Newspaper Page Text
Daily Chronicle & Sentinel
BY W. 8. JONEB.
( Telegraphed for the Baltimore Sun.)
ARRIVAL OF THE EUROPA, AT K. YORK.
Further Details of the French News.
New York, Dec. 23, 10 A. M.
The steamer Euiopa, which put into Halifax, |
short of coal, arrived at her wharf this morning.
From the Liverpool and London papers of the
f,th and 6th of December, l extract tne following
additional items of news:
France. —The rew Cabinet, formed by Na
poleon, and announced in his proclamation of
the new order of things, is composed of the fol
lowing persons:
Mons. M. De Morny, Minister of the Interior.
Mons. Fuld, Minister of Finance.
Mons. Ronher, Minister of Justice.
Mons. Magne, Minister of Public Works.
Mons. Theodore Ducos, Minister of Marine.
Mons. Durufle, Minister of Commerce.
Mons. St. Arnaud, Minister of War.
Mons. Foitoul, Minister of Public Instruction.
Mons. Fargot, Minister of Foreign Affairs.
The high Court of Justice has been dissolved
by order of the President.
M. Baroche, M. Dronyn de L’Huys, Admiral
Cecile, M. Monttlambert, Lucien Murat, and
seventy-five other distinguished members of the
National Assembly form the new Council of
State.
General Oudinot, late Commander of the
Army in Paris, is among the members of the
Assembly arrested.
Count Mole had not been arrested, but had
written a letter expressing his regret that he had
not been.
The soldiers will vote for the election of Pres
ident forty-eight hours after the receipt of a cir
cular from the Minister of War. The vote will
be taken “ yes ” or “ no,” on the following pro
positions :
“The French people wish the maintenance of
the authority of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, and
entrust him with the power necessary to frame
a Constitution upon the basis mentioned in his
proclamation of the 2d instant.”
England. —The Liverpool Journal hints pret
ty strongly at a serious rupture in the English
cabinet, in consequence of Lord Palmerston’s
conduct, and his answer to the address presented
to him with regard to Kossuth. The Journal
further states that Baron Brunow, the Russian
Minister, had made representations which called
for interference, and Earl Grey has positively
declined to continue associated as a colleague
with Palmerston. A disruption appears inevit
able, unless Palmerston retires.
The Journal, in reference to the recent coup
d etat of Louis Napoleon, says it more than sus
pects a foreign agency in that movement. Ab
solutism being the motive power.
The English and French papers are filled com
pletely with French news. The Chronicle says
that the news, when carefully sifted, seems to
exhibit completeness rather than qualified char
acter-.
Barricades had been erected, but the want of
heart manifested in defending them, may be
taken as proof of disinclination to resist, among
the population of the Faubourgs. Had there
been no armed opposition at all, we might have
imagined that inaction was the resource of men
who had waited their opportunity; whereas there
ean now be little doubt that it is the result of
indifference. The Republican leaders, though
appealing to the People both in the names of
Law and Socialism, had been unable to create a
tumult, of the smallest moment.
The Parish journals of Thursday evening are
filled with the official documents and proclama
tions, but the accounts they give of events are
meagre. Private advices, however, state that
the recent fighting was of a character more fear
lUl tllUTl UZlZtt to'toy **w aj
was given. They also stated that some of the
troops have joined the people, and that General
Maynau, Commander in chief of the Garrison of
Paris, was inclined to declare against the Presi
dent.
The following is the decree issued by President
Napoleon, on Tuesday morning:
Decree. —ln the Name of the French Peo
ple, the President decrees: First, the National
Assembly js dissolved. Second, universal suffrage
is re-established, and the law of 31st of May is
repealed. Third, the French people are convok
ed in elective colleges from the 14th to the 21st
of December. Fourth, the state of siege is de
creed in the whole of first military division.
Fifth, the Council of State is dissolved. The
Minister of the Interior is charged with the exe
cution of this decree.
Lours Napoleon Bonaparte.
The Prefect of Police addressed a proclama
tion to the cizens of Paris, exhorting them to
calmness and order.
The President appeared in the streets on Tues
day, and was received with respect, but without
enthusiasm. “Vive la Republique” was the
only cry uttered by the people. No attempts
were made to repress the expression, and the at
titude of the troops was calm and firm.
1 n one of the proclamations issued by the Pre
sident it is stated that the Assembly, instead of
employing itself in taking care of the interests
of the people, had only become the theatre of
conspiracies and plots against him.
NAPOLEON'S APPEAL TO THE PEOPLE.
Frenchmen : The present situation cannot last
much longer. Each day the situation of the
country become worse. The Assembly, which
ought to be the firmest supporters of order, has
become a theatre of plots. The patriotism of
three hundred of its members could not arrest its
fatal tendencies. In place of making laws for
the general interest of the people, it was forging
arms for civil war. It attacked the power I
hold directly from the people. It encouraged
every evil passion—it destroyed the repose of
France. I, have dissolved it, and I make the
whole people judges between me and it. 1
The constitution, as you know, had been made
with the object of weakening, beforehand, the
powers you entrusted to me. Six millions of
votes were a striking protest against it, and yet
I have faithfully observed it. Provocations, ca
lumnies, outrages, found me passive. But now
that the fundamental part is no longer respected
by those who incessantly invoke it, and the men
who have already destroyed two monarchies
wish to tie up my hands in order to overthrow
the Republic* My duty is to baffle their perfid
ious project, to maintain the Republic and to
save the country by appealing to the solemn
lodgement of the only sovereign I recognize in
’France. “The People.” lthen make a loyal
appeal to the entire nation, and I say to you, if
you wish to continue this state ofdisquietude and
malaise that degrades you and endangeis the
future, choose another person in my place; for I
no longer wish for a place which is powerless
for good, but which makes me responsible for
acts that I cannot hinder, and chains me to the
helm, when 1 see the vessel rushing on the
abyss. If; on the contrary, you have still con
fidence in me, give me means of accomplishing
the grand mission I hold from you. 1 hat mis
sion consists in closing thejera ol revolution, in
satisfying the legitimate wants ol the people,
and in protecting them against subversive pas
sions. It consists especially to create institu
tions which survive men, and which are the
foundation on which something durable is based.
