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KHia so accused shall belong, are hereby reqillr
uibm rtpplioauon duly iniidc by* r *“
half of, the party or parties injured, to use their
endeavors to deliver over such necused
ix.raon or persons to the civil and
likewise to he aiding and assisting to the officers
t ,f justice in apprehending and securing the per
son or persons so accused, in order to bring luni
or them to trial. If any commanding officer or
officers shall will fully neglect, or shall refuse,
upon the application aforesaid, to deliver over
sueli accused person or persons to tire civil ma
gistrate, or to he aiding and assisting to the of-:
fleers of justice m apprehending such person or
persons, the officer or officers, so offending, shall
be cashiered. The House would at once per
ceive the importance of the information asked
for by this part of the resolution.
The third clause of the resolution asked of
the Secretary of War for the correspondence
and the orders which had been given for the re
moval of the prosecution against those by whom
Go!. Owens was killed, from the Courts of Ala
bama to the District Caurtsof the United States.
Mr. U. sud he held in his hand what purported
to he copies of communications from the Secre
tary of Wa;* to the Governor of Alabama, to
Francis B. Key, Esq. to Mnj. Mclntosh, com
mander at Fort Mitchell, and to Jeremiah Aus
tin, Deputy Marshal of the United States Dis
trict Court in Alabama.
These communications show"that the Execu
tive Department of this Government had ap
pointed a special agent, with directions to in
terfere so far with the execution of the laws of
Alabama, and the appropriate duties of the Ju
diciary Department of this Government, as to
endeavor to remove the prosecution of those
Ch irged with the murder of Owens from the
Courts of Alabama, where the prosecution was
then pending, to the Courts of the United States.
To control the jurisdiction of a State over per
son- 1 charged with the commission of crimes
within its limits, was the assumption of a higher
power than had yet been exercised by this Go
vernment over the States. This was, indeed,
the first attempt which had been made to enforce
the law, passed at Hie last session of Congress,
called the Force Bill. Mr. G. said he hoped
that the time had arrived when the members of
til;s House, and the people of every part of our
country, were ready to unite with him in the fer
vent wish, that this may be the last attempt to
enforce the act. And that this excrescence upon
the body politic, which had been thrown out
from the exuberant feelings excited by the late
collisions between the General and State Go
vernments would soon be cut off.
It is a most striking fact that, in this effort of
the Executive Department to avail itself of the
powers‘conferred upon it by the law alluded to,
(extraordinary as those powers were,)its authori
ty had been greatly exceeded, and, indeed, en
tirely misunderstood. The Secretary of . War,
in his letter to Major Mclntosh,says: “ I inclose
a copy of the 7th section of the act of Congress,
passed 2d March, 1833 entitled ‘An act further
to provide for the collection of duties on imports,’
which makes ample provision for taking from
the Htate tribunals, and carrying before those of
the United States, all persons prosecuted for
those proceedings.” the
House would find, that the 7ih section
referred to instead of giving the power
under it by the Secretary of War, only auKrtfcs
the Courts of the United .States to disch#g?rby
writs of Habeas Corpus those who might he ille
gally imprisoned for acts done in pursuance of
the laws of the United States. The Executive
Department had no legal power whatever, not
even by tiie Force bill, to remove prosecutions
for cri.nies pending in the Courts of the States to
the Conns of the United Stales.
He would not now attempt to show that no de
partment of this Government—that the Govern
ment itself—had no such power; because it
would be foreign to his present purpose. He
sn -i that, without going into any discussion what
ever of the principles connected with this part of
the resolution-, tie would refer the House to a
decision of the Supreme Court of New York,
which determines the extent of the jurisdiction of
the State Courts over some committed within
th * limits of a State, and not within any place
Ceded by the State to the United Slates. The
title of the case is The People vs. Godfrey. The
principle decided by that law is this: “ The right
of exclusive legislation or jurisdiction within the
limits of any of the States, cart he acquired by
the United States only by purchase of territory
from the States, for the purposes, and in th**
mode, prescribed by the Constitution of the
United States.”
Mr. G. said, that he felt himself obliged to
sav tins much in explanation of the resolution
which he had offered. He believed it was only
necessary to c.dl the attention of the House to
the subject embraced within it, to justify every
member of the necessity of some investigation
in relation to it.
