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i posing excessive duties, but by inventing every
expedient for squandering the public revenue.
It iS??tlfon, this very majority, principally com
posed of a people remarkable for their devotion
to gain, and who have a direct pecuniary inter
-£st in the oppression of the planting States, that
we are told by Southern statesmen, have the
supreme ami uncontrollable rigid, under the
Federal Constitution, of doing whatever they
deem to be constitutional, though in fact it be
unjust, unconstitutional arid oppressive ! Yes,
geiulameu, 1 have beard a representative m Con
gress from the Southern States, declare, that ho
believed the tariff of 1832 to he unjust, uncon
stitutional and oppressive, to the people of the
south, and yet, that he would vote for an act to
enforce it upon South Carolina at the point of
the bayonet; thus, though sworn to “support
the Constitution of the U. States,” becoming an
avowed accomplice in its violation, and com
mitting the citizens ot a sister state to the ten
der mercies of a military invasion, for no other
offence than yielding obedience to the sovereign
power to which they owed allegiance, when that
power was interposed, by his own admission,
to rescue those citizens trom the oppressive
operation of an unjust and unconstitutional act
of Congress ! To such monstrous and revolt
ing consequences, disguise it as we may, arc we
necessarily led by the doctrine which denies
the right of State-interposition, and affirms that
the will of the majority is supreme in all cases.
A more impotent contrivance, a more delusive
mockery, cannot be conceived, than a written
Federal Constitution, if the functionaries ot the
government,created by that Constitution, have
the exclusive right of fixing the limits of their
Own power. All will agree, in terms, that the
Federal government is a government ot specific
powers and limited authority ; and yet, 1 defy
any man to draw a practical discrimination be
tween “ a government without limitation ot
powers,” and a government which is the exclu
sive and final judge of the extent of its own au
thority. It is admitted by almost every south
ern politician, that the Federal government is
the mere creature of the sovereign states of the
confederacy, and yet many of them reason a
bout it as if it were a consolidated government,
and draw all their analogies from governments
of that kind. Even in such governments, ex
tending ovor a small territory and embracing a
population of homogeneous interests, it has
been the great object of law-givers, in all ages,
so to organize and distribute political power, as
that no one class or combination of classes, con
stituting a majority of the state, should have the
power of oppressing the minority. And to this
end, all free governments have been so consti
tuted, that each of the great rival interests ot
the Btate should be able to protect itself against
the injustice and oppression of the rest, by some,
reserved power similar to nullification. But a
government, embracing within its scope the ter
ritories and |>eople of twenty-four distinct sove
reign States, of various climates, productions,
mid pursuits, and having interests directly op
posed to each other, almost to the extent of their
annual income, which are liable to he vitally
affected by the legislation of that government,
would be the most intolerable of all tyrannies,
if the separated ooTcfoigiio had flip right*
ful power ot protecting the separate interests of
the confederacy. That they have that power,
I have briefly attempted to show from the very
nature and origin of our federal system, and
shall how pßffcfeed id CbrifirM Uiy ffcfisbfiing by
mithoridfei dll jSfStSSS ki now 2
otef* Ifldljfctefitly tnh ptdfctffcfc tit sSUit fflfiy bbH
t'Hii tUinilf
SbiskMsA k? fta
ktismtt hf hmtiii m frli* m m
hiM ssrnm fimt mmusnify Amu sy
fit ilf. mAmwj ufmmtmiksmsMuiimi
km mujAmi mmm mmh
\h tbs pttbsffl kmk; mjks mim I
mm m mmm mis: kmm Iks
urn k\m mm si m msm st ms w
mmitwit! m imiamA Its Sam emm
smmkme; tmhs.m mmm tbs
HHHfflflglHF fHSfg fifrfttfWlW* w
iMiff- If m™ ms ns f iskhrwmpto mi
fall hifp if mwm m i Ms: mmm M
tjip Virgmw Iff W “ tft fftsp sf * ith
liberate, palpable, and dppgerQus pxerejse p f
powers not granted, [by tbe Federal Constitu
tion,] it is tbe right and the duty of the States,
who are parties to the compact, to interpose for
arresting the progress of the evil, and for main
tain mg in their respective limits, the authori
ties, rights, and liberties appertaining thereto,”
be will say—to be sure I believe all this ; but
the right of State interposition is a mischievous
and dangerous heresy, which I utterly abhor.”
