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for representatives,
THOMAS FLEWELLEN.
ICHABOD DAVIS.
ON THE CONVENTION PROJECt
JJO RATIFICATION.
McDUFFIR’S SPEECH.
TVoc'n late in laying this speech before our readers,
mnxidered it a duty to our patrons to do so. By tna
-v of <ur collaborators in the great cause of the Consti
t\n rt ha* been denounced as an officious and belligerent
r*Tnt; trended and calculated explicitly to embroil the
pacpfuf borders of Georgia in hostilities, similar to those
V’ ch distracted South Caiolina, and to cool our thrice
„% citizens into disaffection to the general government,
} embitter their patriotic sentiments into open and un
c rr premising war. It has been characterized by our
n ghbow of Savannah as a “firebrand,” heated in the
fwnv-e* of anhallowed ambition, and hurled by the hand
hardihood among us to subserve the objects
ut toe : at Southern aspirant. Now we conceive it to
Kve been loth unsuspicious in its origin and legitimate
anpiicated in, or answerable for, every jot and little of
M. McDuffies doctrine, but in vindication of the perfect
Ive !un of debate and the unawed spirit of inquiry, upon
which the sanity and salvation of our institutions essen
tial!} depend. Much as we are inclined to admire the
abilities of this indefatigable and unintimidable constitu
tional:. we ascribe no fearful omnipotence to his elo
quence or inevitable seduction to his reasonings. Like
speakers to enlightened and inquisitive communi
Si , . \ c stand or fall by the strength or weakness of
arguments ; rise or smloby the truth or fallacy of his
positions. He expatiates upon matters of the gravest
it.-.port and very general Interest; and it really appears
tr.m the place where, and the circumstances amid which
his points and uttered his opinions, is some
wl : uncandidly seized upon to inspire prejudice against
th decorum of the speaker as well as the doctrines of the
s’ eecU. Before the delivery of this address at Athens,
was Georgia in the situation of the happy valley of Ras
r m respect to the overwhelming agitation of the ques
x.jn of Nullification, secured against it by impassible
mountains * Has not, from the beginning of the contro
versy. every speech, essay, and paragraph upon this great
cn =t;on originating in South Carolina, or elsewhere,
it* way into Georgia, and continually met the eyes
und ears of our citizens ? Have they not the unimpaired
to hear and the manly candor to decide ? Have
tv y not a deep interest pledged in the issue? Again
ue eater our humble protest against the spirit ot such
ch .rUshnefn; and commend, il commendation of ours be
indeed necessary, the careful perusal of this able exposi
tion of doctrine upon one of the most interesting branches
or the Constitution. Long, very long, perhaps, is this
dinned to he a vexed question among the people and
politicians of this country. The vigor and effect of the
will be in proportion to the illumination of the
public mind upon it. As windows and apertures which
adntii light and air. may also pass deleterious damps and
chilling blasts, so those controversies upon the powers
of the government may be frequently charged with cank
ering innovations. Still, as the first would not be aban
doned oa account of the occasional inconvenience, nei
ther are the latter to be depweiated or assiduously avoid
pd oa account of inherent fallacies. In this remark there
Is uo ambushed obliquity intended against any thing
particular contained in the address. The fundamental and
discriminating points of his school of interpretation are
plainly, fearlessly and cordially stated. Whether it is
the true, redeeming and conservative doctrine, the States
are rapidly deciding and will eftoctually decide.
TO THE TOLLS ! TO THE POLLS !!
Os the faithful and intrepid pens, and the indefatigable
tongues which have during the past summer, been un
wielded upon the topics, connected with the
approaching election, the first will soon repose in their
inkstands, and the latter, be exercised upon other mat
ters. The prediction is now so near the event, that a
prophecy would he needless. After all the detail, skir
mi*l.M g and laborious action, on MONDAY next the
sovereign people will effectually decide the great contest.
As th**} are, in onr government, emphatically sovereign
u their mass and majorities, so upon the day of suffrage,
each individual is eminently sovereign in his choice.—
Look to that, fellow citizens, and act with the true spirit
and dimity of the character. Upon that day, if you think
fit. you are to undress the present chief magistrate of
his official robes, and transfer them to a successor of
higher talent, more sturdy republicanism, and sleepless
solicitude for State Rights. Upon that day. you are to
annihilate the proposed amendment to the Constitution,
and by your effectual negative prevent the injustice
which it will operate. These are high functions, and
sacred duties. How you will discharge them, is a sub
ject of trembling solicitude to every patriotic citizeu.—
Und'rthe licht of your sound and honest judgment, and
Uy the protection of your patriotic devotion, the march of
Jour affairs will be safe and prosperous. As too clear
an illumination connot be shed upon the electoral path,
and tne crisis is so near at hand, we take pleasure in co
pying the following extracts from an article of the Hon.