For the Secretary of War, Mr. G. expressed
gre t respect. FJe said that lie thought the Go
at -rment owed it to itself,as well ns to the coun
try, so make this inquiry. He hoped, whatever
ntuy have been the conduct of its subordinate
officers, that those high in authority would be
found not to have wilfully participated in the vi-.
o! at ion of the rights of the people.
Mr. G. said, in condnsion, that he considered
the subject of great importance, on account of
the principles involved in it; hot that he did not
feel himself at liberty to discuss those principles
in the present stage of the investigation.
COLONEL CROCKET.
We see by the National Intelligencer, that
the Colonel ha? been nominated for the Presi
dency. We shall not, at present, give our o
piiiion as to his prospects of success. Weshall
J, t ave that until further demonstrations are made
by his friends —and, like the Vice President,
sijriJj be non-committal on that point for awhile.
Tins much, however, we can say 1 , that, if we
have the Colonel for President, we shall have
an honest one; we shall always know where to
find him; he will march straight ahead, and
leave a fair track behind him. He will not
dougcuml dodge, and twist and twist, and shift
and change, and, when he moves, raise the
grass behind him to -hide where lie has beeiu
No, indeed, we shall find nothing of this kind
in the Colonel; and we are pretty sure that
one of his first Presidential acts would be to
kick the Kitchen Cabinet out of the Palace.
Wash. Tel.
Correspondence of the Charleston Mercury.
Washington, March 5.
The petitions ami-memorials are still coming
in ; and the people ought boldly and vigorously
to state their grievance, denounce the usurpa
tion of the President, insist upon a rigid adhe
rence to tiie Constitution and the laws, and res
cue the public purse and the public property
from the rapacious hands of an arbitrary des
pot. The people ought to flock here, and de
mand, not petition for, their rights, to tell the
tale of their country’s sufferings, and to enforce
and redress, not patiently to submit to the im
perious dictates of an avaricious and sangmnhty
tyrant. So long as the people are disposed to
beartthe tortures -of Presidential experiments ,
the crticible will lie held in readiness. Let them
come in to the constituted authorities; let them
come in files, platoons and regiments, and the
arrogance of Gen. Jackson will shrink before
the thunders of popular indignation. He is
only bold when he thinks there is no danger,
but let him once see the gathering storm and
he is as nervous ans an old woman, f repeat
jt, if the committees come and press the condi
tion of the country on his attention, he will feel
hound, if not through sympathy, at lesst fear, to
arrest the progress of the impracticable and ru
inous experiments on the source of national pros
perity and individual happiness.
There has not been much interest in the de
bates in either House to day.
Mr. Frelinghuysen made some very happy
fbmarks on presenting two memorials from the
State of New Jersey, urging on Congress and
the Executive the restoration of the deposits, or
in their own language, that they shall be placed
“in statu quo ante helium.” They described
the country as in a high degree of prosperity
when Jackson commenced Ins experiments on
the currency and credit, but that now labor is
unemployed, produce cannot be sold, unless at
a ruinous sacrifice, and the indications of the
future are of the most gloomy character. These
petitions, Mr. F. said, came from good old fash
ioned democrats of the Jeffersonian school, a
class of politicians for whose doctrines those
now in power, affected, at least, some time ago,
to have great respect, and by which they pre
tended to he influenced by their political acts.
But though they were democrats of the ’9B
school, they did not denounce all who differed
with them merely on one point of public policy.
They believe that men may differ from them on
some points, and still he entitled to the common
courtesies of life—and still be honest and patri
otic in their motives. There were several oth
er petitions offered by Mr. McKean on the same
subject; but there was not much interesting
discussion. Mr. Poindexter’s resolution call
ing on the committee on Public Lands to in
quire into the causes of the short notices given
by the President for the sale of the public lands,
and giving them power to send for persons and
papers, was discussed with some animation.
Mr. firumfy wnt* itcstioiio m nave it amended,
and that the charges against the land officers
should he specified before the resolution passed.
