wa have
just said, he cannot but bo aonvinced of the !
true character of the rebellion of those Slates,
which make great pretensions of fidelity to the
Sovereign whilst violating the royal authority. !
he cannot but perceive, that even their offer off
joining Austria is merely a feigned pretext, in
order to give at the crisis of the struggle such a
superiority to the Sclavish a'Binent in Austria,
that after thus completely paralizing the Ger-1
man element, and undermining the Austrian
throne, the empire shall be split up into inde
pendent Sclavisb kingdoms, and the very exis
tence of the Austrian Imperial House shall he
thus buried.
And yet loyalty and attachment to the King
is so deeply rooted in the heart of the Hunga-i
riart Nation, that the Illyrian rebels are well
aware that, in openly exhibiting their intentions,
they will not meet any sympathy They have
therefore come forward in the spirit of reaction,
as the pseudo heroes of the royal authority, and
against the Hungarian Nation, who have not '
attacked the royal power, for whom a legal in
dependence and a constitutional administration
is not a recent grant, hut anjancient right, sanc
tioned by innumerable royal oaths, —against the
Hungarian Nitfen, which at this present ino
moot, when almost every throne in civilized
Europe is tottering, rg mains not only the firm
est, but the only‘firm prop of the Austrian
throne. This feeling and this experience have
led us to request the kind assistance of his High
ness. the Archduke John, with respect to the
Illyrian rebellion.
•'*## * * * *
“The disloyal rebels actually boast of tho sup
port of the offended ruling House itself! And
when we requested His Majesty, in order to
enlighten the unhappy and deceived pe"ple, by
his own hundwriting, to let the people know
that His Majesty disapproves of the rebellion,
and is determined to maintain in all their integ
rity the solemnly affirmed inviolability of the
Hungarian Crown and the authority of the laws,
the lenders of the rebels deceived the people by
declaring that this has not been done voluntarily
on the part of His Majesty, Jmt that it is merely
and unwilling expression extorted by the Hun
garian Ministry through means of compulsion ”
We need not dwell upon the character and
spirit of this api eal to Austria against the rebel
Sclaves, who detrmined to throw off the bon
dage of their Magyar masters, with whom their
brother Sclave, Kossuth, was acting. It speaks
for itself, and gives an insight into our history
of events.
But the Croatmns and their brother Sclave*,
were not idle. They too, approached Austria,
not as miserable suppliants, who sought for
power to continue the slavery of his fellow
AUGUSTA, GA-, SUNDAY MORNING DECEMBER 28, 1851.
creatures, hut as men who demanded justice,
and felt their ability to obtain it. They felt
that. they were speaking the language of nine
millions of men. as capable of maintaining
their rights as their four millions and a half o°f
masters. And being nobly determined to
ac.ueve their freedom or to die, they spoke
as men capable of such determination alone
can speak. Thus spoke these Rebels to the
Emperor of Austria:—
“Emperor, if you reject our prayers, we
shall know how to vindicate our liberty without
you ; and vve prefer to die heroically like a
Sclavonian people, rather than to bear any long
er Bitch a yoke as imposed upon us by an Asiatic
horde, from whom wo have nothing good to
receive or to learn. Emperor,know that we pre
fer, if we must choose between them, the knout
of the Russians to the insolence of the Mag
yars - " e W ‘* l ,lot ’ on a »y terms, belong to
the Magyars. Remember that, if Croatia forms
but a thirty-fiiih part of your empire, the Croa
tian constitute a third of your whole ipfaiUry.”
The commentary made by Scles-ingcr upon
Jellachich uud his people, is the only one uec
cessary to he made here. Every reader can
arrive at a sound conclusion in regard to differ
ence in character between the MSgyars begging
of Austria to aid in enslaving Croatia, and the
Sclaves demanding their Liberty ! We care
not what others think or how they feel ; our
sympathies were with the “Illyrian Rebels ’ and
against Kossuth and his Magyar c .laborers.
The foregoing extraordinary official docu
ment, signed by Kossuth, Battbiany, Szemere,
F.otvos, and the other Hungarian Ministers, and
addressed to the Archduke John, at once throws
light tipou a contest which has so long been
involved in darkness. Dates are now impor
tant 1
In March, 1848, the revolution in Vienna
took place, and Ferdinand was driven to Inn
spruck.