Richard H. Wilde, upon the deeply interesting subject
of !ne proposed constitutional alteration We regret
that we could not adopt the whole, as it appeared in the
“ News*’ over his signatnre, considering it as wc do very
exclusive in argument and attractive in style.
AVc have now passed through our minds the
jjeneral reflections which the subject suggests :
let us endeavor to concentrate and apply them.
We have seen the utmost extension which can
be given to the democratic principle, is univer
sal suffrage. The important modifications of
the elective franchise are, either, that power
should be divided equally among all free white
men who have a stake in the community : That
the ownership of a certain portion of the soil,
should alone lie received as evidence of that
stake; or, that the ownership of property other
than freehold, and the payment of taxes to a cer*
indeed is, that itjftoceeuson no
is founded on no reasonable basis, and places
the power in the hands of a minority. It is
Aristocratic —not Republican.
It adopts neither universal suffrage nor free
hold suffrage : neither numbers, nor virtue and
intelligence, nor wealth, alone or combined;
neither the free white basis, nor the federal ba
sis ; nor any other basis ever recognized by a
free people. Had it adopted any, it might be
endurable; hut it proceeds upon none—unless
it he that the minority shall govern. Now the
right to govern is not among the rights of a mi
nority. They have a right to be well govern
ed—to be exempt from misgoveriunent; to be
secured from the invasions of the fundamental
compact by the usurpations of the majority :
but apart from express compact, a right in the
minority to govern the majority, can neveT be
successful, and hardly seriously contended for
in this country. Bias , indeed has said the ma
jority are wicked. Panic tells us they are fools.
Nevertheless they have the physical force, and
they prefer their own will, wicked and foolish
—if you must have it so—to the will of a virtu
ous minority. If they did not, they would de
stroy the Republic and found a Monarchy, or
an Aristocracy, in which a minority does go
vern.
That a minority will govern under the scheme
proposed by the Convention, has been irrefuta
bly demonstrated by “ Baldwin 1 * and 44 Rich
mond, 11 and other able writers. Ido not under
stand the fact to be disputed. It is proved by
tables, which are in every body’s hands, that “ a
region of country lying in a compact form thro 1
tiie centre of the State, from the Savannah to
the Flint river, contains a majority of seventeen
thousand of the free white population of Geor
gia ; pays in taxes, twenty thousand dollars
more than the rest of the State, and is to he a
minority in both houses of the Legislature—a
fixed minority of thirteen in the Senate, and a
minority of ten in the house, to which will be
added two more on the formation of every new
county.”* Again, it is shown, that 44 the twen
ty six most populous counties in the State,
without reference to locality, have a great ma
jority of the free white population of the State,
and are in the minority in both houses. These
counties have a white population of one hun
dred and seventy-six thousand one hundred and
thirty-nine, with but sixty seven representatives,
and a weight in the Senate equal to thirteen
Senators. The remaining counties, with a po
pulation of one hundred and thirty-three thou
sand six hundred and ninety-six, having thirty
two Senators and seventy-seven Representa
tives ; —thus giving to counties (which contain
a minority of the people by more than forty
thousand) a majority of ten in the House and
more than two thirds of the Senate. 11 *
At present, fourteen men, in the privileged
counties, havens much political power in the
House, as twenty-one men in the rest of the
State :—the Convention propose to give sixteen
men, in the privileged counties, as much power
in the House, as twenty-seven in the rest of the
State. If the existing ratio of inequality merely
was preserved, then sixteen men would be en
titled only to the power of t went v-four. Once
for all, let it be remarked that I speak in round
numbers, with the nearest approach to accura
cy which they admit of, for the sake of being
more easily and generally understood.
Let me make the matter if possible, still
plainer. At present, two men in tho privileged
counties, have as much power as three men in
the others.