If, appealing to the still higher authority of Mr.
Jefferson, you ask lum if he believes, in the
Words of that great apostle of liberty, that in
case of the assumption, by the Federal govern
ment, 44 of powers not plainly and intentionally
granted by the Constitution, the States have the
nifht to Judge, as well of the infraction, as of
the mode and measure of redress,” and that
“ tlie nullification bv those sovereignties, of the
unauthorized act, is the rightful remedy,” lie
will say, 44 1 grant you all this; but nullification
is nonsense.”
Now, I can understand the advocates of a
consolidated government, the federalists ot the
school of ’9B, when they denounce nullification.
But how a man can stand up and say, “ 1 am
a republican of the Jefferson school, I believe
in the doctrines of the Virginia and Kentucky
resolutions, and am in favor of State rights, and
a strict construction of the Constitution,” and
dfiryv the right of a State in a case of ae
k .owledgeo usuip*iin. to judge of the mode
and measure of redress, to interpose fur arrest
ing the measure of the evil, or in plainer lan
gurge, to nullify the unauthorised act, is, I
c ‘nlVss, quite beyond my comprehension. What
miserable driveling is it to say, “ I am in favor
of a strict construction of the Constitution,” and
yet deny the existence of the only power that
can enforce its limitations? Is it not obvious
to every one, that the Constitution, without an
organized power of lining energy, to preserve it
from violation is mere paper, # or, at most, parch
ment; and does any. man suppose, that he can
arrest the torrent of usurpation, by holding up
that instrument to our oppressors, and prating
about a strict construction of it? He
well attempt to tie down a giant with a cobweb.
I am aware that Mr. Madison in the decrepi
tude of his faculties, has given a v.ersion to his
report, and the Virginia resolutions, which con
vcils the whole proceeding into a solemn farce.
It seems, that the whole argument cf that labor
ed report was designed to prove nothing more
than that a State had a right to change its re
presentatives, to petition Congress, to remon
strate and protest against its proceedings —only,
however, in cases of oppression, where the Con
stitution had been clearly violated ! ’ Let Us see
how this document will read, when corrected
by the recent commentary of its author in
case of a deliberate, palpable, and dangerous
exercise of powers not granted, it is the right
of the States, who are parties to the compact,
to interpose for arresting progress ot the
evil, by refusing to re-elect their representa
tives, by petitioning Congress lor relief, by re
monstrating, and even by protesting I! 1 I rom
such solemn and pompous premises, was there
ever a more 44 1; me and impotent conclusion ? 1
Who would ever have imagined that a volume
of reasoning was necessary to prove that a
sovereign state had a right to pray and protest
against an act of the Federal Government; and
who moreover, would have imagined that this
right was limited to eases of dangerous and pal
pable violation of the Constitution, when every
school bov knows that the humblest citizen has
the most unlimited and unqualified right to pe
tition and protest, without cause, and whether
the Constitution has been violated or not?
1 know of nothing that can be compared with
the ridiculous incongruity of this solemn and
empty bravado, except a similar denunciation
pronounced some years ago in the Legislature
of South Carolina, by n gentleman who is now,
as might he expected, a loyal member of the
Union party. It was immediately after the pas
sage of the tariff of 1828, w hen carried away by
the contagion of the general indignation which
pervaded the whole south, the orator rose and
said : 44 Mr. Speaker, whatever others may do,
I never will submit to this most unrighteous act
of intolerable oppression. lam in favor ot re
sistance, bold and manly resistance at all ha
zards. 1 would use every weapon, and exhaust
every means of uncompromising warfare, and
finally in the last extremity of desperate valor,
when all other resources failed, I would protest!”