In April, 1848, the Hungarian Diet compel
ed Austria to concede the Independence and
separate government—even to a Secretary o!
War and Foreign Affairs—vhicli had been pre
viously refused for three centuries.
In May, they ordered Ban Je lachich to appear
before them and submit to their authority in
stead of that of the Emperor of Austria ; and
he not only contemptuous y refused to obey
tliem, hut finally threatened to march upon
Pe-th itself. 1
And in July, this Hungarian Ministry headed
by Battbiany, humbly approached the throne of
the Emperor of Austria, through the Archduke
John, then the German Confederation, and en
treat his kind assistance in putting down “the
Illyrian Rebels”—Croatia being ancient Illyria.
Rebels against whom 7 Wby against the Mar
tyrs of Hungary ! And why rebels 7 Because
after nearly eight centuries of bondage to a
Tartar race, only halfas numerous as themselves
—with skins as white, and intellects as vigorous
as their masters —these descend nits of the an
cient possessors of the soil of Hungary, de
termined baldly to assert their liberty, as did our
lathers, without a tythe of the cause, determin
ed to assert the’r independence of England.
But with this difference. Onr patriot “sires,
fought only for a redress of grievances, the
Sclaves rose against their masters, who held
them as slaves. _ worked them as slaves, and as
slaves, legally inflicted upon them the lash, and
even death itself! Yet, for thus acting, Jvos- j
suth himself a Sclave —denounces them a* “It- i i
lyriau rebels ” and beseeches the G mpan Con-
federation and Austria, to put them down on
the distinct plea that they are the enemies of
Austria, while the Magyar “Hungarians are
not niffy the firmest, but tho only firm prop of
the Austrian’.hronp, at 4 moment when almost
every throne in civilized Europe is totfo in.g f”
The historian Puget, who admits that he was
opposed to the success of the Croats, givies the
following as one of their grievances :
(‘Since the Hungarian Diet has proposed to
enforce the use pflhe Magyar language, instead
of the Latin, in public transactions throughout
all Hungary, a spirit of opposition has been ex
cited among the Sclavish population, which
threatens yery serious consequences. The first
effect of the measure proposed by tlje tjjej. W4S
the rousing up in Croatia of a strong sentiment
of nationality, which found vent in the estab
lishment of a periodical something like the
:{fepqj Magazine, in form, in the Sclavish lan
guage; This is the Daqipn. [lirsjra, edited by
Dr. Gay. It is published once a week, is very
respectably got up, and contains national songs,
original articles and translations.
“It is no uncommon thing to hear them reck
oning up the Croats, Sclavonians, Bosnians,
Dalmatian*, Servians, Montenegrins, and Bul
garians, and then comparing this mass qf Scluyes
with the tlnee or four, millions of Magyars, and
proudly asking why they should submit to deny
jheir language and their origin because the
Magyars cpmujapd if,
“1 am very tar from wishing this parfy suc
cess, though I cannot help in same degree sym
pathising with a people who resist when they
thjijk a stronger power is williug to abuse its
strength by depriving iffe vvpqger qf those ob
jects - laaguage and religion—which they hold
as most dear.
“The act has passed, however, which declares
(hat in ten years's time, uo Croat shall he eligi
ble to a public office wffo cannot read and write
the Magyar language, and the consequence has
been the creation of a feeling of hatred against
the Magyars, which bodes but very ill for the
speedy M«gyarizing of the < rotiau people.”
-r-Pages, Hungary, vol ii pp 562—589.
It was in July, JB4B, that the hall of Revolu
tion was set in motion in Paris. In March,
the empire of Austria was driveu from
Vienn ito Innsprack ; and then it was that the
Magyar Diet of Hungary demanded their inde
pendence of Austria, and promised certain
changes to their bondmen. We quote the fol
lowing on this subject, as well worthy of atten
tion :
“ The other races, however, th.it were cou
cerued in these changes (effected in March and
April, 1848,) and especially the Sclavonians,
immediately saw that the tendency of the
Magyars was to merge all the other nationalities
in their own, and to suppress them altogether,
to which end the separation of the Hungarian
government from the central government of the
empire, was a necessary means. This convic
tion, supported by recent experience, soon
brought out the most determined opposition.