Persuaded that the instability of power—that
the preponderance of a single assembly—one of
the permanent causes of trouble and discord—l
submit to your suffrages the fundameutril basis
of a constitution, which the assemblies will de
velops hereafter. I. A responsible chief, named
for ten years. 2. The minister dependent oo
the Ejcecutive alone. 2. A council of state,
formed of the most distinguished men, preparing
the laws and maintaining the descussion before
the legislative corps. 4. A legislative corps, dis
cussing and voting the laws named by universal
suffrage, without the serutin de liste, which fal
sifies the election.—s. A second assembly, form
ed of all the illustrious persons of the nation. A
prepondering power, guardian of the fundamen
tal pact and of public liberty.
This system, created by the first Consul in the
beginning of the present century, has already
given to France repose and prosperity. It guar
antees them still. Such is my profound convic
tion. If you partake of it, declare so by your
suffrages. If, on the contrary, you prefer a gov
ernment without force, monarchical or republi
can, borrowed from some chimerical future, re
! ply in the negative. Thus, then, for the first
time since 1840, you will vote with complete
knowledge of the fact, and knowing for whom
and for what you vote. If Ido not obtain the
majority of the votes, I will summon a new as
sembly and lay down before it the mission I
have received from you.
But if you believe that the cause,of which my
name is the symbol—that is, France, regenerated
by the revolution of ’B9, and organized by the
Emperor, is still yours, proclaim it to be so, by
ratifying the powers I demand of you. Then
France and Europe will be preserved from an
archy, obstacles will be removed, rivalries will
have disappeared—for all will respect in the will
of the people the decree of Providence.
Palace of the Elyse, this second day of Decem
ber. Signed. Louis Napoleon Bonaparte.
In an address to the army, Bonaparte entreats
them to be proud of their mission ; as to them,
he looks to save the country. He says vote free
ly as citizens, but as soldiers do not forget that
passive obedience to the orders of the chief of
the Government, is the rigorous duty of the army,
from the general down to the soldier. Be ready
to suppress all attempts against the free exercise
of the sovereignty of the people.
Among those arrestod are Generals Cha nger
nier, Cavaignac, Bedeau, Lamorieiers, Colonel
Lefio, Charras, L. Buze, Thiers. Brun and others.
It is said that Lamorciere afterward escaped.
Spain. —lt is stated that the Queen has ex
pressed her continued confidence in the Murillo
ministry, and has authorized them to adopt any
measures they may think best for the interests of
the country.
Further per Steamer Baltic.
New York, Dec. 23. —The steamer Baltic, of
the Collins line has arrived, having sailed from
Liverpool on the 10th inst.
The Cambria reached Liverpool at 9 o’clock
on the morning of Monday, Dec Bth.
The Baltic left Liverpool about 12o’clock on the
10th inst. For the first three days, she had fair
weather, but for the balance of the voyage she
had continued gales anal a heavy head sea.
The Baltic passed the Atlantic on the 14th of
December, and the Humboldt on the 18th. She
brings 60 passengers.
Supple & Co., of London, have failed, for what
amount is not accurately know.
The threatened bombardment of Tangiers by
the French fleet had been avoided, by an amica
ble adjustment of the difficulties.
France. —The condition of affairs in this coun
try had continued to absorb the public attention
throughout the whole of Europe.
It is now definitely ascertained that Louis Na
poleon has proved completely successful in his
coup d’etat. Partial attempts at resistance had
been made by the ultra republicans, but they
had been promptly repressed and extinguished.
In the Departments the resistance was confined
exclusively to the extreme republicans, who
had been repulsed with the same rigor used to
wards their brethren in Paris.
It may be said in the President’s language,
that France has accepted the proposal he has
made her, but not with that enthusiasm which
Louis Napoleon calculated upon. The acqui
escence of the people has been universal, but
tacit. The opponents of the President preferred
the plan which he has proposed to the alterna
tives of anarchy or legitimacy. Very few per
sons can be found who sympathise with the
Assembly, or who deny that the President was
forced by the continued intrigues of that body
to choose between a surrenuer or ms power,
office and liberty, and the more resolute course
which he adopted.
Tranquility was pretty well restored in Paris
by the Evening of Friday, the sth inst. On the
following day uptorn pavements and the shatter
ed walls of houses were all that remained of the
insurrection in and about Paris.
The Department of Saone, and Loire, and
Alliers, had been placed in a stage of siege, but
the disturbances which caused the act were in
significant.
Every where, without an exception, the
troops had been successful.
A telegraphic despatch from London to Liver
pool, received just before the Baltic sailed, states
that the Prince De Joinviile and the Due d’Au
male had gone to Belgium to raise the standard
of revolt against the military usurpation of
President Napoleon.