It is just as absurd to suppose, when the Virgi
nia Legislature spoke of the right of the states
to arrest the progress of the evil, and maintain
their liberties within their respective limits, in
extreme cases of unconstitutional oppression,
that they did not mean nullification, in some
form, as that Mr. Jefferson did not mean the
same thing, when lie said, 44 nullification is
the rightful remedy.”
If Mr. Madison really meant, when lie wrote
lus report, what he now affirms, he certainly
made a different impression upon the Virginia
Legislature, and upon the whole country. They
doubtless thought lie meant something ; but it
spurns th„t all liis profound argument to estab
lish the federal tfttgttt fit the p&ttlimfttt; tttm
the sovereign rights of the states, was an empty
flourish, arid literally meant nothing. And I
think South Carolina might well say to him, as
Ldfd Lhffffiartl said th a ttterttber of the British
PtttltiUUbUif 6fi a siUditH fitosstafi, 44 Sir. uhefi
ydU MUH tibiinti g, yfifi W/dltf Ad itib a ffiWM if
Mifig r ititfittssttmw#
Iks t mm nsmuumi uuA mi: mAmn
immfii hm mlmmmiumf turn
Mm tmm Ms smi tt uuMMm sea
mim urn*: , . ,
, mwimmfa mrntsA m ft*. ftf
mmm tM ik mmm smimuss si ms
Mm\ tesmmuh umk mayms
m t iks hmn si mssmfhm smmm
mi i ins mu nnA mum si Iks mmn
mss j mm ms mil si ms Msimimi
fw mmm wmsni si ms msm&n
m m sm msmkls mm sf ssistsm Iks
wtnltmM m fmmim m mmm
fks mml (kmmsntfm mmmnjff
wwmfi WtmHt miMm sf If H
should be why keep up the discussion ol
these principles now, when the adjustment of
the tatiff has removed all grounds of compimot
and apprehensiou, I answer, by asking, why
did Congress pass a bill clothing the President
with dictatorial pow ers, and creating a military
despotism, when it was apparent to every one,
that South Carolina would acquiesce in the ar
rangement of the tariff, and that no pretext ex
isted for creating such extraordinary powers /
Why was the statute hook tarnished by this
bloody record of vindictive despotism ? Why
was the olive branch of peace accompanied by
the sword of a military executioner ?
The answer is hut too obvious. It was de
signed to establish a precedent, fatal to the
sovereignty of the states, and to the rights and
liberties of the south. It was designed to forge
a thunderbolt, to be laid up ready for future use,
whenever the mock Jupiter who has been raised
up, on the ruins of the Constitution, may think
proper to hurl it. Availing themselves of an
extraordinary conjecture, and of the reckless
and vindictive passions of a popular and super
annuated President, the friends of au unlimited,
consolidated government, the old federalists
and the new, boldly resolved to have their prin
ciples embodied in the statute book, even if
they should be inscribed in blood. Improving
upon the example of that infatuated ministry,
who, when they repealed the duty oil tea, re
tained the preamble of the act imposing it, de
claring the unlimited power of Parliament to
tax the Colonics, our “very worthy ami ap
proved good masters,” have subverted the whole
constitutional frame of our Government, so far
as an act of Congress could effect it. By this
bill of bloody usurpation, the sovereignties of
the states are utterly blotted out—like so many
brilliant stars struck from the firmament of free
dom, leaving one dark and gloomy night of
cheerless and hopeless despotism.
s ’ •: tb ‘HbHb ’ -‘ < ‘ ’
: m 1
lined to he a
Sion tor g ef|j
one of the forms 9
h dik: to !■> a ■ M
m most ‘
perceive tin* ihre;™
ing#tsis; much
vre hdve passed, in which this dean enactmen.