The Croatian and Sclavouian member, of the
Diet, in the proceedings of the two Houses, (pr
Tables) had not raised their voices against these
innovations, because the terrorism exercised by
the Magyar party had deprived them of all
freedom of speech, and because they also hoped
that the Crown would reject the propositions of
the Diet, which would inevitably have caused
the empire to be divided into two hostile por
tions.”
•‘The pretence of the Hungarian, that they
took up urms to secure the adoption of liberal
principles in ‘he empire, was a fraud, which
exposed itself by the tone of independence
they arrogated when they perceived the author
ity of Austria was oil the wane, and were em
boldened in consequents to pat forward the tqr
moderate demands which originated the war,
and called forth tha Ban, a Croat, who dread
ing the servitude intended to bcimposeo on his
countrymen, unsheathed his sword to save their
liberties and the undivided power as the empire.
Should the Hungarians and Kossuth succeed,
(a result little to be apprehended,) the Sclavo-
| nians would be subjugated and deprived of all
t,j their privileges, and would fall into the hands
of wild theorists, instead of being regenerated.”
—Thompson’s Austria, p 396.
- The writer in the Times quotes against Ban
Jellachich, the Emperor of Austria’s Procla
mation, setting forth the wonderful things which
the Magyars had done for Hungary, and ad
vising the Croats to return to their bondage,
and superceding their Ban! It is said that
“ Fools rush in where angels fear to trend,”
and had the writer allnded to not been as ignorant
of his subject as he is reckless in assertion, he
would not have dared to refer to that docu
ment, which is well know to have covered all
concerned in its forgery, with disgrace.—■
Kossuth will not thank him for bringing it to
light; but now that it has been produced, the
following from Count Mailath’s Geschite, pp.
421. 422, will exhibit the Hungarian Ministry
in no enviable predicament.
Ihe Hungarian Ministry must prepare for
a struggle.. if it would obtain its object, of
breaking off’ Hungary from the tnotiarchy; for
Croatia and Sclavonia would not obey the
commands of the ministry. In the beginning
ol the movemeut, the Croats also hud claimed a
ministry of their own, and put forth sundry
other demands, which were any thing but faxor
ahle to the unity of the monarchy. But all
this went into the back ground as soon as they
saw that their nationality was menaced by the
Hungarian ministry. The tyranny of race and
language, which had been exercised for many
years by the Magyars was now severely expia 4
ted by the resistance of tho Croats. At the
last meeting ot the Diet, Kossuth hud exclaim
ed in open session :— ‘ But where lies Croatia ?
I cannot find it on the map.’ He now foutid
out to his cost where it 1 iy.
* * * * * *
The Magyar ministry tried in vain various
m-.-aus to bring the Ban ino subjection. He
was summoned to Buda-Pesth; he did not
come. A royal commissioner, General Hrnbo
wsky, was ordered into Croatia ; but he was
not disposed to enter the province. The Ban
was called to Innspruck to answer for his con
duct; he obeyed, and. soon convinced the em
peror that he wished only the welfare of the
monarchy and the dynasty. On his journey
home, he learned from a newspaper that he
was deposed ; but Croatia continued to obey
him, and soon a royal ordinance appeared
which reinstated hirn in his dignity and office.
This disposition of the Ban was one of the
most enigmatical occurrences of the time. Os
the numerous reports which were circulated in
retereuce to it, the most probable one, is that
the President of the Magyar Ministry, who was
for some time in Innspruck, by some unknown
means obtained the Emperor’s signature to a
blank sheet of paper, and fheu, without the
Emperor’s knowledge, filled it out with the de
position ol the Ban. This report was some
what confirmed by the fact, that not the slightest
protest was made by the Hungarian Ministry,
when the Ban continued in the execution of
his office ; the Magyar Ministry dreaded any
thorough investigation of this matter.”
VVe have no commentary to make upon this.
It tell- its own story
The following extract from Kossuth’s Speech
in Ihe Hungarian Diet, when called upon by
Austria to aid in conquering Italy, will best
show how much of Republicanism, and what
«»f IVtbcfly, tUc.l pjrAVftltMlt WltU
the Magyars.