Com. Thomas Ap Catesby Jones, of the Uni
ted States Navy, was among those wounded in
the Boulevards. He lost his finger, had his leg
broken and was completely disabled.
M. Theirs has been liberated by the Presi
dent, in consequence of his ill health, on his
agreeing to leave the country.
The Artillery vote was 21 for Napoleon, and
43 against him.
The exact loss of the Army in Paris during
the late engagements is one supexior officer and
fifteen soldiers killed; three officers and one
hundred and fifteen soldiers wounded.
The Bourse fluctuations from the 2d to the Cth
were from 89 to 70, and on Tuesday returned to
96.
Accounts from Geneva state that the French
refugees met to deli berate, and alter a long and
stormy discussion decided to abstain from enter
ing France.
Monday’s Moniteur contains the President’s
Proclamation, in which he says :
Frenchmen! disturbances are apprehended,
but whatever may be the decision of the people,
society is saved. The first part of my task has
been accomplished. My appeal to the nation for
the purpose of terminating the struggles of par
ties, I knew would not cause a serious risk to
public tranquility. Why should the people have
risen against me ? If I do not any longer possess
your confidence, if your ideas are changed, there
is no occasion to make precious blood flow. It
will be sufficient to place an adverse vote in the
electoral urn, and 1 shall always respect the de
cision of the people. I shall always respect the
decision of the nation, but until the nation has
spoken I shall not hesitate at any sacrifice to
baflle the of factions.
Fresh arrests continue to be daily made among
the Republican leaders.
Changarnier and the Generals were confined
at Ham, to be tried by a Court Martial, on the
charge of attempting to seduce the soldiers of the
army from their duty.
M. Thiers will leave immediately for Italy.
Napoleon will undoubtedly have an immense
majority at the election for President, which was
to take place on the 20th inst.
Marshal Soult died on the 26th ult., in the 83d
year of his age. „
England. —Theaff'a’rs of France continue to
excite great attention in England.
The question of Custom Reform was being
warmly agitated, the disgraceful conduct of the
Board of Customs in the late disputes with the
Dock Company being the immediate incentive.
Sir Robert Peel had been squabbling with the
farmers of Tamworth. They have forbidden
him to pass over their lands, and he has adver
tised his whole stud for sale.
The English press are beginning a orusodo against
the Times, for its dishonesty and its abuso of its
contemporaries.
Jn some of the large provincial towns associations
lire forming not to road, purchase, or advortise in
the Times.
Sir John Gladstone, one of the patriarchs of Liv
erpool Commerce, died on the 7th instant, at his
residence, in Scotland, aged 87 yonrs. Sir John
was tho father of the Rt. Hon.W. E. Gladstone,
Colonial Secretary undor Sir Robert Peel’s admin
istration, and a Mr. Robertson Gladstone, of Liver
pool, President of the Finance Reform Association.
Continued rumors of a serious misunderstanding i
between Lords Grey and Palmerston were afloat.
The Lord Primate of Ireland has been olected
Primate of the Dublin University.
The opposition to the Queen's College was bocom
iug more violent and effective.
The U. S. steamer Saranac had arrived at Liver
pool on the sth from Philadelphia.
Si'ajn.—We learn that tho Queen's accouchment
was expected between the Bth and 11th of Decem
ber.
Tho Duke of Narvaez had been recalled by the
Queen.
The Duke and Duohesa of Montpensier had dined
with the British Minister.
Austria. —The Vienna Ministerial organs de
clare for Napolean and praise his policy.
The nows from Paris had caused great consterna
tion at Berlin, but after considering all the eventu
alities, the ministry decided not to place a single
corps of tho Russian army on the war footing.
Cate of Good Hope. —The news from the Cape
of Good Hope continues to excite great anxiety in
England. The position of the British forces, and
even of the local government itself, seemed to be
come daily more critical. Treachery on all hands,
and depredations oven under tho very bayonets of
the troops, were constantly occurring, and the fron
tiers were entirely beyond tho power of the troops to
protect.
Markets.
Liverpool, Dec. 10.— Cotton. —Since the depar
ture of the steamer Europa, the demand for Cotton
has sensibly declined. The sales, up to last evening
were 13,000'bales, of which 1,500 bales were to specu
lators and exporters. Friday’s prices were firmly
maintained until yesterday, when the market took
a turn in favor pf buyers, and prices declined l-16d.
sFlour is dull at last quotations. Tho market yes
terday suffered a marked depression, owing to the
advorse accounts from London, and small sales were
made at Friday’s prices.
Indian corn yesterday was in brisk inquiry at an
advance of Is. per quarter, but this rise had checked
the disposition to operate, and the market closed
with a disinclination to operate. Sales of white at
295. and yellow 275. 3d.
At Manchester, on Monday, the news from
France imparted a firmer tone to the market, though
on tho whole, operations yesterday, in yarns and
goods were very limited. They exhibit an increase
compared with Thursday, or any Tuesday since
business was suspended, the barrenness of the
market and abundance of orders enabling spinners
and manufacturers to exhibit a firmness which ap
pears somewhat remarkable.
Money Market.—The money market at London
had experienced a slight and momentary contraction
on tho first account of the revolution in Paris, but
the only results which were observable were in the
stock market. There a severe depression occurred
and considerable fluctuation followed. At tho last
dates a reaction had established prices. Consols
went as high as 98$ on the Bth inst., but receded to
98, and on tho 9th receded to 97$ a 97$ for money
and $ higher for acc’t. Pub. securities generally
kept pace with consols and foreign stocks recovered
a large portion of their late declino.