Mr. Preston was in favor of giving to the com
mittee full powers to act on the subject accord
ing to their discretion; suspicions had been
aroused, and upon strong grounds too, against
the official conduct of those engaged in the dis
posal of the public lands ; and it was due to the
country and to the officers themselves, that the
matter should he thoroughly investigated.
From the Richmond Whig.
EQUALLY TRUE AND ALARM TNG.
The minority of the committee of Ways and
Means in the House of Representatives, Sus
tain the Bank of the U. States in its refusal to
resign the custody of the Pension Fund, hooks
and papers illegally required by President Jack
son. One sentence of their report we recom
mend to the solemn consideration of the Peo
ple. It is in these words :
“ At the present moment, the whole revenue
of the country is possessed by persons whom
Congress have not approved, whom they do not
control, whose solvency they cannot ascertain,
whose fidelity they cannot secure, whose use or
abuse of the treasure is a matter for which these
persons are not accountable to Congress, or to
any person appointed or removable by Con
gress.”
These persons are those who control the
State Banks—we forget how many there are
chosen as the new depositories—and chosen at
the recommendation of Mr. Amos Kendall , of
all other persons ! Many of these banks are
obscure. Many of them have never been heard
of, by 19 20ths of the people of the U. States.
Nay, since they have been heard of in their new
vocation of keeping the public money, their
names passed out of the general
memory. The people know nothing of the
amount of their capital—know nothing of their
solvency—know nothing of their directors!
Underthese circumstances, what losses will be
sustained, what pillage and plunder will be_
committed, how the goose, Uncle Sam, will be
plucked, it is easy to forsee. Will the Hero
and Amos make good the amount which the
public will lose by their presumptious inter
meddling ?
But this is not the serious view of the ques
tion. The loss of half a score of millions is
nothing in this great country, and we have al
ready expressed, and now repeat the hope, that
it may be lost, and quickly, we as believe that
would be the most effectual and certain means
of arousing the people from the sleep of death.
The serious view is, that the public money is
no longer actually, or constructively, under the
control of Congress—that it has been taken
possession of by the Executive, and placed in
the hands of those irresponsible to the Repre
sentativcs of tiie Pcoj/ie —1 hat the laws liavt
been set at nought—that the cardinal doctrine
of free governments, that he who wields the
Executive power sjiall not also hold the money,
founded upon the melancholy experience of
Republics that have Existed is violated. Can
this he submitted to longer than it shall be
made manifest that Gen. Jackson does not
mean to surrender the power he has usurped ?
Until then, remonstrance, entreaty, pacific ex
ertions to obtain redress, alone become the
people. If Congress adjourn without being
successful in resuming their rightful control
over the public treasures, and reinstating the
supremacy of the Constitution and laws—when
it becomes obvious that a revolution has been
wrought in the form of government and that
the President has consolidated in lus own per
son, those powers wlwch constitute n despotism
—wheh it is no longer doubtful that the usurpa
tion is consummated, and the change intro
duced is to be permanent, and the Executive
permanently to retaiij his sway over the treasu
ry of the public —then we presume, not the
voting and ardent ony, but the grave, the con
siderate, and the refecting, will seriously en
quire into the propri ty and the honor of peace
able submission to such a state of things. Stick
a government is unquestionably not that which
our fathers fought hiW bled for and bequeathed
us. It is no republican government —no more
so than the Roman Republic, which was still
so called under the bloody tyranny of the
Caesars.
Let Congress adjourn without festering the
equilbrium of the Constitution—let distress
multiply and increase, as it must and will in
tuat event, and in six months the clangor of
arms and the voice of battle will resound in tin
land. When the same blow reduces a grent,
free and brave people, to theoretical, soon to
become practical slavery, and deprives them in
multitudes of the means of subsistence, reason
cannot demand of them passive acquiescence,
or humanity remonstrate at their seeking re
dr ss by qny means- It Andrew J ckson per
severes iriihis experiment —this year will wit
ness tiie revolution of this Union into its origi
nal elements —we believe it most firmly.
