Newspaper Page Text
VOL. 1.
From the New York American.
STANZAS WRITTEN AT SUN-SET.
Look yonder ! —’tie a gorgeous sij'ht!
O’er all the West the sun is throwing
A brilliant stream ofliquid fight.
Whose broken waves, still brightly glowing,
Roll upwards, as ifblazmg brands
Borne through the air by unseen hands,
To light the lamps Which burn on high
W hen sunlight leaves the vaulted sky.
- May it not he that orb of light,
Now sinking ’neath the horizon,
Is Nature’s Altar—pure and bright—
Angels are pouring incense on ?
Which goeth up, like earthly fires,
Amid the music of their lyres.
| To form a halo round Uki brow
Os HIM to whom the seraphs how.
©lt! 1 have thought, that those of old
Who vainly strove by art to change
The baser ores to virgin^old,
First cnughtjthe hope, so wildly strange,
While gazing, with enraptured eye,
, At such an hour, on such a i?ky -
They might'have thought alchemic power
Had wrought the glorious golden shower !
Imbued with crimson, fleecy clouds
Are through the depths of ether driven,
As if they were enfolding shrouds
Os blessed spirits borne to Heaven.
Oh ! it may he they’re angel’s wings
Reaming above the offerings
Which rise from hearts, like perfume thrown
Upon a burning altar-stone.
Who has not felt, at such an hour,
A wave of thought gush up, and roll,
Like passion, with resistless power,
Which seemed to break and flood the soul!
W'ith such a fee bug, men have bowed
And sung their peueans, long and loud,
Which echoed through the vaulted shrine,
Raised to yon orb they deemed divine.
jjr From the Philadelphia Evening Post.
Cl a burn County, Oct. 1834.
Hale Colurnhy, happy land,
If I an't Doctor I'll be hang’d :
1 pukes, I purges and I swots ’em,
Then, if they di, why—-then I lets ’em.
Dear Daddy— I They’ve got the slickest way
of irtakin doctors heer you ever did see—they
make cm by steam. Heeriu they’d run a feller
thro thare doctor inusheen, aod wood’nt hardly
charge him no tole, 1 conklewded I’d cum doun,
and get grinded into a doctor. I hardly dont
think 1 was in more than 3 ours afore out I cum,
as slick a 1 as ever was seen. You must’ent
think all the trash was got out neither, because
there’s upards of a good dele sticks to most on
ent. 1 did’nt no myself hardly when I cum out;
my face got as long as n muels; lookm mighty
sorry like. I found a big wgkin stilt iu my
hand, and the greatest part of my shirt stuck
out of my tfriches. So off I walkt, as grave as
a buzzard, as sober as an ass, and as wise look
in as an owl, and felt very much like I was
awl of ern . for to tel the truth, daddy, I did
fee Tout of my eUmjnta, a reetie. * 7
Tny marster seut me out to see sum of his pa
slients, and the Ist 1 cum to had got the fever.
So I ketcht hold of his arm, as my master tole
me to do, lookt mighty sorry like for him, and
made pretense like I was studuyin; but the
man tole me his pulse was on tother side of his
arm. I'si mid have been ketcht now sure enuf,
if my marster liad’nt tole what to do it I made
such a mistake —says I, the reglar doctors teels
on this, but we feels on this side : this is a very
cute way weve got a foolin cm when we make
a mistake. So when I’d felt it long enuf, f
asked him to open his mouth, and let me look
down his throte ; and he had the highest fever,
I think, that ever any creeter did have; twas
so big it could’nt all git into his belly, foi I real
ly believe I saw its tale! I next askt him how
many times he’d grunted since he and been sick,
whether he slept with Iris head or heels highest,
and whether he dreems purty or ugly dreams.
After he’d answered these things to my satifac
tion, I began to go to work and give from No.