On the Pails Bourse the reaction was immense.
Austrian stocks were quiet, but Federal Stocks
advancod upon previous prices from 1} a 1 per cent,
in a sho d time. U. S. 6’s, 1868, closed at 111$ a
112$; U. S. 6’s 1867, ’6B, 106 a 107; Ponna. s’s
18$ a 82$ ; Md. s’s, 89 a 89$ ; Mass. 6's, 106$ a
107$.
British Funds, on the 9th inst., were quoted as
follows; Bank Stock, 215$ ; Reduecd 3 per cents.,
96$ ; New 3$ per cents., 98. Exchequer Bonds 483.
a 51s ; Mexican, 24 ; Spanish s’s, 20 f.
Arrival of the Steamer Hermann.
New York, Dec. 23.—Tho steamer Hermann
arrived off Sandy Hook at eight o'clock last night,
but did not come up on account of tho thick weath
er. She brings 63 passengers. For twelve days she
experienced tremendous gales and eecountered three
hurricanes, of four hours duration, during which he
lost some of her sails. On the 21st, at 4 o’clock,
P. M., she passed a Collins steamer, supposed to be,
the Arctic. The Hermann's advices are anticipated
by the Europa.
(Correspondence of the Baltimore Sun.)
Thirty-Second Congress—First Session.
Washington, Dec. 23, 1851.
SENATE.
On motion of Mr. Atchison, it was ordered that
when the Senate adjourn, it adjourn till Friday next.
A coiutttunicatioiv wao frv>u *»l»o fiwerota
ry of the Navy, in reply to a resolution calling for
copies of all correspondence by naval officers with
that department concerning flogging in the Navy.
Referred to Naval Committee.
Mr. Gwinnsaid that he would call up, on the 6th
of January, the petition on this subject, which had
been laid on the table.
Mr. Clemens, from the Committee on Military
Affairs, reported the joint resolution authorizing the
President to confer the brevet rank of Lieutenant
General for meritorious services.
Mr. Shields gave notice of a bill to increase the
expenses of the army, by creating a retired list for
disabled soldiers.
Mr. Mallory submitted a resolution directing an
enquiry into the expediency of establishing a naval
depot at Key West. Adopted.
Mr. Underwood offered a resolution directing an
inquiry into the expediency of providing for a re
examination of payments made by the executive
department in cases where reason exists for suppos
ing fraud or mistakes has taken place. Adopted.
The resolution declaring the compromise a settle
ment of the slavery question was then taken up.
Mr. Cass doubted the propriety of introducing the
resolut on, but it being here, and he being required
to vote upon it, he was prepared to give it his hearty
support, lie replied most eloquently to the Senator
from South Carolina.
Mr. Clemons followed in an carnegt support of
the resolution, and a most scathing review of the
doctrine of secession.
Mr Douglas also doubted the propriety of the re
solution, but was ready to vote for it. He explain
ed at length his course on the compromise measures.
Mr. Downs got the floor, and on his motion tho
subject was postponed till tho first Monday in Jan
uary. And after a short Executive session, the
Senate adjourned.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Mr. Tuck, of N. 11,, moved to reconsider the vote
of yesterday, restricting debate to five minutes.—
The motion was laid ou the table by a veto of 75 to
58.
The House went into committeo on the state of
tho Union, and again took up the bill authorising the
assignment of Bounty Laud Warrants, and an
amcxidment was proposed by Mr. Harris, of Ct.,
providing that those assignments shall be certified by
a person duly authorised, and substantiated by two
credible witnesses.
Thoro being no quorum, the roll was called and
tho absentees reported to tho House—after which,
there boing a quorum, the House again went into
committee, when tho amendment was agreed to —
ayes 67, nays 59.
Mr. Jones, of Tennessee, called tho attention of
tho committee to the inconsistency of tho amend
ment, which would be nugatory as to its operation,
the warrants upon which tho assignments are to bo
endorsed being filed in the department, and tho par
ty who obtain land receiving merely a certificate of
barter.
Mr, Stevens, of Georgia, moved that tho commit
tee rise for the purpose of reporting the bill, with
a recommendation that it bo referred to tho judicia
ry bommittce.
Mr. Johnson, of Ark , was opposed to any further
delay; tho bill, he said, had occupied much of tho
attention of tho Ilousq during the last and present
session; and if the committeo which then had it
under consideration did not come to a right con
clusion, it would be impossible for any othor com
mittee to succcod.
The motion that the committeo rise, was carried,
yousi 88, nays 67, and the House resumed, when tho
report was received- On motion, howovor, to refer
tho bill to tho committee on the judiciary, together
with another, which Mr. Orr, of 5. C., said had boon
prepared by tho commissioner of the land offleo, was
negatived on a division of 82 in tho affirmative, and
81 nays, tho Speaker voting in tho negative, and
thus making the members equal.
A motion was then made and lost, that tho Houso
adjourn.
Mr. Ficklin, of Illinois, moved that tho bill be
ongrossed and road a third time, und a call for the
previous question having bocn sustained,
Mr. Evans called lor the reading of tho 27tli rule,
which provides that bills bo taken up and passed in
the order of time in which thoy had a second read
ing; and appealed against the decision of tho chair;
which appeal wus subsequently laid on tho table by
a vote of the liouso.
Mr. Cabell, of Florida, moved, which was carried,
that, when the Houso adjourn, it adjourn until
Friday.