Prophecy nearly fulfilled. —The feder
alists of this quarter, although indignant at the
course pursued by Gen. Jackson in reference to
the public deposits, console themselves with the
reflection that the prophecies of Fisher Ames
and the other leaders of their party in 1798,
h ve, as they say, been nearly fulfilled. It was
predicted in that day, that in process of time
democracy would run mad, and, losing sight
of principles , would become transformed into
a blind and degrading servility to men, which
would terminate in the concentration of all pow
er in the hands|of some popular military chief
ain, who would erect a monarchy upon the ruins
of liberty. The events-in Franco at a subse
q ent period, when Bonaparte, from professing
great devotion to republicanism, assumed the
title of First Consul, and afterwards Emperor,
strengthened their opinions. The recent meas
ure of the Dictator at Washington, has confirm
ed them, and we do not wonder at it, tor we
have no hesitation in saying, that if Congress
has not self-respect and independence enough
to maintain its own rights against Executive
UMtl T ViilarLinurn ailXO fllfL.
and pronounce the experiment of self-govern
ment a failure. Tl|£ sooner we know the worst
the b. tter. If oijg President be allowed to have
the sole control of the public Treasury, because
he is “ an old Roman,” why may not another
“ old Roman,” q Nero, a Caligula, a Helio
gabalus, at a future day, seize upon it as sanc
tioned by precedent, and apply it to the cutting
of our throats? Such will be the inevitable is
sue, and awful as is the contemplation of it, it
cm a not he denied, that to democracy run mad
will be ascribable all the consequences.
■ Philad. Examiner.
From the Philadelphia Examiner.
Virginia and the Deposit Question. —The
noble stand taken by Virginia on the deposit
question, alike consistent with her principles
and her high sense .of justice, is calculated to
excite our admiration and respect, and to in
spire fresh confidence in the durability of our
institutions. Had a majority of her Legisla
ture shown themselves as recreant to the cause
of liberty and of the vital spirit of the constitu
tion, as did the Legislatures of Maine, New
York, New Jersey and Ohio, we should have
considered all as lost. It is not possible that
die Federal Government can be be maintained
under such a construction of the Executive pow
er assumes, and it is lor this reason that every
rebuke from a truly republican source, is to he
regarded'ns the harbinger of that change of
popular sentiment, which alone can save jjie
country from a sanguinary revolution. Oppo
sed as Virginia alwas hg.s been, upon constitu
tional grounds, to a federal bank, she has nev
ertheless not permitted herself to be entrapped
by the detestible fraud attempted to be played
off upon the prejudices of the people, of repre
senting a denunciation of usurped power, as a
manifestation of feeling in favor of the Bank.
The contrivers and propagators of this fraud,
know full well that the questions are distinct,
and that they.jQijght to be kept distinct, but
feeling the perilous situation in which their par
ty has been placed, by their idol’s meddling
with matters he did not understand, they have
resorted to the artifice of appealing to the pre
judice and igtiorance of those, who think that
the Bank ought to be destroyed, even by a pro
cess which overturns the whole republican
character of the government. In this attempt,
however, they have egregiously failed in this
quarter. The number of the friends of the
Bank is daily increasing, and should the con
stitution remain much longer in its present mu
tilated state, public opinion will coerce a re
newal of die charter, or the incorporation of
anew Bank. Os this result we have scarcely
a donbt, and in such an event, the opponents
of the Bank will be indebted solely to the mis
guided and vindictive course of Andrew Jack
■:>ii, who, bad he permitted the charter to ex
pire by its own limitation, as justice and the
jniblic faith demanded, would have suffered to
fall upon the Bank alone, all the odium that
might have attended the public distress occa
sioned by her dying struggles.
As the vote of the Legislature of Virginia
upon this question, being two to one against the
usurpation of power,- will be important for fu
ture reference, we have inserted in another part
of this paper, the yeas and nays on the sepa
rate resolutions, as they were taken in both
Houses respectively.
From rhe Philadelphia Sentinel,
WILLIAM WIRT.
Mr. W irt was born at Bladensburg, Mary
land, on the Btli of November 1772 ; and was
the youngest of six children. His father (a
Swiss,) died while William was an infant; and
his mother (a German,) when he was 8 years
old. Being thus an orphan, he was received
into the family of his uncle, who (with his wife,)
was also a native of Switzerland. He appears
to have been kindly treated and encouraged by
his aunt, who dividing his talents—bad him
continued at the grammer school at Georgetown,
despite the pittance left for his education by his
parents. Here was also educated Richard
Brent, late a member of Congress from Vir
gin a.