Extracts from a DeLate in a crowded meeting
of the Diet, July 20th, 1848, on the question
whether Hungary should send troops to aid
the Emperor of Austria in putting down the
Italian iusurgenta in Lombardy.
“Kossuth, the Minister of Finance, resum
ing his address, [which he had suspended from
exhaustion,] came now to speak of the Italian
question. This is the first European question
which the nation had had to consider since it as
tained its majority, [or its age offreedoin.] TheX
should not therefore allow themselves to be so
far carried away by it as to forget their own
country. He wished that this question should
not agitate their minds, but that they should
consider k oalnffy. When the fate of the na
tion is at stake, all sympathies and antipathies
must be laid aside. Here the matter ought not
to he viewed according to abstract principles;
if it were, we should be obliged to bear their
iron potuetjuences; if wo protect the Italians
i because they are fighting for their freedom,
then we must also concede the point to Croatia
and Bohemia, and con ess that they are in the
right. [Murmurs.] He openly confessed, he
wished the Italian nation was free. At the
former Diet, the queetion came up whether
ffipy vvprp willing that the ministries of war
and finance should be at Vienna. We answered,
no. Thereupon, those persons [the Austrian
ministers] said ‘What shall we do 7 You
will not assume any part of the State debt, and
if the Italians break loose from us, we shall be
driven to national bankruptcy ; help us, at least,
to end the war with houer.’ We plead im
possibility as an excuse. The ministry is con
stituted, and the insurrection breaks out on all
sides. Then they aaid at Vienna, • Hungary
will not help us, but Jellachich will; then we
will make terms with Jellachich.’ This lies
like a curse upon the Hungarian ministry.
.4t YtomfSi fbay appeal to the Prugn,atio Sane,
ti6n to show that we ought to help them to ob
tain an honorable peace. Now, before the
opening cf the National Assembly, where we
claim that every member of the Dynasty should
labor to support our integrity as a State, the
Hungarian ministry must be very circumspect.
Idle fancies are here of no use. France would
help the Italian Republic, but not the Italy of
Charles Albert, who has just as much right to
Lombardy, as Jellachich has to Croatia, or the
Russian Czar to Hungary. I will explain
fully the policy of the ministry- (H« ‘eaffs the
protocol of the ministers 1 plan, in which it was
resolved, that if peace and order were restored
to Huugary, they would then send the troops
they did not need at home to effect an honor
able peace.) Herein, continued the orator, we
only say, ‘ procure for us quiet iu Hungary,
and we will help you to gain an honorable
peace.’ But to the Italians we will ray, • strain
not not tho cords too tight or it may happen
that we shall come to the help of Austria.’
They have desired us to call back onr troops
from Italy. This is easily said, but not so
easily done. We have from 10,600 to 12,000
men in Italy ; but there are also 35,000 Croats
there, who would also come back, and we
have no particular need of them. He had
here spoken only of the past policy of the min
istry. He did not say that they would inline
dtatfely send an auxiliary army to Italy, or even
haw many they would send, but the moral
power of such a declaration was very great,
and by that alone, they might he a great help
to Austria. (Unanimous applause.)
This tells its own story, and p. eseuts Kos
suth as publicly declaring that if Austria would
aid in bringing tha Croatians into subjection to
the Magyars and the “ancient institutions” of
Hungary.be w«s quite willing to aid Austria
in putting down liberty in It Iy ! Until then*
“all sympathies” with men striving for freedom
must h$ crushed ! But listen to his own con
fession, nnd a precions one it is : If we protect
the Italians because they are fighting for their
Freedom, then wc must also concede the point
to Croatia and Bohemia, and confess that they
are Right.” And thus only sixteen days after
signing the petition for Austria to put down
J “ the Illyrian rebels,” he admits in debate that
if ;t be right “to fight for Freedom” then
the cause of Croatia is a just one; and as that
must be put down at any rate, it ia better to tell
“ the fighting for strain not
the cord too tight, or it may happen that we shall
come to the help of Austria.” !!