wilfrise upin bloody resurrection, reanimated
by the fiendish spirit of a blind and heartless
fanaticism, carrying terroi and death, and worse
than (fieath, into our domestic sanctuaries, and
our Ifrusehold altars. While this act remains
upodthe statute book, there can be no security
for rights and liberties of the southern
statis. It is a formal declaration, that the states
shal be henceforth shorn ot their sovereignty,
anffreduced to the condition ot vassal provin
ces. while the limitations ot the powers ot ,the
Fesieral Government are to be prescribed, not
as*ieretofore claimed, by the Supreme Court,
bu marked out by the sword of a military dic
tat>r. W hat, then, is the duty of every citizen
oti.he southern states, who feels the sacred ob
ligation of transmitting unimpaired to his chil
dien, the precious inheritance of freedom,
which his ancestors purchased with their blood.
If these were the last words 1 liad to utter, 1
would say to my fellow citizens of the south,
44 be prepared to defend your liberties in every
form, and at every hazard, and as soldiers of
constitution!] liberty, sleep on your arms .
Melancholy experience has taught us, the impo
tence of all parchment securities for our rights,
and w>e have found that that is true, now and
here, which has been true in all ages and coun
tries, that no people can long preserve their li
berties, who have not the spirit, and who are
not prepared, to defend them in every torm in
which they may be assailed.
It is high tnr.e that the southern States should
awaken from their slumber of false security,
and offering up every selfish feeling, and dis
tracting jealousy, on the altar of patriotism, pre
pare for a united struggle for constitutional lib
erty. Already have our adversaries drawn
their lines around the citadel, and commenced
their approaches according to the most approv
ed system of attack ; and God only know r s how
long it-rnay be before they will open their tren
ches and commence their cannonade. Under
these circumstances, l do sincerely believe that
a speedy union of the planting States, in pre
cautionary measures for the protection ot their
peculiarrigilts, is the only means of saving our
posterity from the most awful and afflicting
destiny.
But* gentlemen, I have already exhausted
myself, and I am sure I must have exhausted
your I will, therefore, bring my re
marks to a conclusion, by offering you a senti
ment which coines from the bottom of my heart:
Georgia and South Carolina. —lnseparably
united m their interests, may they be as insep
arably united in their councils, and their des
tinies. Whom God hath joined together, let
no man put asunder.
’ . From the London Court Journal.
TtttJ ‘gtofEtnuUthrlfP Etmnrn. —Artnougn rt
is usual to hear that Royalty i daily becoming
less agreeable to the people of this and other
countries, it is worthy of remark that at no pe
riod, during the last century, has there been so
many sovereigfis, w bother absolute Or oonstitu
tftfifin/ dfiiifinsi ny their conduct to conciliate
ilte etitltl Vi-fll stttfffc llffe ateblitiUs Os (libit
smuts. T.y htsitt #ttli mq#ttmmf:tl:=
>’ W iilbijS bibs it king Ot ktlbldttd Ibss tlistW
gMsm be ttttmm mduft hi mttt tmim
&ifH Kife mm ot kts mulo-tm ibnmtie w
mokmoiof) Os mftj mim ot motmo m
mlmtf: , iommhmt ot mFm Wililm
mMftbi mm mb the mmM snoot
Fftommm i sMlieettwo M mtitfom ho;
mt mow mto tfm om ho mm him
mortem? tm w, too worn mm ot omit:
ol etfttmttt? Hie lorn oftim me not no mi
iptemohm wet the ohi erne? ottoo meh
tmihofttv hteem mimmr is mWea in m--
ft net ot wtmoitm between then omt ttmt
supenws.