A motion to reconsider tho vote adopting the re
port of tho committee on tho State of tho Union,
called up n strenuous opposition on the part of Mr.
Cabell, who attacked the provision in the nppropri- 1
ation bill of last session, limiting the granting of 1
bounty lands to those in the market. Mr. Tuck, of i
New Hampshire, who denounced tho measure as
being got up for tho benefit of speculators, and Mr.
Carter, of Ohio, and Mr. Jones, ofTenncssco, who
attacked tho provisions of tho bill, and which had
not, they said, boon properly conducted by the com
mittee.
Mr. Bayly, of Va., as chairman of the committee
of ways and means, last session, rose and explained
the reason why the provision alluded to by Mr. Ca
bell had been inserted —the desire not to impair the
public revenue.
A motion finally prevailed to refer the bill to a
select committee.
Messages were received from the President, with
accompanying reports, in reply to the resolution
relative to tho imprisonment of Mr. Thrasher, and
reports from Departments, which were referred to
appropriate committees.
Mr. Brooks, of New York, said that when the
proper time arrived he would be prepared to show
how much the laws of domicile of Cuba operated
on American citizens.
The House then adjourned till Friday.
The Late Hungarian War
[concluded.]
The reckless writer in the Times, quotes from
an article in Blackwood’s Magazine, written by
Allison. In answer we quote the following
from Brownson’s Quarterly for April last; and
it will be perceived that he calls Pulzsky, Kos
suth’s under secretary of State, to the stand, as a
witness. Speaking of the period of which we
write, the author says:—
‘‘The charge of treachery preferred by the
Magyars against Austria, comes from them with
a b;id grace. It appears certain that, shortly
after the insurrection of March, 1848, at Vienna,
there was an understanding between a portion
of the insurgents and certain Magyar leaders.
Pulzsky says, (p. 176,) that about September
“the newspapers took up the question carefully,
and some of them declared themselves for Hun
gary.” It was confidently stated that the Ma
gyars had distributed money in Vienna as early
as September, and there is little doubt that the
money expended there had a direct influence
upon the opinions of the Viennese tnob, which
was unfriendly to the Magyars n August, and
allied to them in October. In fact, letters were
intercepted from Battkyani to Pulzsky, offering
funds for the purpose of “gaining the sympa
thies of the Viennese for the Hungarian na
tion.” Moreover, it was proved at the trial of
Batthyani, that Pulzsky had received and dis
tributed money. Pulzsky says, (p. 200) that it
was impossible to prove that Hungarian money
was used to stir up the Vieunese on the 6th of
October. But he confesses that four thousand
florins were expended on a Viennese paper in
the Magyar interest, and in publishing docu
ments and pamphlets on Magyar concerns, for
the information of the Viennese people; ten
thousand more were spent he says, in recruit
ing soldiers to march against Jellachich. It Is
also certain that the Vienneso insurgents of
October, counted largely on the support of the
Magyars. After the insurrection, when Win
dishgratz was preparing to bombar i the city,
the Viennese Diet sent a message to the Ma
gyars, asking them to inarch immediately. Kos
suth de patched an answer to the rebels, and
then he crossed the frontier, and attacked the
Austrian army within sight of the walls of Vi
enna. He met with the success his treachery
peserved; ha was routed, and forced to retire
> neyond the frontier. His intentions are partly
s unmasked in his speech to the soldiers before
, crossing the border, Kossuth said, (Pulzsky p.
, 204,)—“1t is a duty of honor to hasten to the
1 aid of the Viennese, as they have risen in op
position to the war against Hungary. If we
win a battle, it will decide the fate of the Aus
trian monarchy, and of all Germany.’’ When
he declared his intention of marching to Vien
na, “about a hundred officers, most of them for
eigners, hut likewise several Hungarians, de
t dared that, under existing circumstances, they
. could no longer serve Hungary.” (Ibid, p.
900.) They were honorable men. For the
war was, even as late as October, a civil war
1 between the Sclaves aud Magyar.-. The Diet
convened by royal authority, was in session;
Ferdinand was yet tiie acknowledged king of
i Huugary; even in December, when he abdi
1 cated, the Magyers were willing to obey the
young Emperor, if he would comply with their
. demands; aud yet Kossuth, under these cir
cumstances, led the Magyars into the country
of tho man whom he and they acknowledged to
be their rightful sovereign Had a declaration of
independence preceded the act. it might have
been rebellion, but it would not have been
1 treachery. His only enemies in the field were
the Croats; he should have met them. So said
the more honorable portion of the Magyar army.
(Pulzsky, p. 201.) Admitting that the Court of
Vienna was disposed, in September, to a:d the
Croats, it was no longer able to do so in Oclo
ber, when Vienn w s in the hands of the mob,
and all the imperial troops were needed in Aus
iria to save it from anarchy. It was one ol
Kossuth’s worst acts, and it is the m re repre
hensible, as he did not, at this time, have any
overt act of Austria as an excuse tor entering
her territory, to hasten, as he expressed it, the
• downfall of the empire. Ho had nothing but
the supposed intentions of the imjierial court
whereon to found his suicidal resolution to
march against his sovereign, not only without
having issued a declaration of independence,
but without even having published a declaration
of war ”
The grant by Austria of a Constitution which
merged all Hungary into Au-tria, placed the
Sclaves on the same footing as the Magyars,
nnd utterly annihilated the ancient Constitution
al rights of Hungary, destroyed all hope of a
settlemen of the difficulties between Hungary
and Austria. This act of the Emperor Joseph
• hears date March 4th, 1849; and at once severed
the remaining bond between Austria and Ma
gyar Hungary. Up to this period, the Magyars,
with Kossuth at head, hoped for an arrangement
with Austria, through which, by concessions,
they might still retain the Sclaves .in depen
dence. But the Constitution, treating them as
rebels, with a dash of then wiped out all tho “an
cient constitutional rights” of Hungary, and
consolidating her with the Empire ol Austria,
raised the Sclaves to a political and social equal
ty with their masters.