This is one of the evils the people complain
ed of, and the remedy proposed by the Con
vention is, that five men in the privileged coun
ties, shall have nearly as much power as nine in
the others. At present, in voting for Repre
sentatives, the votes of six men in the privileged
counties outweigh the votes of eight men in the
other counties, and the Convention, by way of
equalizing, propose, that henceforth the votes
of the six shall outweigh the votes ot ten.
The comparisons, let it be observed, are be
tween large masses of territory and population,
lying in compact torms, not between distinct
and disjointed fragments selected for the sake
of contrast. If the extremes are compared, the
project becomes more glaringly unjust and un
equal. Thus in the election of Representatives,
one vote in Randolph outweighs sixteen in Hall,
and one vote in Wayne overbalances sixteen in
Gwinnett. One vote in Glynn, is worth more
than sixteen in Habersham, fifteen in Monroe,
fourteen in De Kalb, thirteen in Ilenry and
Newton, twelve in Franklin, eleven in Walton
and ten in Jackson. Ten votes in Jasper and
Elbert, are less available than one vote in Glynn,
and that same single vote turns the scale a
srainst eight votes in Washington, Houston,
Richmond, or Oglethorpe, and prevails over
seven votes in Putnam, Wilkes, Burke, Clarke,
Morgan, Warren, Troup, Hancock, Chatham,
Greene, Wilkinson, Pike, Fayette, Bibb, and
Talbot. Six free white men in Columbia,
Harris, Coweta, or Upson, are unable to cope
with one voter in Glynn, whose vote is equal to
any five in Merriw ether, Madison, Jefferson,
Campbell, Butts, or Baldwin ; and any four in
Muscogee, Talliaferro, Carroll, Laurens, Pu
laski, Rabun, Lincoln, Crawford or Decatur.
What is the measure of equality offered to us
there? If we take the free white population
of the Senatorial Districts, as the basis of our
calculation, it presents the following results.
One free white person in the District compo
sed of Mclntosh and Glynn, has as much po
litical weight in the Senate, as five free white
* Richmond.
■HKn and Jones,,
& ■district compo-
Ks much as six
■ct composed of
Belph and Early,
Pas five in Elbert
f.* * • *
if Appling and Tat
tiall and Jackson
and Glynn, outweighs
One voter in Ware and Lowndes, overbalan
ces five in Columbia and Richmond.
One voter in Telfair and Irwin, is equal to
four in Dekalb and Fayette. “• .
One voter in Randolph and Early, prepon
derates over four in Elbert and Oglethorpe.
One voter in Wayne and Camden, outweighs
four in Warren and Hancock.
One voter in Lee and Baker, overbalances
four in Morgan and Putnam, and
. One in Bulloch and Emanuel, outweighs four
in Walton and Clarke.
\
If we consider both branches in the same
view, one voter in Randolph has more power
in the House, than sixteen voters in Hall; and
one voter in the Senatorial district, composed of
Randolph and Early, has more power in the
Senate than six voters in the Senatorial district
composed of Hall and Jackson: and so of the
rest. Tins is the equality the Convention have
recommended!
If taxation be regarded, the inequality i3 still
greater. The man in Randolph or Early, who
has sixteen times as much power in the House,
and six times as much in the Senate, pays little
more than one fifth part of the tax of the man
in HaM or Jackson. Having sixteen times the
power, one would think he ought to pay sixteen
times the tax ; but as he pays only one fifth,
the inequality is , as about one to eighty. Or if
you take both Houses together, and consider
them alike in power, the inequality is nearly as
one to fifty-five . —lf we take the extremes of
taxation, the disproportion becomes monstrous.
One voter in Ware and Lowndes, overbalances
five voters in Columbia and Richmond, yet he
pays only one twenty second part of the tax. If
taxation then, is to be contrasted with the share
of political power, assigned to those who pay it,
the inequality in this instance is as one, to one
hundred and ten. Nor is the instance by any
means a solitary one: the voter in Irwin, who
hasyour times as much political influence in
the House, as the voter in Chatham, pays only
one one hundred and thirtieth part of the tax ;
the inequality therefore is as one , to five hund
red and twenty. * * *
A saving of some three and a half cents a
head, then, is the only recommendation of the
project. But no freeman in Georgia is prepared
to sell his equal share of political power for
three and a half cents. Nor is he compelled to
part either with his money or his power. The
choice is not between the proposed change, and
none—but between this and a better one; for
a better one we must and will have, before ma
ny years longer. The force of circumstances
will insure it.