Ffimpp, l wis pjfff/Bflg, wlw sos tome
time hefqrc his accession to the throne been
regarded as Vumi du pcuple came to tho throne
as le Roy ( itozcn t and has ever since main
tained the character. He has neglected no op
portunity of studying the wants of his people;
and, in proof that he considered himself above
his subjects only in virtue of his office, he al
lowed the heir to the throne to carry a muskef
in the National Guards, and perform all the du
ties of a private, regardless of his birth and of
the near relationship to the sovereign. Louis
Philippe, does not, it is true, make a parade of
his condecensiori, as Napoleon did, in receiv
ing petitions from the hands of his subjects,
which are destined never to be answered, but
lie enquires into their condition, and relieves
those who ar.e necessitous. In his personal ex
penditures he is economical, toAjlegrec which
led to a belief that he is parsimonious ; but the
enormous sums which lie has distributed among
the manufacturers ought to cause his economy
to be regarded as a virtue.
Leopold, Ring of Belgium, is the next sove
reign on the list of those who aim at popularity:
asd it cannot be denied that he does so worthily.
On coming to the throne of Belgium, he se
lected for his immediate attendants and the of
ficers .of his household, those Belgians who ap
pejuxid to stand in most esteem with their fel
low countrymen, preferring to give handsome
pensions from his own purse to those who had
faithfully served him, to giving grounds for dis
satisfaction by the employment of any other
than natives. On being soheired by one of his
former confidential attendants to bestow upon
Imp a vacant place in his household at Brus
sels, he said, that merit with him would al
ways meet with attention, and that no man
could be more meritorious than the candidate in
question ; but that like tbe King of England,
he made it a rule not to employ foreigners, if
Constitutional Charter,
Nt it V ,h mildness and dis
"tvTco.ne next to the Emperor of Austria
and Imre •we tread on dangerous ground, for it
is very difficult to remove the prejudice which a
Yee people, like the English, cnterta.n against
despotic sovereign* We shall not, however,
speak of the Emperor of Austria, otherwise
than ns regards his relations with lus own sub
jects- Our subject is not to show that -he is
ust such a King as the English would choose
for themselves, but that he is a sovereign u t.o is
anxious to promote the happiness and obtain
the esteem of Ins own people. We believe that
ail who know this sovereign will admit, that he
is an amiable man. His character has rather a
melancholy turn, but he is not morose nor pas
sionate. His affection for his grandson, Napo
poleon, considering the injuries which he had
received from the father, proved that he did not
allo>v political prejudices to interfere with the
feelings of nature. In his personal habits, the
Emperor of Austria is unostentatious. The
writer of these remarks has seen him repeatedly
walking in front of his palace, and conversing
with persons, casually passing by, with the same
freedom as he would have shown to one of his
own family. Although from the nature of his
connexion with the King of Prussia and the
Emperor Nicholas, the Emperor of Austria is
compelled to adopt much ol their policy a3 re
gards Poland ; it is well known that he is per
sonally anxious for the regeneration of that un
happy country. 44 If,” said he, not many
months ago, to an English gentleman who had
an audience ot the Emperor at Vienna, “ I
could be sure that the Poles would establish a
constitution which should compel the aristocra
cy to respect the rights of the people, so far as
regards their comfort and the security of their
property, I should be glad to see the treaty of
Vienna enforced ; find I would cheerfully sur
render that portion of the Polish territory which
had fallen to my share. I question, however,
whether what the Poles call freedom, would
convey any advantages except to their aristocra
cy. The Poles, as a people, are, I fear, better
off in their state of subjection to foreign powers,
than they would he if their national independ
ence were to he recognized/* Such, we are
assured, are the sentiments of the Austrian Em
peror respecting the Poles. Whether lie really
thinks the establishment of a free constitution
impracticable in # Poland, we do not attempt to
decide ; hut we believe that it one were estab
lished, he would cheerfully emancipate the Poles
under his domination.