Jellachich then, with the boldness which murks
his character, and which had induced hitn to de
fy the Austrian power, though an outlaw, pre
| seated himself to the Emperor at Itnspruck, and
succeeded in convincing him that the Sclaves
were his true friends; and that being twice as
numerous as the Magyars, if he would guaranty
to them equality of rights, they woula compel
the Magyars to respect his authority. The Em
peror Ferdinand, who was as weak in mind as
in body, was convinced of the force of this just
reasoning, changed his plans, and not only com
missioned Jel'achich, Ban of Hungary, but sub
sequently appointed him specially to put down
whal had become an Hungarian Rebellion of
the Magyars against Austria, by the Diet’s
throwing off all dependence upon the Emperor,
except to crave his aid against Croatia and the
Sclaves.
Jallachich returned to Croatia without his
reconciliation with the Emperor having beeu
proclaimed. It was suspected, however; and
the Hungarians united with the Socialists and
Red Republicans to get up a second revolution
iu Vienna. Professor Bowen, in a truthful and
powerful article in the North American Review
for January, 1856, thus describes what then en
sued ;
“These reasons (of ihe Bau) appearing con
clusive. ihe Emperor did not hesitate at once to
change sides, to unite the Imperial forces with
those whom he had just before denounced as
rebels, and to commission the Ban Jelluchich,
himself the chief rebel, to put down the insur
rection in Hungary This arrangement, how
ever, was kept secret for a time, to await the
results of negotiation with the Magyars. But
this haughty and imperious race waited for no
compromise, and their spirits only rose as the
number of their enemies increased. Their Diet
voted an extraordinary contribution of a hundred
millions of florins, a levy of two hundred thou
sand men and an issue of two hundred millions
of paper money. It was also proposed to re
call the Hungarian regiments that were serving
under Radetsky iu Lombardy; but Kossuth
cried out, ‘Beware what you do! They are
Croats and Sclavonians whom you wish to re
call ’ ”
On the 10th of September, 1848, after the re
turn of the Emperor to Vienna, a deputation of
one hundred and sixty members of the Hunga
rian Diet arrived in that city, demanding of the
Emperor that he should approve of the.r vote to
raise men and money, issue a proclamation de
nouncing Jellachich, and take up his residence
iu Pesth! byway of proving to ttie Sclaves that
he sided with the Magyars 7 The absurdity of
such demands is only equalled by their impu
dence. They were of course rejected ; when
tiie haughty Magnates and Magyars withdrew,
threatening vengence ; and nn eye witness in
formed us, that he was present when they reach
ea the steamer on the Danube, two miles dis
tant. They immediately drew down the Aus
tro-Hungariati flag which was waving on the
boat, trampled it under foot, hoisted a red flag
in its stead, and proceeded down the Danube.
Another deputation sent, a week later, to Vien
na. WH« r«ru«P(i utt miiliotme* -—** - w
Hungarian Diet proclaimed Kossuth Dictator,
und raised a force to meet Jellachich, who had
already crossed the Dave, and was marching on
Pesth !
The war fairly commenced, Kossuth despatch
ed General Bern into Transylvania, to strike
terror into that region, and thus preveut assault
from the Sclaves of that quarter, which ho con
sidered his rear. VVhat Bern did there, and how
he conducted the war amid that simple, nnd al
most unarmed people, the following document
will show. Comment is unnecessary :
Extracts front a l.et er front Hichbichoss Raia
chich. to Field Mascha! Heabowsky, dated
“Carlowitz, August 1,1848.”
“With a bleeding heart, I take the pen to de
scribe to your Excellency the horrors that have
been committed by the Magyar troops at differ
ent places on the theatre of the civil war.
There was uot a single enemy in the Servian
town of Futtaok, when the Magyar troops un
der your Exellency’s command fell upon the
place, slaughtered innocent children, women,
and old men i while others shamefully heat a
priest, stripped him to the skin, and so dragged
hint naked round the place, while they plunder
ed some of the houses, and burned others. In
Mohul, they ripped open the belly ofavenerahle
priest, and also beat his son to death.