That the Magyars should resi-t this to the
death, was most natural, and on the 14th of
April, 1849, one month and fourteen days there
after, the Magyars put forth their declaration of
Independence of Austria.
This declaration is dated at Debreczin, April
14th, 1849, and it is worthy ol'retnark, that in no
part of it does it preteud to e-tab’ish a Rcpubli
eau form of Government, or to give freedom to
theoppressed, or to secure liberty to the Peo
ple ! On the contrary, it expressly provides,
that while Kossuth shall have unlimited powers
as Dictutor, the form of Government to be es
tablished after securing their independence
shall be left to a future Diet of Hungary, ejected
according to the aucient rights anti privileges of
the Hungarian nation !! That is, the Magyars
were to do as they always had done—govern
Hungary ns they pleased, and retain twice their
number of fellow men in bondage! But this
U not all. This very declaration sustains every
position we have taken; and proves that the
only cause of complaint against Austria, was
her refusing to aid M. Kossuth and the Magyars,
in kcepiug in bondage, nino millions of whi’ o
slaves! That there may be no doubt upon thi 5
subject, we quote from the Kossulh-Magyar-
Hungariau Declaration of Independence.
“Croatia and Scluvonia were chosen to bo
gin this rebellion, because in those countries
the inhuman policy of Princo Metteriich bad,
with a view tp the weakening of all purties,
for years cherished hatred against the Hungari
an nation. By exciting in every possible man
ner the most unfounded national jealousies, and
hy employing the most disgraceful mca::s, he
had succeeded in iiiilaming a party with rage ;
although the Hungarians, far from desiring to
Oppress the Croatiuus, allowed the most unre
strained development to the provincial institu
tions of Croatia, and shared witn their Croatian
und Sclavonian brethren their political rights,
even going the length of sacriticing some of
their own rights, by acknowledging special
privileges and immunities in those dependen
cies.
“The Ban revolted, however, in the name of
the Emperor, and rebelled openly against the
King ofHungary, who is, however, one and
the same person ; and he went so far as to de
cree the separalion of Croatia and Sclavonia
from Hungary, with which they had been uni
ted for eight hundred years, as well as to incor
porate them with the Austrian empire. Public
opinion and undoubted facts threw the blame
of these proceedings on the Archduke Louis,
uncle to the Emperor; on his brother, the
Archduke Francis Charles, and especially on
the consort of the last named Prince, the Arch
duchess Sophia ; and since the Ban m this act
of rebellion openly alleges that he acted as a
faithful subject of the Emperor, the ministry of
Hungary requested their sovereign by a public
declaration to wipe off the stigma which these
proceedings threw upon the family. At that
moment affairs were not prosperous for Austria
in Italy ; the Emperor therefore did proclaim
that the Ban and his associates were guilty of
high treason, and of exciting to rebellion. But
while publishing this edict, the Ban and his
accomplices were covered with favors at Court,
and supplied for their enterprise with money,
arms and ammunition. 'J he Hungarians, con
fiding in the royal proclamation, and not wish
ing to provoke a civil conflict, did not hunt out
those prescribed traitors in their lair, and only
adopted measures for checking any extension of
the rebellion. But soon afterward the inhabi
tants of South Hungary, of Servian race, were
excited to rebellion by precisely the same
means.
“These were also declared by the King to be
rebels, but were, nevertheless, like the others,
supplied with moneys, arms and amunitiou
The King’s commissioned officer and civil ser
vants enlisted bands of robbers in the princi
pality of Servia to strengthen the rebels, and to
aid them in massacreing the peaceable Hunga
rian and German inhab tants of the
command of these ret ellious bodies was further
entrusted to the rebel leaders of the Croatians.”
Surely, no honest, or candid man, can read
this extract without concluding at once, that we
have given a faithful history of the cause of the
war in Hungary.
The fourth resolution appended to the Dec
laration of Independence, expressly provides
that the form of government to be adopt
ed for the future, shall be fixed by the Diet of
the nation.” And that Diet, as we have shown,
consisted mostly of Magyars, and untitled no
bility. Let it be borne in mind, that of the five
and a half million of Magyars,six hundred thou
sand, or nearly one fourth, are nobles ! an I
that in 1 heir hands was all power ; and then the
reader can judge whut would have been the re
sult of of their success. And the resolution pro
ceeds to say, that until a fpture government
shall be so organised by a future Diet, “on the
basis of the ancient and received principles
(there was to be no option) which have been
recognised for ages, the government of the
United countries, their possessions and depen
dencies shall be conducted 01 the personal re
sponsibility, and under the obligation to render
an account of all his acts, by Louis Kossuth !”
We ask especial attention to this extract from
the famous Kossuth Declaration of Indepen
dence, as going to prove beyond all cavil, every
proposition we have laid down as regards the
cause of war with Austria.
To get rid of the force of this resolution,
the Times has discovered that it is not a correct
translation !