Ito 6, as fast as he could swaller. I had now
got up to the top'of the ladder of my lernin, and
begun to go down agin; but before I got half
way down, yeti -never seed a creeter dye as easy
in all your life ; every body said l must be a
great doctor bekausc I made him dye so easy :
go they all begun to send for me to see cm, and
it was’nt long afore sum more of cm had the
pleasure of dyen as easy too. My master and
me has gone into partnership,’ and we git a heap
of business. I always tole you, dndily, I’d cum
out a real carccfur sura time another. Twod
do you good to see Rob. Ranger
&, Killem.-/# stuck up on a piece of hoard
marked iu big letters, like youve seen on gide
post, making every body stare as they go by it.
When you rite to me, daddy,dont forget to put
doctor on the. top of your letter, just afure my
name. Your lovin sun till doth, a
A ROB RANGE IlxTs
jyThe following curious. advertisement appears
in the Portland Courier.,
For sale, or to give away.—A good cow n
bout 5 years old, that sucks all her own milk,
thereby saving the milk maid a great deal of
trouble. She will be sold at a bargain if applied
for soon, and hay enough thrown in to carry her
through the winter. Inquire at this office. J
/* It may be made a question whether a period
of pure simplicity and innocence ever existed.
The poets have been lavish in their description
of the golden age ; but the history of mankind
has no proof of the fact. An ingenious writer
says—Who were those men that lived in so
much innocence? The first man who was
born in the world killed the When
did the times of simplicity begin? jM
THE HICKORY NET
AND UPSON VIGIL.
THE POWER OF RELIGION.
Few men suspect—perhaps no man compre
hernia—the support given by religion to even
virtue. No man, perhaps, is aware how much
our moral and social solemnities are fed from
this fountain, how powerless conscience would
become without the belief of a God ; —how pal
sied would he human benevolence, were not
the sense of a higher benevolence to quicken it;
how suddenly the whole social fabnck would
quake, and the fearful crash would sink
into hopeless ruin, were th? ideas of Su
preme Being, of accountableness and of a fu
ture life, to be utterly crushed from every mind.
Once let men believe that they are the work
and sport of chance; that no superior intelli
gence concerns itself in human affairs ; that all
their ■improvements peiish forever at death; that
the weak have no guardian., and the oppressed
no protector ; that secret crimes have no wit
ness but the perpetrator; that human existence
has no purpose, and human virtue no unfailing
friend ; that this brief life is every thing to us,
and death is'total, everlasting extinction ; once
let men thoroughly abantfcm religion, and who
can conceive or describe the extent of the deso
lation which would follow ; we hope, perhaps,
that human laws and sympathy would hold so
ciety together. As reasonably might we believe
that were the sun quenched in the heavens our
torches could illuminate, arrd our fires quicken
and fertilize creation. What is there in human
nature to awaken respect and tenderness for
man, if the unprotected insect of the day is suf
fered to pass unheeded; And what is he more
if deism he true ? Erase all thoughts “and fear
of God from the community, and selfishness and
sensuality would absorb the whole man. Ap
petite—knowing no restraint, and poverty and
suffering, having no solace or hope—would
trample in scorn on the restraints of human
laws. Virtue, duty and principle, would be
mocked and spurned as unmeaning sounds. A
sorded self-inserest would supplant every other
feeling; and irmti would become, 11/ fact, what
the theory of .atheism declares him to be—a
companion for brutes.
The way that things are done in Albany. —
Among tiie artifices adopted by the Regency in
Albany, for the purpose of continuing power
in their hands, was the introduction of a pro
vision into their Constitution, whereby all office
holders hold over until their succsssorare ap
pointed. The effect of this provision, is, that
so long as they control the Senate, it ?g impos
sible to remove any of their party from office.
Thus the public printer is not re-elected as in
Congress, and iu other States, but holds over,
until his successor is appointed ; and he is pub
cs. The Senate being a continuous body, one
fourth of whom only is elected annually, the
whole party machinery is put in requisition to
retain the ascendency iu that body. And it is
apparent that tire party, or rather the office
holders who live by the management of the par
ty, and whose immense speculations in stocks,
jobs, aud offices, would be defeated by neglect
ing to secure a permanent majority in the Sen
ate, will not permit the popular will to disturb
their plans. None but the creatures of the Re
gency can enter that body, and the districts are
arranged with that view.