Os the King of Prussia we will briefly say,
that he is regarded with great affection by all
his subjects who have access to him ; and as the
nation at lapge expresses a desire for the pro
longation or fits existence, ire cannot i.o hoJ
sovereign. He is mild in his demeanor, and hu
mane in all the acts of his government as re
gards his own subjects ; hut, we regret to say,
that until lately, he has treated the Poles with
as little humanity as the Ernperorof Russialias
iStie. In his domestic habits, the King of
Ptilssiti is still Mbit 6 sifftftlfc llttM tfefe 6f
Adsifid; lib sleeps kh&bfl fddiitess, rise s
Mid tiMH Hi imlfo fctes Wtffcfe smsm
mm tomtom i mss part/tes few us te
timHjiiMi uttumiikm msfm
m a mdsms ut im few* Os m fwsi
nSWffttif] fed fed£ feddii HiHSII UMifefdtf bbllH
mmii j m tm mu mmum mwm
m mmsmst pte wte m ffew
te urn imum mi stumma Mid mm
imims mu mtjjinifofmfod: ns sm:
mmmtmm for m imm smmm
m tmhsss smsmmMsms m mm
semm fomh mismmd mpm trmm§
a; nm mwms ft mmm imr m hi
Imm-
Ths mwRF NMm h His m* Mid tef
>o\ erejgri w horn we shall at present notice. lit
is not a favorite out of Russia ; hut, perhaps,
there never was a sovereign who took greater
pains to become popular in his own country.
Affable and condescending to an excess, and li
beral in rewarding military and naval services
of a distinguished kind, and generous to those
who appear to possess personal attachment to
him, it is not surprising that he. is beloved by an
immense number of persons. As regards lijs
conduct to the Poles, we regret to say that his
persecution of that unhappy country is popular
with almost all classes of the Russians, it is but
fair, however, to the Emperor to say, that he has
frequently shown great repugnance to signing
the ukase against Poland, which have been sub
mitted to him by his Ministers. Lord Durham,
who had good opportunities of studying the
character of the Russian Emperor, speaks of
him with respect, although he was disgusted
with the system of policy of winch he is the
head. None hut persons ignorant of the state
of public opinion in Russia would, indeed,
speak of the Emperor Nicholas as an unpopular
sovereign.
Business of New York.—* lt has been stated,
and we believe it, that there never has been a
month of August in any year, where so much
business has been transacted as the month just
passed. The city is full of strangers from all
parts of this country and Europe; so much so,
that it is difficult to procure lodgings. Cue ho
tel had, during the period named, no less than
1765 entries ol boarders on its register, making
54 per day on the average.— AT. Y. Gazette . b
It is a curious fact, in the action of the vege
table poisons, that a plant may be killed by the
poison which it has itself secreted, as a viper
may be stung to death by its own venom,
mscrnmior- — ■—— T**ore I examine 1
into facts, and?V , * lf g lt by these facts, the
more reason had 116 distrust rr.y previous jutK
merit; and, therefore, when 1 was advised by
the Secretary of State not to quit Washington
on my return from the south without waiting
upon the President, I assented, and one morn
ing accompanied Major Van Buren to the Pres
ident’s house, expecting to meet, nevertheless
a haughty, distant, tnrlitary chieftain, in whoso
presence I should feel rather uncomfortable,
i was agreeably disappointed and pleased to
had in General Jackson great gentleness and
benevolence of manner, accompanied with that
good natured affability of address which will
enable all persons who wait upon him to feel at
ease in his presence —as well the backwoods
man, full of “ republican simplicity,” as the
man of the world, long familiar w ith the primp
and circumstance of regal magnificence. The
house is a handsome stone budding near tho
public offices, w ith an lonic portico. We were
ushered into a large and pleasant apartment,
with plain furniture and lofty ceiling, the w in
dows of which command a view of the beauti
ful valley of the Potomac, where we found the
President. On being introduced to him, he
shook me heartily by the hand, as did his friend
and private secretary, Major Donelson, who
was the only person in the room with him when
we arrived.’ After a conversation of perhaps
three quarters or hall an hour, i took my leave.