VVe now repeat what we said a few days
'ince, that at this period, all would have
been well with Hungary, and her independence
of Austria triumphantly established, if the
Magyars had been reasonable and given politi
cal liberty and equality to the Sclaves. Their
attachment to their father land was as great as
that of the Magyars, who had conquered and
enslaved them ; and at any period of the
struggle, the would have turned their
arms against Austria if promised equal liberty
after the establishment of their independence.
In reply to this, we shall be told that it was
done by the Diet long previously. Yes, but
conditioned upon Austria giving up all claims
upon Hung ary ; which being refused, we hear
no more of liberty to the Sclave. but see the
Magyars humbly petitioning the Emperor of
Austria to aid in fixing the yoke upon them.
And even in the Declaration of Independence,
it is provided that the future government shall
be established “on the basis of the ancient and
received principles which have been reoegnised
for ages.” Notwithstanding this, the Sclaves
still petitioned for such terms as would enable
them to do bat'le for their country against Aus
tria ! and this petition as late as the 10th of
June, 1849, was thus lesponded toby Casimer
Batliiany in the name o! Louis K ssuth :
“There are three principles which must
prove as a basis to any conciliation, and in re
gard to which we shall concede nothing, on any
condition whatever for it would amount to
committing suicide with our own hands.
“Ist. The Unity of the IState.
“2d. The integrity of the territory of the
State as it hat existed for centuries.
3d. 'I he supremacy of the Magyar clement
acquired one thousand years ago by the armed
hand, the foundation of our autonomy, and
consecrated by the use of the Magyar us the Di
plomatic language.”
This was only tw o months previous to the
surrender of Georgey and the flight of Kos
suth ; and yet we find here that Kossuth and his
advisers, had no more idea of granting freedom
to the Sclavonic races, or surrendering “the
supremacy of the Magyar Element,” than they
hud when they humbled themselves in the dust
at the foot of the Imperial throne, and liko
cringing beggars, entreated of its kindness to
aid ihem in putting down the “Illyrian rebels !”
There was not, up to this time at least, any signs
of repentance—any disposition even to do jus
tice to themselves, because they still hoped
there was a chance of their re-establishing their
aristocratic institutions and despotic power.
One month afterward', however, when the
sword of destruction was suspended over their
heads, and about to fall—within twelve days of
their filial overthrow, und when hope had lied
—did they puss a resolution, and proclaim pub
licly “equal rights of all nationalities.” Th‘ j
resolution was passed and proclaimed on the
28th ol July, und on the 10th of August all wai
over, Georgey u prisoner and Kossuth a fugi
tive with the Turk.
Sch’esingor, in his “War in Hungary,’’ vol.
2 p. 188, says, this “recognition of equal
rights came a year too late ; lor it now merely
offered to the Sclavonic races, a concession
which had already been secured to them by the
Emperor of Austria ; an I offered it, moreover,
in sight of their burnt down cities, desola
ted villages, and desecrated graves. The
Magyar haughtiness, and the thirst for su
premacy in the Hungarian nobility, never
suffered a deeper humiliation than from
the resolutions passed at this sttling of the Diet.
It was the lust—the lust great expiatory sin-of
fering of the Representatives of the Hungarian
nation, lor long years of injusli.e to tiro other
Races.’’
H. Deplics, in Review des deux Mondes,
January 15, 1850, has the following in lelution
to this concession when all was lust —a conces
sion, which if mude ut the commencement of
the struggle, would have rendered Hungary for
ever independent of Austria, almost without a
contest: —
“After the first defeats of Georgy and Bern,
when the imuge of death under its most terrific
aspects was prosented from all quartern to the
insurrectionary government, Kossuth, with the
ministry anti tho legislative assembly, begun to
show, hiinsell less hostile to projects of com
promise. Under the fear whicu then seized up-
on all minds, they agreed to make si ni I
concessions which the agents oflic \\ft
demanded. It was at Snegedin, the | ' If
of the fugitive government, ()U t | l(! I
July, one month before the end of”t|/ f
that the minister, Kossuth, acquainted |
Wallachians with this tardy resolution I
the demands of the Poles in favor of the 11
vonians, generally, the Magyars still hesiat
only at the last moment [July 28th] and^l
on the point of expiring at Arad ; did thev >'■
sign themselves to this last and grievous ’«■
fice. Hardly had the Wallachians hid tim? K
become acquainted with the new rights J I
were conceded to them with so bad y race B
already the ruin of Hungary was consurj
ted. The Servians and the Croats \ m <}
very small concessions made to them onh afJ
the catastrophe, with the news of the cm J
lation at Villagos.”
We come now to an author too well
to Ihe American reader, to require the
meat of Count Pulzsky or any one else. i..H
amiable, eloquent, and liberty-loving J/iunH
tine, is one whose truth and sincerity vvill el
be doubted by any intelligent Ainetuan: u t |
he writes as follows:
“ I do not pretend that the quarrel of
of the Hungarian people (the Magyar
against another part, (the Sclavic ruce. t i|
that struggle of Hungary, thus divided»,|
itself, against Austria, was the least in the
a French, or »ven a democratic cause Iku®
perfectly well that it was nothing of the sot'
that this was a double or triple war of a cl®
acter quite foreign to our discussions and
revolutions on this side of the wester,, ivorll
It was a civil war amongst the Hungarians them
selves, growing out of quarrels historical ; -
their origin, and out of jealousies of race. 1
was a federal war between the Hungarians ai
Austrians for more or less independent co
ditions of federation, or for the reconquer ng
national iterests. It is true that France and ii,
mocracy had not an atom of their prow
cause involved in this confusion of conflicts
Lamartine’s Past, Present, and Future (An
ed ) p. 60.