An attempt was made to introduce the sarpe
control into the Legislature of Georgia, which
was defeated last year by the votes of the peo
ple ; and the same attempt is now in progress
in Pennsylvania, North Carolina, and Tennes
see. We would admonish these States to look
well to the objects of the leaders, who are agi*
tatintf the call for a constitution. If the eoii
stitupon of these States require amendment, let
it bedone ; hut be careful that an opportunity
of amending defects, is not used, by the parti
sans <of the Albany Regency, for the purpose
of introducing new and dangerous powers, cal
culated to create central juntos in these States,
vvlionre to become branches of the great power
at Albany, which seeks to control the destinies
of this country. As an instance of the manner in
whidh things are done iu Albany, we quote the
folhaving from the Albany Daily Advertiser ;
il jThe Red Rook. —ls will be seen by the
As*mbly proceedings, that the ‘ Red Rook\
fur ished by the State printer, has been sent
bat t to him, for the reason that it docs not
cor :nin what was called for by the resolution
req testing it to be furnished. It appears that
Ts its printed two years ago , and after the pas
sa/e of the resolution this winter, was hand-
bound with a new title page, on the sup
position we presume, that the members would
•f.<id than was contained in that page.
Is this the manner in which the State printer
usually performs the State work V*
“ Tho spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the
powers of nil the departments into me, and thus to create
ivhatever the form of government, a real desfotiu. — Wash
ington's Farewell Address.
The truth of the above sentiment will not be
questioned by any one, who has been an
attentive observe! of the history of our gov
eminent. It has been fully exemplified in
a variety of instances, and the convictions of its
importance, has eter excited the fears, quick
ened the exertions, and increased the vigilance
ofthose who regairj our government as being
one of limited and delegated powers. Believing
that there is in it, a natural proclivity to consol
idation, and that every encroachment upon the
CRACK IT WHO MAY, IT WILL BE DISCOVERED TO BE SOUND TO TIIE KERNEL.
THOMASTON, GEORGIA, WEDNESDAY, MARCH 19, 1834.
constitution, but facilitates the amalgamation
of its powers, the State Rights Party, have al
ways resisted in limine , tliie first invasion on the
sovereignty of the States* In some cases, the
march of usurpation has! been stayed, and in
others, after the assumption of the power had
been recognized by legislative action, the peo
ple, true to themselves, toltheir country, aud to
liberty, have in the mnjestjf of their power, and
the sovereignty of their will, corrected the abuse
and restored and confirmei) the constitution and
the Union. “If.the spirit of encroachment
tends to consolidation, and produces, whatever
the form of government, a seal despotism,” it is
undoubtedly the duty of all, who prize our in
stitutions, and appreciate ohr liberties, to resist
every assumption of power, and oppose every
infraction of the constitution. Let us ponder
well the declaration of the Father of his Coun
try. It is fraught with instruction, and in
these days of reckless usurpation, will teach
every man his duty.— Washington Nezos.
From the Alabama State Intelligencer.
Mr. Webster’s Report. —The Committee
on Finance, in the Senate of the United States,
of which Mr. Webster was chairman, have
made a report on the subject of the removal of
the public Deposits, from the Bank of the U.
States.
The report assumes the position admitted by
the Secretary of the Treasury, that thtf act in
corporating the Bank of the United Spites, is a
mutual contract, between the goverupent and
corporation For the privileges conferred on the
corporation, it was to pay the sum of $1,500-
000, and give the necessary facilities for trans
ferring the public funds from place toplace, and
distributing the same ill payment to public
creditors, without clwtrging commissions, or
claiming allowance 011 account of difference
of exchange, &c. : and among the priviles con
ferred on the corporation was that of having
the custody of the deposits of the public money,
unless the Secretary of the Treasury should
otherwise order and direct, in vhiefi event he
was to report his reasons for such order to Con
gress. The report regards it ns undoubted that
this custody of the deposits was one of the ben
efits, for which the Bank paid Ihe money and
agreed to perforin the services; and that to this
custody the Bank has a right, unless causes
have arisen sufficient to justify the Secretary in
the removal.