I had read in the National Journal a long his
tory of innumerable forms and ceremc ues to
be undergone by persons paying their respects
to the head of the government, but found it was
all a joke of the opposition. One attendant
only was 44 in waiting,” an agile little Irish lad,
with a light summer jacket on, who appeared
to me the very antipodes of ceremony and pa
rade. I compared this active and'useful ser
vant, in my mind’s eye, with the host of lac
ques and bedchamber gentlemen I had seen sur*
rounding the persons and devouring the reve
nues of European princes, aiul the odds were
greatly m favor of that simple yet efficient sys
tem, which, disdaining the costly foppery and
useless trappings of state, prefers placing confi
dence in the virtue and intelligence of a free
people. The countenance and person of the
President are such, as once seen, will not soon
he forgotten-: his tall erect figure and singular
ly original phisiognomy allows of no mistake as
to the individual. His looks are far more manly,
commanding and open than the. portraits in the
print-shops would indicate, and his eyes seem
to betray a disposition ardent and passionate,
but never sullen or petulent. Ilis forhead is
very high, and the lines thereon deeply indent
ed; his complexion dark and sun-burnt, aid
his visage that of a war-worn veteran. I was
impressed with his contemplative thoughtful
and strongly-marked features ;
well do they correspond with the eventful tale
of his adventurous life. II is exterior appear
ance is remarkably plain: he wears a black
dress, without any badge indicative of his rank
and office, yet are his person and demeanor well
Calculated to ffispire a stranger with a sentiment
beyohd mere respect.
ftwlwet, Ifefe UUvfefesL bate withdrawn frofti the
tit iiikmft
JUS kUIWIiUSSMSIIf HitUib Hi ii\S AilgliM itbttn
ust; itnii His tmm ttstiWttsti m “ ihs uimM
wg pfsms si iMs asm m (hs usssMb
ft mm mrnwu ijm mmm dswiwii ft
tew wffwte; smmusd mb mi jte/waft &
fsuiwii w urns iimsi muld urn:
, hi mmmmm sham rMh Mm**
jwrirfHrtfHHHj tf'fetfpwl awl his kiimiir
hs mm umtm mm #t tew ur hi§ mm:
m nm; mmiih tiimwii m miim ism
Fmmmjfi km mi iii wy fit m prsfv
m ns if is ms w km mh tm m
forms' n mm# hjtnfsg m/’wtl wmiimi
HiiH iisHhsF'W'Htfßiwfoir m sf
RHfiftf I s IIS ipcljpgd iq objects pt polttical ad*
A uqfsictim and uji author, to ho
independent and contented in both relations, is
a pleasant object tor contemplation. With Ins
literary tastes and reputation, lie bus all t|ie per
sonal materials for happiness.
Ot his politics he says, though “ a lover of|
strong government,” he is not a Tory—a lover
of “ the people” he is not a Radical—in favor
ot “ a rational compromise between the past
and present,” he is not a Whig. It isfortuuate
that with these views of all parties, he has no
political ambition, for certain it is that the pub
lic man has little prospect of advancement, who
dissents from all the prevailing codes of party
opinion, and thus rejects the principle of asso
ciation by which alone any principles are'(main
tained, and the laudable “ ambition” of thosj
who support them, gratified.
Mr. Bulwer explains'that In? novels have
been written as illustrative of the effects of the
social system of England, of which this, his last
work, is an effort to trace the causes—a of
44 key and glossary to the tendencies and moral
ot those which have preceded it.”
H<? adds, that if he undertakes fiction
it will probably he with 4i anew scries,” and ’ iit
a 44 wider range of imagination,”
Mr. Bulwer’s eminent talents and popularity
as an author, makes this mtice of his individual
concerns and designs tntwesting to readers
orally.— Balt, Amcr. \th*nst,
A line of stages, own a company of YaH
kees, is now running Mexico and VeM
(’rn7.. The distance betvhen the two places it
-100 leagues, which is tra elled in 5 days, at i
cost to the passengers of s7l, Three of the
vers are part owners, eac! joFr/honi, it \s
realized, in the first year, j ImM