This testimony in regard to the character i
the Hungarian war, should be conclusive ; b
we have still more direct testimony it w
not a Republican cause—a cause 11 . ■
excite our political sympathies, cou.it Pi
zsky, in superintending the Hungarian intcrei
in London, found that the enemies of the M
gyars every where circulated the idea that tin
were wariog for Republicanism, and t
Kossuth was another Ledru Rollin. This,
course, was destructive to all expectation of p
cuniary aid in the way of loans or otherwm
from aristocratic England ; and in consequent
he wrote or caused to be written and publish!
in the Examiner of May sth, 1848—known i
be his organ—the following important pa
graph
“ The most current misrepresentation of
Hungarians is, that they are Republicans, j
that they have proclaimed the Republic ilia
of the Hungarian counties as are in their pom
whicli now comprise almost all the Hungari
territory. This assertion is often unwarily!
echoed by friends of the Hungarians, wi
considering that the Queen of England tin
tains amicable relations with the Republic
the United States, with the Republic olTrant
and the Republic of Switzerland, are not t
together horrified at the Republican oppi
lation. But the real state of the matter
that the Hungarians are not republicans at
that the Republic has not been proclam
anywhere in Hungary.
“ The Magyars light to maintain a coik
tion which numbers more than eight centur
of duration, and to support the sanctity of
Royal word They have taken their positii
upon the inviolability of ancient liberty. !
though Austrian intrigues have caused a bres
of those liberties, and striven to render n‘
avail the royal oath sworn solemnly to main's
them, the Hungarians have not hitherto ilreai
ed of or proclaimed a Republic. In sp«o
all the>r victories, it is their wish to i/uimi
both the Monarchy and the Dynasty. Ti
do not desire to change the lia'ure of their i
stiuitions, or to rid themselves of the rult
family.”
And in October, 1849, Lord Fitzwilliam i
many other peers, signed a memorial lo 1.0
John Russell and Lord Palmerston, asking tin
iuterposit on for Hungary, in which they i
pressly deny that Kossuth and the Magyi
(ought for Republicanism ; but place their)
maud for interference on the ground, that tin
movement was conservative and anti-Kepul
can ! We give the following extract from a
memorial :
“ While so many of the nations of Euttj
have engaged in revolutionary movements,':
have embarked in schemes of doubtlul p o ®
and still more doubtful success, it i< gratit}!
to the undersigned to be able to assuro v
Lordships that the Hungarians demand notl
but the recognition of ancient rights, and
stability and integrity of their ancient cons!:
lion. To your lordships it cannot be
known,—that that Constitution bears a stril
family resemblance to that of our own com
—kings, Lords and Commons are as vital pi
of the Hungarian as of the British Coustitut o
Here then, we have the secret of KosstH
reception in England —a reception honor.'-
alike to the English and to Kossuth, bccM
consistent with the part history of the gr
Hungarian, and the aristocratical institutions
England, liberal though monarchical as wee
cede them to be. But wc insist most earnes
that whatever of respect he may be entitled
and cordial as his reception should bo as
honored guest of the nation, he cannot claim
himself or the cause in which he is an exile 1
an apostle, the sympathies of a Kepblican pi
pie.
* Finally to show that Kossuth audtlio Jk
yars, did not fight for Republic# jF^ ve m *
the following extract from his toi
people of the United States :
“The Hungarian nation loved freedomusw
best gift of God, but it never thought o! con
mencing a crusade s gainst kings in the name l
liberty. In Hungary there were none ot the
propagandists who alarm so much the rulers
the Old World. There were no secret set
tles plotting conspiracies. My countryu*
were not influenced by the theories ol Comm
nists or Soc‘ lists, nor were they what the Co
servatives call Anarchists Tne nation iKsirt
justice, and know bow to bo just to all, irrespt
live of rank, language, or religion. A peoj
so worthy of freeedmn were generous enoii
to leave something to time, and to be siitisli*
with a progressive developement. IVo violent
was used; no just right was attacked ; andevij
some of those institutions were left undisturbed
which, in their principle and origin, were ll *
just, but which, buying existed for centuries
could not he abolished at once withinipituitj’-
“Tho Hungarian people did not wish to * , l t *
pre s any—not even the aristocracy ; they " e ™
more ready to make sacrifices than to pi lllls
the descendants of nobility for the evils ol j IUS
government, and of those institution* "' ll( !
emanated from their nnecstirs; nor "_ 011 „
they let the many suffer for the sins of die k"''
'1 he Herald of this city, reviewing in il» P®
citliar style this controversy, iiltliough tho g rc * >
eat admirer of Kossuth, holds the following la
gunge;—
“In the early part of Kossuth’s career he ' ■
no doubt, a monarchist, as the term is u‘
stood in Europe, and as it is represente )
ex Charge to Austria 1» » lat, ? r sl “ fe ‘ s . () j
mind ha » gone through the uatural prog
intellectual development, and lie gra t )
proached, through the process of P»P er “ y
and necessity, nearer and neuier ( ' l j
ism, until, .luring his captivityJjSiicl
his career in England, he couip e , ltr y»
education, and now comes woo l d<®‘
full fledged, undying, and dyed-m-the-w
This is unquestionably, a correct jiulgm