It is not admitted in the report that the Sec
retary has unlimited discretionary power on the
subject: If he had, it is contented, the require
ment that he should report his reasons to Con
gress would be unmeaning. It is maintained
that the power conferred on the Secretary is a
transfer from place to place aip the exigencies
of the government might require. If, accord
ing to the doctrine of the repilrt, the deposits,
in the opinion of the Secretary were unsafe, or
the necessary transfers were not made, he had a
right to make the removal, subject to the opinion
of Congress. If they have been icemoved without
good reasons, the rights of the it is main
tained. have been impaired. The right of the
Secretary to look for reasons ijifo the general
welfare of the country, the over discounting or
under-discounting of the Bank,'the conduct of
that institutiou in regard to the bi/1 on the French
government, and the like, is hfld to be desti
tute of all rightful foundation. It is shown that
the Secretary has not been made by law either
the guardian of the general welfare of the Un
ion, or the manager of the Bank l^
As to the reason offered by the Secretary,
that the time draws near when charter mus 1
expire, the committee think this is a matter for
Congressional consideration ; as three sessions
of Congress were to intervene before that time,
the Secretary might have safely left that matter
with that body. They also contend that the
Bank, under the charter has a right to the cus
tody of these deposits for the whole—and not a
part merely-—of the time of the Charter, unless
for sufficient reasons, the Secretary should oth
erwise direct. The approach of time when the
charter would expire, it is contended, could not
constitute such reason for removal. It is also
slibVn in the report that the conduct of the
Secretary in this respect is contrary to the prac-’
tice of the government heretofore, when the af
fairs of the former Bank of the United States
were drawn to a close.
In speaking of the charge that “ the Bank
has used its means with a view to obtain politi
cal power,” the report says that'the very state
ment of such a charge as a reason for removing
the deposits, is calculated to excite distrust in
the-wisdom and propriety of that measure.—
This is a charge, it is.said,, toovague and gen
eral to be either proved pr disproved ; and it
might be made at any time, by any Secretary
against any Bank. In reference to this charge
it is inquired, if unlimited power be conceded to
the Secretary to. -inflict penalties on the Bank
for supposed political motives in acts legal in
themselves, where is the security tlvat he may
not be found acting under the same impulses
which he imputes to the party accused ? In ref
erence to this charge the report says, that the
Bank was certainly much interested, in certain
accusations which had been brought against it,
and which became subjects of public discussion
during the pendency of the election referred to
by the Secretary. It had been charged with
great misconduct and gross violation of its char
ter; which accusations must undoubtedly have
called 011 the directors for an answer. “If
made before Congress, they weie to answer be
fore Congress ; if made judicially", they were to
answer in the courts ; if made in an official and
formal manner, and in .that manner sub
mitted to the judgment of the country, the
directors were bound to meet them before that
country, by every fair use of fact and argument,
not only for the purpose ofdejfending themselves,
the directors, but for the* higher purpose of main
taining the credit of the Bank, and thus pro
tecting the property entrusted to their care.”
It is admitted, that if they carried the contro
versy beyond the just measures of defence, they
were much to blame; but it is not admitted
that the Secretary is constituted judge in this
matter, or that he had any right to remove the
deposits because the conduct of the Bank in
this respect, may not have conformed to his na
tions of propriety.
All the reasons offered by the Secretary are
taken up severally by the committee, and repli
ed to in the report in a very dispassionate and
lucid manner. The.report offers not much
that could be said to be new in argument to
those who have read the speeches which have
been published on this subject: the arguments
however being free from invective, are present
ed in a form that to the minds of many might
be more convincing than as presented .by tin*
speakers.
TJIO committee come to the conclusion that
Jho reasons of the Secretary are wholly insuf
ficient <0 justify the measure of the removal of
the deposits. They therefore recommend the
adoption of the resolution offered by Mr. Clay,
to that effect. They also express the decided
opinion that the immediate cause of the public
distress was this measure of the removal of ihe
deposits, in connection with the man nor in which
it was made.