GOULD’S LAW SCHOOL.
It is certainly highly gratifying to record the scientific
and literary improvement of Augusta, who has long sat
as the queen of our commerce; but who. through a cheer
less lapse of years, presented little else than the heartless
bustle of the ’Change, or the periodical croud of devoted
traffickers. We speak of the general exterior, the com
mon ostent to the eye of the Visitor. We dare sa/ it has
always possessed its recesses of cultivated taste, and its
chosen circles ofexquisite polish. But like the Liverpool,
with which in its earlier day it had such constant inter
course, it was doomed to the hackneyed ways of trade,
where neither literature nor science often parade; though
it might boast perhaps of a few spirits somewhat allied to
that of Roscoe. We now hail with much pleasure, the
rise of a Medical College there, and the proposed erec
tion of a Law School. These are certainly important ac
cessions to that City, and to the State. To Col. Gould’s
enterprise we wish the most signal success. Besides the
cheapened and approximated means which it will offer
to genius and merit, too frequently encumbered and crip
pled by the compress of poverty, we greet it the more
cordially, because, if it vigorously flourish, it will beget
a uniformity of views, and a congeniality of sentiment
among the legal fraternity throughout the State, that must
shed a benign influence upon the administration of the
laws, and alleviate and sweeten the inseparable toils of
the practice. Looking to remote consequences, but with
a bright probability, we would fain surmise a more sub
stantial advantage, as likely to result from it. It may
not romantically be considered as tending to effect the
ultimate perfection, or a great amelioration of our Judici
ary, by generating and combining a homogeneous hand
of advocates for the establishment of an enlightened Court
of Errors and appeals: in our view a great desideratum
to the system.
- Next week we will publish his Prospectus, and close
this notice with the subjoined note, addressed to us, which
will sufficiently attest the promise of the undertaking.
Augusta, 20th September, 1833.
Sin: —Being desirous of promoting the success of a
Law School in Augu-ta, and believing Col. Gould well
qualified to conduct it, I take pleasure in sending you
the annexed Prospectus. Your Obedient Servant,
R. H. WILDE.
FOREIGN.
The latest news from Europe is to the 11th August.
The papers are destitute of interest. The French and
English Governments had requested Don Pedro to relin
quish his pretensions to the regency of Portugal. Great
confusion is expected to ensue in the Peninsula. It is
doubted whether the seed of great and general trouble
may not slumber in the bosom of Portugal. Since the
action before Oporto and the attack on Lisbon, in which
Pedro succeeded, the place of Don Miguel s retreat is not
ascertained. The British Parliament was to be proro
gued on the Ist September. The harvest was uncom
monly abundant. There had been serious disturbances
io the Canton of Scwytz, in Switzerland. The state of
the Cotton market at Liverpool on the 10th, was the
same as at last advices. The only change was a fill of
Jd per pound, on the lowest description of Alabamas.
MEXICO.
Great disturbances prevail in the States of Mexico.
The Cholera has made the most drcadfol ravages in the
ranks of the army. Nine men of a piquet of cavalry fell
dead of cholera in descending from their horses. It is
expected that Santa Anna will toon be entirely victori
ous over the hordes of brigands.
At a time when the Press and the Rostrum teem with
incessant and copious homilies against intemperance;
when every practicable engine is put in active requisition
to banish the reign of Bacchus, and annihilate the last
and least wreath festooned by his zoneless nymphs along
the better and safer path of life; it will be perhaps, some
relief to read the sportive production of “ Hampden Sid
ney.” With this view we have admitted it to our co
lumns. Though Bheathed and mitigated by pleasantry
and irony, it will be found no contemptible ally of the
heavier columns, that are every where solemnly waging
an earnest war of extermination, against the great foe of
social happiness and intellectual energies.
GAMA GRASS,
Os which so much has been lately published, is per
haps indigenous and common to a most extensive region
of the Southern States. Mr. Jonathan Bonoer, of this
neighborhood, exhibited to us a specimen of the genuine
seed, which he collected wild upon bis plantation on Po
tatoe Creek. Nativo and valuable as it is, what im
mense importance may result from its general culture ?
From the Chinese Courier , March 20.,
Punishments in China. —Perhaps the most
dreadful punishments are inflicted upon crimi
nals in the “Celestial Empire,” and probably
are committed more frequently than in any
other country.