W irt was thence removed to n ; lassie school
in Charles county, Maryland, kepi by Hate;:
Dentin the vestry house of ‘/port Church,
where Alexander Campbell, of Virginia, was
educated—of whom Mr. Wirt subsequently said,
• some of the most beautiful touches of eloquence
I have ever heard, echoes from Campbell
which reached us in our mountaines.*
From Dent’s school, Wirt (in lus 11th year)
removed to that kept by the Rev. James Hunt,
a Presbyterian Clergy man in Mantgomery conn
ty, Md.—of whose kindness, learning and affa
b.lity, his pupil ever retained a grateful remem
brance. Wjrt had free access to the library of
his tutor, of which he had made a free use.—
Having read that Pope constructed sentences
a al stanzas f,t twelve years of age, Wirt become,
as emulous to rival -him, as Pope himself had
similarly been stimulated to rival Cowley. A
poetical effoit was his first attempt.—But an in
cident occurring whereby he became embittered
against the usher of the school, who had unjust
ly chastised his pupil—the latter to be revenged
wrote an essay on Anger, winch a school mate
recited as a scholastic exercise, to the amuse
ment of the scholars and the master, but to the
annoyance of the usher. This pedant having
left the school immediately afterwards, was
subsequently involved in difficulties, from which
Wirt partly extricated him.
While Wirt was at the school of Mr. Hunt,
a circumstance occurred which controlled his
destiny. Wirt with his schoolmates was per
mitted occasionally to attend and hear the plea
dings at the Montgomery Court House. Wirt
became so fascinated with the eloquence dis
played—particularly by a young gentleman,
since well known as William H. Dorsey—that
he suggested to his school-fellows to have a
juvenile court of their own ; for which he pre
pared a constitution and a body of laws, pre
facing them in his report by an apologetic letter
for himself In this Lilliputian Court, he siiorie
WirParrived at his fifteenth yefr,^lr.
Hunt died. He was subsequently compelled
(from his straitened circurnstnnccs) to idle an
interval at Bladensburg, till a late school mate
of his (Ninian Edwards, since Governor of Illi
nois,) showed the letter and constitution to his
father—lie was induced by Judge Benjamin Ed
wards, to act as tutor to his family. In youth
particularly.
* * * teaching teachers,
And by giving we retain,
Wirt promptly aceepted the offer, and received
from the father more instruction than he gave to
his son. Under Judge Edwards, Wirt laid the
foundation of his knowledge of law. But hav
ing formed an unhappy attachment with u lady
in the neighborhood, who did not participate in
his love, it filled his soul, fired his muse, and fret
ted his constitution. Being advised, lie there
fore travelled South, to Augusta, in Georgia, to
restore his health and spirits.
On his return, he studied law under William
Hunt, the son of his old preceptor and after
wards under Mr. Thomas Swann, in the District
of Columbia, where he was admitted to the bar
in 1792. Immediately after his admission, he
removed to Culpepper Court House, in Virginia,
and commenced his practice, wheh 20 years of
age. •
The first case in which lie was engaged, was
divided with him by a brother debutant. It
arose from asault and battery, by three persons,
two of whom had been by writs liberated; hut
the third was continued in prison, because taken
immediately in execution. To liberate bun
without a formal writ, hut on motion, was tin*
object of the young pleaders ; and Wirt acquit
ted himself so well as to acquire the patronage
of the late General John Miner, then attending
as a lawyer. <
In *95 he married the eldest daughter of Dr.
George Gilmer, of Charlottsville, which intrtK
duced him to the best society in the neiglibjg|
hood, —and among others, to Jefferson,
son, and Monroe. Dut it introduced him to a
scene of lifia with which he became intoxicated ;
and through means of which he was plunged
into the depths of dissipation and debauchery.
From this untoward course, he was singularly
ransomed by a sermon which he adventitiously
heard from the blind preacher fames Waddell ,
whom he has so celebrated in his Brittish Spy.