“The abomination* are indiscribable which
these savage soldiers committed in the churches
at Futtaok, Foldvar, Mohul, und Kikiuda. I
will pass over in silence the destruction in these
churches of the seats, doors, prayer books
chandeliers, and other articles of furniture de
voted to God’s service; but it i* a thing unheard
of in all history, that Christian troops, in an
open place possessed by them, should seize on
the Sacrament of the Eucharist, standing in rea
diness for tlm dying on the holy altar, should
throw it down, and trample it under foot, should
kindle a fire on the holy altar, and commit other i
abomination* on it not fit to be named ; should j
tire pistols at the image of the Holy Virgin, and
stab out the eyes of the other images of the
saiuts. As they could not cool their courage on
the armed Servian*, they violated women and
maiden*, hewed down children and other dc- i
fenceless persons, cut off their ears and noses,
plundered everything they could carry away,
and destroyed the rest.”
“From thi* picture, falling far short of the
reality, of the horrors thus far committed by the
Magyar troop*, your Exellency can easily infer,
that tiffs national war for war of races j pro- j
voked by the Magyars, is already not far from j
turning into a religious war, aud must haute in |
such a war, if some limits are uot put to these
barbarities. I greatly fear that very soon I shall 1
no longer bo able to hold hack our own officers !
and troops front similar deeds of horror; 1
greatly fear that Bacskca, the Banal, and Syruiia
will soon be made a wilderness. After what has
now happened, I believe that the Servian peo
ple find themselves reduced to extremity, and as
l know them, they will fight with the energy of
despair for their nationality and their religion,
aud will rather die than allow themselves to he
robbed of them. I must frankly confess to
your Excellency, that from the barbarities al
ready committed by the Magyars, the Servian
nation already draws the inference that the
Magyars are waging against them a war of ex
termination What will be the issue 7 I believe
it will be nothing else but this, —that they will
adopt these practices of tho Magyars, and will
repay them like for like.
“The Servian nation has not the means for
carrying on a war which are at tho disposal of
tho Magyar Ministry; but would never.have
thought of. war if they had not been urged and
driven to it by the attack made on the 12th of
June, upon poor innocent Carlowitz upon their
sanctuary. They were Tirinly determined td
recover their undoubted rights by legal mgans
Therefore they sent me with it leapectabie dep
utation to the foot of the imperial throne, in or
der that they might find Help there, where they
were always accustomed to find it when in dis
tress I remain with all respect,
Y’our Excellency’s obedient servant,
Joseph Raiachich, Archbishop.”
(CONCLUDED TO-MORf>OW.)
VOL. XV.—NO. 151
The Treaty tof Guarantee.
A resolution, we observe, has been offered
in Congress calling for information iu reference
to the rumored tre'aty between England and
Francs guaranteeing to Spain the possession of
Cuba.
If the treaty iu question exists, it is, we may
presume, says the Baltimore American, a secret
I treaty, the disclosures of which will scarcely take
] place until some occasion may rise to call for its
enforcement. But th re is evidence official
and conclusive that the policy of guarantee
which such * treaty would establish is a'ready
recogn'zed and adopted by the Governments of
England and France. This fact is announced
by the communications, published recently,
from the diplomatic represent, fives of the two
Governments lit Washington giving information
to our Government of the orders issued to the
naval commanders of England and France on
the West India station. A special treaty of
guarantee may exist or not. So long as it is
confined to pap'er, and gives rise to no infringe
ment upon our rights or our interests, we can
remain indifferent. The orders, however, just
referred to, are known to exist, and they em
body the spirit of such a treaty, and if carried
into effect would present the full question of
foreign interposition in our affairs.
The remark ; of Cen. Cass, in the Senate of
the United States, on this subject are very perti
nent. He said:
“American eitizei.s offending against our laws
are resp nsible to our tribunals, and to no oilier
earthly jurisdiction, except iu the case of pir cy,
which by universal consent i< a crime against uIS
civilized nations, and jnay be punished by either
of them. If an unlawful expedition against
any other, they are of course liablo'to the con
sequences of their acts—punishment by the
j Government injured when taken in the attempt.