The culprit is fastened with his back to a
large cross, placed in the ground, with his hands
and feet so tied, that he cannot move an inch
in any direction. An incision is then made a
cross the forehead, and the skm pulled down
over the eyes and face ; then the feet, hands,
legs, arms, and head, are successively cut off
from the trunk, which is finally pierced to the
heart. Deheading is a punishment for adultery,
murder, dec. The prisoner is made to kneel
(in some public place, but not exposed on a
scaffold) towards the throne of the 44 Son of
Heaven,” & as if returning thanks for the pun
ishment about to be received, he bows, und
wh le raising his head, it is struck off by one
blow of a sword ; the head is then put into a
cage, sent to the place where the crime was
committed, and hung at the end of a pole or
against a wall. The men employed in this ser
vice are very expert and strong, and go to their
work with as much composure as a butcher to
the slaughter. Prisoners are often, after being
confined some time in jail, let loose and brand
ed on the forehead with a hot iron, so that they
will be known wherever they go. For stealing,
the perpetrator of the crime is dragged through
the streets by a party of soldiers, who alternate
ly lash him with a thong of plaited rattans on
the bare back, and beat a large gong to give
the people notice, that they may witness the
punishment. In some cases, the knees and
ancles are compressed in iron machines made
for the purpose; this is extremely painful. There
is no punishment more common and unmerci
fully executed than that of whipping. Smug
gling saltpetre into the country, from which
powder may be manufactured, is punished by
decapitation. Strangling is also a very com
mon punishment. The criminal is tied to a
strong upright stake, with his hands and feet
fastened; a stout cord is then put round his
neck, and passed through a hole pierced in the
stake. A stick of about 1J inch in diameter is
attached to the cord, and the executioner stand
ing behind him, wrenches it round. The eyes
soon start from their sockets, and the tongue is
seen issuing from the mouth which foams and
bleeds excessively ; finally, the neck is cut
through by the cord, and the head falls to the
ground. No cap or covering of any kind is
placed over the face during the execution.
The following crimes which should come as
well under the cognizance of the law as others,
are very leniently punished.
A grandfather or grandmother killing a grand
child, a mother or father wilfully murdering
their son or daughter, and a master or mistress
putting to death a domestic slave, are only pun
ished with GO or 70 blows ; and should they
wish to lay the murder falsely on some other
person, the punishment is but 80 blows and 0
years imprisonment.
UPSON SHE RIF’S SALES.
WILL be sold on the first TUESDAY in
Nox • ember next , within the usual hours
of sale, the following property, to wit :
202 1-2 Acres of Land, lying
in the first district of Houston originally, now
Upson county, known by tot No. <321, in said
district—to satisfy a fi. fa. from Scriven Superior
Court, in favor of Jesse Collins, ad dc bonis
non of Francis Sowell, dec’d. vs. Wm. Sowell.
Also, the lots and improve
ments now occupied by Wm. B. Brown ; and
the Gin House, Lot and Gin with the improve
ments thereon, adjoining Joseph Ingram in
Thomaston—to satisfy a fi. fa. from Bibb Infe
rior Court, in favor of Wright Van Antruf & Cos.
vs. John B. Wick.
Also, one black Horse, bridle
and saddle, and the remainder of a Stock of
Goods; consisting of wares and merchandize,
as the property of Thomas Mabry—to satisfy
sundry fi. fas. from Upson Superior Court.
Also, one Gold Watch & chain,
one Silver Watch, one dozen Sitting Chair*,
one Bay Horse, one yoke of Steers, o'ie road
Waggon, one Cotton Gin, one Cow, four Bods
and Bedsteads, one pine table, one folding do.
one candle stand, one small walnut table, one
looking glass, three trunks, one che&t, two wath
stands, two saddles, one hridle, oi.ic pine slab,
and sundry other articles ; together with the
remainder of a Stock of Goods, consisting of
wares and merchandize, as the property of Jesse
and Blunt Garrett —to satisfy sundry fi. fas.
from Upson Superior Court.
A. H. BROWN, Sh'ff.
Thomaston, October 1, 1833.
Cotton! CJoAton!!
THE subscriber having recently erected it
Screw, on an improved plan, and had his
Gin put in complete order, for cleaning Cotton, ’
is prepared to Gin and pack for the thirteenth .