The report does not enter on the question as
to the part the President took in the matter,
ft forbears to agitate the question as to the right
of the Secretary to interfere with the money
already in the Bank, ns well as that which is still
to be deposited. It also leaves unconsidered
the propriety of the measures of the Secretary
in regard to the deposit banks, confining itself
to the removal of the deposits, the reasons as
signed for the measure, and to the consideration
of its immediate consequences.
REMARKS OF Mll. GILMER
In relation to the Death of Hardeman Owens.
Mr. GILMER said that he desired to state
why he felt it his particular duty to bring before
the House for its consideration the subject of the
tesolutiou which he had offered for its adoption.
The friends and relations of Col. Owens were
Ovvens was himselt a native of the county of
Oglethorpe, in Georgia, the place of Mr. G’s.
nativity and residence. His grand fatliei and
grand mother were yet living m that county,
and were most respectable and excellent people.
Two of the members of the Legislature from the
county of Oglethorpe, and the acting Sheriff of
that County, are hts near relations. His father
was an officer during the last war, commanded
a company from the county of Oglethorpe, died
iu the public service in the expedition against
the Creek Indians, in 1812, and lies buried in
the Creek Territory, not very distant from the
place of his son’s death. Col. Owens was, in
1830, elected by the Legislature ol Georgia to
survey a part of Us public lands, and Mr. G. said
that an attempt had been made to remove pub
lic odium from those by whom Col. Owens was
put to death, by aspersing his character. He
said he bad been surprised at the statements he
had seen upon that subject. Mr. G. said that
during the last summer he had stopped at the
house of Col. Owens, on his way to Alabama,
and also, on his return. He had then under
stood from Col. Owens, that he had the prospect
of an exceedingly productive crop; that it had
been cultivated principally by his Indian neigh
bors, whom he hired for that purpose, and that
he had contracted forlndian services sufficient
to secure for himself a very valuable tract of
land.
Mr. G. stated that ho had made constant in
quiries as to the situation of the Indians, and
their treatment by the whites; that he had seen
Owens in the company of a large number of In
dians not very distant from Owens’ residence,
and that he conversed freely with them, and
that he had heard no complaint against him as
an intruder. This was a few weeks before he
was put death, and near 12 mouths from ins first
removal into the Creek territory Mr. G. sta
ted that after the death of Col. Owens he had
received a letter from his widow, requesting him
to apply as her friend to the President for re
dress for the injury she had sustained: that he
had applyed to the- President, through the Se
cretary of War, and that he had received an an
swer that precluded even the hope that her com
plaints would be attended to. Mr. G. stated
that Mrs. Owens had a family of children, and
was unfortunately subject to occasional mental
derangement, which made it necessary that she
should be often under the'care of others. It
was, indeed, difficult to imagine a case better
calculated to excite the sympathy of others than
that of Mrs. Owens. Her husband killed, a
family of small children, dependent upon her
for support, subject herself to a most afflicting
dispensation of Providence, in a wilderness
country, surrounded by savages, without friends,
deprived of her property, and driven from her
home by an armed soldiery, and turned oCit op
jon the world to be sustained by charity. Mr,
jG. said, he owed it to the widow, her children,
| and their relatives, (he was, perhaps, under a
still higher obligation to the country,) to institute,
if possible, through this House, some inquiry
into the condition of those by whom Owens was
put to death. The account which lie had seen
published was, that the life of Col. Owens had
been taken by a party of regular soldiers, acting
under the immediate orders of the Deputy Mar
shal of the Southern District of Alabama, who,
it was alleged acted under instructions from the
President of the United States.
Is it scarcely consistant with the character of
our free institutions, that the regular army should
be employed to enforce the ‘commands of the
Executive Department in time of peace, against
the life of a citizen. When it is so employed*
both the law and urgent necessity must unite to
justify the act.