! But this rs far different from tne voluntary inter
position of other Powers to watch the high
i seas, under a pretention which canuot be car
ried into effect, without assuming its corollary
! the right to search every vessel which may make
j her appearat.ee upon the Gulf of Mexico, or
| indeed along our coast, wherever these prolec
| t‘»g Powers may choose to exercise this rude
jurisdiction
“For the claim to prevent vessels of a certain
character from approachiug Cuba, includes of
course the claim to examine all vessels found
within the “tabooed” region, iu order to ascer
! tain whether they come within the condemned
| class, whether in fact the trick may not be taken,
jby virtue of a little well-timed doubt. Or, iu
other words this doctrine, if established, would
I establish the full right of* search at all times upon
1 waters of the ocetn, whose f'reu navigation is
' as essential to the United States, as the English
Channel to England, and would give to two
great maritime Powers the control of the Gulf
of Mexico and the mouth of the Mississippi.
I ord Palmerston, indeed, assures us that our
commerce shall not be interrupted. Cold com
fort this! We had rather depend upon our
own right and power than upon his moderation
or that of his country.
“ 'Timno Danaos’ is a wise cgution in political
affairs when counsel is proposed by those who
are not with us nir i f us. We know the Brit
ish Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs is not
easily turned from his purposes. He has stamp
ed his character as a bold statesman, if not a
cirpumAiiori nri«. unan tHo r »—lq*
intercourse of his country; and if he has not
always scrupulously regarded the rights of other
nations, he has kept a steady eye upon the inte
rest of his own. He undertook to convince us
a few years since that because England had
formed a treaty with so ie of the European
continental Powers for the suppression of the
slave trade she had therefore a fight to search
our vessels, in order to carry these engagements
into effect. And now, because France and
England have constituted themselves the guar
dians of the Spanish Government in Cuba,
therefore their cruisers are at liberty to violate
the American flag iu seas couterminous with
our own coasts, and which arc navigated by a
large portion of our mercantile marine. The
former effort failed, and this will fail, as will the
others, in wh itever fruitful brain they may orig
inate, which are designed to follow.
1 -I must exp ress my grut ification, in looking over
the papers, at the ground taken by Mr.Ciittenden
in his communications with tho French and Bri
tish M inisters. He laid down the true doctrine,
the doctrines, for which wo have always con
tended ; and I trust the Administration will
firmly anhere to it. They will meet lam sure with
the general concurrence of the country. This is
precisely one of those questions before which
party disputes should be hushed, and which ap
peal to the hearts of the whole American peo
ple.
We may remark says the Baltimore American,
that intmention of England ami France, or of
either nation, in regard to Cuba r would present
such as would call for our adverse inter
vention, simply because it would be uimed at
our interests, and could not take place practi
cally without offence to the honor of our flag.
It is by such a rule as this that vve are to regulate
our foreign policy in the matter of intervention.
I When Kossuth in his speech to the B dtimore
i Deputation, alluded to foreigu interposition, in
: respect to Cuba, and to the determination of
this country to repel it, he undertook to apply
the principle in this case to Iti3 own country,
and said the only difference was that Cuba wus
distant six days from New York and parts of
Hungary were eighteen days distant.
But the difference in the two cases is as great
as that between an obstruction and a reality. It
would be in self-defence that vve would repel
the armed interposition of England and France
to assume control over Cuba under the name of
a guarantee; for the position of Cuba is such
that its possession would give, as Gen. Cass re
marks to two great maritime power.- the control
of the Gulf of Mexico and the mouth of the
P i ississippi. We could not allow our com merce
in that quarter to be at the mercy of acomuiercial
rival. -
Now we do not see that it would subserve
any interest of onr country, or accord with any
principle of national policy, to engage our
selves to restore and maintain the nationality of
Hungary. Oo the contrary we behold in such
a pledge nothing but the assumption of uncalled
for responsibilities, which if made good, as they
be if assumed, would involve us in a series ot
conflicts and of expenditures that would end *
only with the overthrow of the power of jffussia
—a result which those muy look forward to who
know nothing of her strength, her position and ,
j,er resources. - - . . ,» w
Lynched.—A man named Atkina was da
tected at Vicksburg a few days ago, tamper
ing with negrdes, offering to sell them passes,
for each, which he assured them would
guarantee their safe escape to a free State.
He was punished with between 300 and 400
lashes and turned loose. There is reason to
bellevo that there aresome rascals of the same
styipe with Atkins prowling about Memphis,
Our police should be on the alert, and if any
of them should be caught, they may be assur
ed of a still more condign punishment than,
eveu that wJiich Atkina received at Vicks
burg. > " ’ ' ,
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