Besides the saving in Bagging and the advant
age to the cotton of packing with a Screw, he
has on hand a quantity of Bagging, which he
will furnish to customers at sixteen cents.
GEO. L. BLEDSOE,
One mile from Thomaston, on the Forsyth road.
Oct. I, 1833. 21—3 t
NOTICE. ’
GEORGIA, TALBOT COUNTY.
IN person came before me Edward Findley
and being duly sworn, saith that on the
night of the 24th inst. at or near Col. Thomas’
Store, in said county, the deponent lost a small
Red Morocco POCKET BOOK, with one due
bill on John Thomas, made payable to the de
ponent for sll 72—one Note on John Allutns,
made payable to deponent for nineteen dollars,
due the 25ih inst. with some money in said
Book.
Sworn to before me, the 27th Dec. 1832.
his
EDWARD X FINDLY,
mark.
James L. Burks. [2l-3 w]
A LIST OF LETTERS
REMAINING ill the Post Office Oil the Ist
day of October, 1833.
Ansley Thomas Andrews Wm. G.
Atkins Charles
B
Battle Joseph J. Baldwin Nathan 2
Beall Josiuh B. Beall T. & J.
Beall Thomas Col. Bateman J. B. 4
Blount John H. 3 Bailey Henry
Bailey Samuel T. Black William
Barron Thomas Bledsoe Geo. L.
Black welder George Brown A. H.
Brown Robert Brooks Wm. B.
Bonner William Brumbello Ed. 2
Butcher Henry
c
Clerk Superior Court Cobb W m. A.
Chandler Joseph Calloway Isaac
Campbel Scie lie Mrs. „ Cooke Arthur B.
Clerk Antioch Church y Caslion Elzay
Caraway William Cannon G. P. 2
Carter Jas W
D
Douglass \\ m. S. Dixon Robt. If.
Dyson Geo. W. Downey Wm. M,
Duke Stephen Duke Joseph
Devers Isaac Davis Thos. 11.
Davis Ichabod
E
Edwards A. F. .. Enzor Guilford
F & G
Flewellen Thomas Goolsby Reuben 2
Grant David B. Gilbert Martin
Garrett Winniford Garland lienrv
Garrett John Gammon Samuel
Gant John
H
Hawkins Alexander 2 Hicks Edward S.
Hightower James Hickory Nut
Horsley James Hambrick John 2
Hannah Matthew Hall Richard A.
Holloway Edward Holloway Peter
Hunt Henry 11. Henry Hand
Howard William Hurrah! Mason
Harrison George T. , Holland Elisha
Ueptenstali Wm. B.
J
Jacke Samuel T. Jordan Charles
Johnson Moses W. Jernigan Willis
K
Kirtkesey James Kendall David
Kyser Michael
L
Lowe William Lee Abraham
Layfield James Lawson Pleasant
Little Thomas J. Lindsey J. C. W. -
Loude Philip L.
M
McCauley John McCarty Mrs.
McKenzie Petor Marke Mathias
McGraw Alfred Meadour Miless
Moreland Coulson Malone Wm. B.
Moore C. W. Miles John P.
Miller William
N & O
Norman William v Nolan Thos. F.
Neely John O’Neale Alfred
P
Persons James Pugh Whitson
Pollard Anna Pullam Turner
Pope Ezekiel
, R
Robinson Michael Reynolds George
Rogers Balaiii W. Ryne Jacob .
Rister Mary
g
Strickland Joshua Stamper Martin W.
Shackleford
Smith John Slater James
Smith Drury Sturgis Joseph 2
Stinson James W. Snipes Johu
Shockley William.
T
TurnbuE Joseph R. Terrill William *
Trippe Robert Turner James
Turner John Turner Edwin C.
Thomas John 4
V
Yearly Zebulon
w
Wheat F. A. Weatberton Julius
Whaley Isham Williams Jane Miss
Williams Wm. J. Warner B. R. & Cos.
J. F. & J. M. W hite James White
Williamson William Whipple Geo. W .
Wilder Milton Wilhams. Solomon
Watkins Willie*® stalker Natliaruel
Walker Wm. S. Walker Wm. Wm.
Persons calling for the above letters, will
please say that they are advertised.
H ‘ D. WALKER, P M.
October 2, 1833.
BLANKS of all kinds, and Job HW/ ex
ecuted icith accuracy and despatch at this Of
fee.