Is it not the duty of the House of Representa
tives, as the grand inquest of the nation, as the
guardian of the rights of each of its citizens, to
inquire whether the death of Col. Owens can he
thus justified ? And if it cannot, that it take
care that the violated laws of the country be am
ply vindicated?
Mr. G. said, that he desired to know whether
the Deputy Marshal, of Alabama had bad any
warrant for the arrest of Col. Owens; and if he
had, by whom it was given I What was the
crime with which Owens was charged, and the
evidence upon which the charge was founded I
By the fourth, fifth, and sixth articles of the
amendment of the Constitution, it is provided,
that the right of the People to he secure in their
persons, houses, papers, and effects, against un
reasonable searches and seizure , shall not be
violated; and no warrant shall issue, but upon
probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation
—and particularly describing the place to be
searched, and the persons or things to he seized.
No person shall be held to answer fora capi
tal or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a
presentment or indictemcnt by a grand jury. Ex
cept in cases arising in the land or naval forces,
or in a militia, when in actual service, in time
of war or public danger;) nor shall any person
be subject, for the same offence, to lie twice p* t
in jeapordy of life or limb : nor shall be compel
led, if any criminal case, to be a witness against
himself; nor be deprived of life, liberty, or pro
perty, without due process of law : nor shall pri
vate property be taken for public use, without
just compensation.
In all criminal prosecutions the neeured shall
enjoy the right to a speedy and puhhe trial; by
an impartial jury of the State and Diiirret
(H|in thecrijne. shall have* L.- t, ci -'iuzliit;.
have been prev;ou:v named
by *ts*Tand to be inf. fined tin- ra-ure *d
vdf lire accusation; to he cmitronu-i with
the against him; to have c- -ru isc y
prnt ss fqr obtaining witnesses tn his favor; ..,;d
to lave the assistance of council for his defeutc.
Mi. G? said, that the Constitution w mjid riot
have been adopted, as originally proposed to lire
Slates, but-for the strongest assurances upon t.-.o
part of its friends that these articles, or others
of similar character, would be adopted r.a
amendments to rt for the security of the person
al rights of individuals. He said that it was n>t
his purpose, nt present, to pronounce upon the
death of Col. Owens, whether he was murder. .1
or not, or to assert that those by whom he v ns
put to death were guilty of any offence. Tiie
object of the inquiry was to ascertain the
so that the House might form a correct judge
ment upon that subject, and be enabled to de
termine whether any or what future proceedings
ought to be had in relation to it.
Mr. G. said that tire second part of the reso
lution called for-any information, in possession
of the Secretary of War, upon the subject of die
obstruction of the process of the Courts of Ala
bama, (issued for the purpose of trying those by
whom Col. Owens was killed,) by the officers of
the United States, was (mediately connected
with the first, and was equally necessary for pre
serving the authority of the laws, if the facts as
they bad been understood, should prove to be
true. The facts were understood to be these
That, upon application being made to the com
manding officer of Fort Mitchell, (where the
soldiers were stationed who were charged with
the murder of Col. O.) for the means of serving
writs of subpoena upon the soldiers who were
supposed to be cognizant of the circumstances
attended upon Owens’ death, the aid asked for
was not given, and that, after a true bill for
murder bad been returned by a grand jtry a
gainstone of the soldiers, he was suffered to leave
the garrison and that part of the country, so as
to avoid a trial. Mr. G. said, that he could not
vouch for the correctness of this statement of the
facts, nor was it necessary, as he had no doubt
but that the Secretary of War had it in his pow
er to answer this point of the inquiry fully.
If the officers of the regular army stationed
at Fort Mitchell had refused to aid, or even neg
lected to aid, the officers of justice in arresting
a soldier under their command, charged with the
crime of murder,they had themselves committed
a gross violation of the rules and articles of war
ns established by law. By the 33d Article it is
provided, that, when any commissioned officer
or soldier shall be accused of a capital crime, or
of having used violence, or commited any of
fence against the person or property of any citi
zen of atiy of the United States, such as is pun
ishable by the known laws of theland, the com
manding officer or officers of every regiment of
troops, or company to which the person or pejs
ISO. 45.