The sketch there given is ofteii placed in envi
able juxtaposition with thosefof Le Fevre and
La Roche.
This dark period in -his life was caused by
imbibing the vissionary theofies of Godwin to
which he thu6 alludes in the ‘ British Spy.’—
“ It is at this giddy period of life when a series
of dissolute courses have debauched the purity
and innocence of the the pillars
qf the understanding, and converted her sound
and wholesome operations into little more tliau
a set of feverish shirts, and incoherent and de
lirious dreams —it is in such a situation that a
new fangled theory is welcomed as an
guest; and deism is embraced as a balmy com
forter against the pangs of an offended con
science.’
At that period he wrote a farce called the
Country Court Lawyer,’ which was never act
ed, nor (we believe) published. It represented
a laic member of Congriss, under the name of
Blunderbuss. It was at that period, also, that
W was prevailed upon to accompany a friend to
the rural church of Waddell, where for a time
he heeded not the-speaker norauditors; but was
fast sinking into the arms of the drowsy deity,
till instinctively aroused, as if by divine electri
cy, he was among those who 4 came to scoff’ but
remained to pray.’ The change in his life was
immediate and important, so much so that when
lus wife died in 1795, and he had removed to
Richmond, he was appointed clerk to the House
of Delegates, ns successor to John fettiart which
situation he held till 1802. He was then ap
pointed chancellor of the eastern district of Vir
ginia, though only 29 years of age. But during
his chancr llorship, to which a very small salary
was attached, having mairied the daughter of
the lat< Col. Gamble of Richmond he was ob
liged to resign, anti resume his professional prne
iice, more adequately to support his change in
domestic life.
Through the persuasion of Mr. Tazewell, the
late ejected Governor of Virginia—he was in
duced to settle at Norfolk in that state where he
remained reaping emolument and lame till IBOG
In that year he returned to Richmond ; and it*
the following year he was retained (by the spe
cial direction of Jefferson) as attorney for the
government in the celebrated case of Aaron
Burr; of his eloquence &c. in the prosecution,
Chief Justice Marshall, (the presiding judge)
remarked— 4 The question has baen argued in a
manner worthy of its importance. A degree of
eloquence seldom displayed on any occasion,
has embellished solidity of argument, and depth
of reseatch.*
Uric passage of his speech has been so popu
lar as to have nearly palled by familiar repeti
tion, else it might be quoted.
In 1809, he was elected u member for Rich
mond to the Virginia Legislature; and
after elected as a privy councillor to Mr.
roe, then Governor of the State. In 1816, he
was appointed United States Attorney for the
district of Virginia, by Madison, and in 1817,
i,e* whs' appointed United States Attorney Gen
eral by Mr. Monroe, an office which he sustain
ed with eminence and efficiency, during the ad
ministrations of Monroe and Adams.
It was during his chancellorship that he wrote
the letters called The British Spy; in 1808,
he wrote the essays in the Richmond Enquirer,
subscribed One of the People; in 1812 o
wrote those signed * The Old Bachelor;’ and *n
1817, he published his Life of Patrick Henry.*
In 1t?26, he pronounced an eulogium on the
deaths of Jefferson and Adams,; in 1830 he de
livered an address to a literary society at Rut
ger’s College ; and another the same year, m
Baltimore, on the celebration of the French Re.
volution, when Charles the Tenth wfis dethron
ed.
During the late election he was nominated ; s
a candidate l'or the presidency, by the anti-ma
———i— t-iyrr, ntwuuliW IT! PithtuK^re,-^!
October, 1831. ‘ During the present session of,
the Supreme Court, he was engaged hi several
causes pending.
Coffee House Correspondence.
Washington, Feb. 28, 134.
Mr. Forsyth and Mr. Poindexter waged a most
violent war of words in the Senate to-day. Toe
thtngs went so far that Mr. Forsyth pronounced
a statement of Mr. Poindexter’s to lie an un
truth, which Mr. Poindexter said, no man should
do but at the hazard of Ins life, and which no
gentleman would do. Mr. Clay attempted, but
in vain, to bring about a compromise, hut Mr.
Forsyth would not then retract ins offensive
word, unti'uth, not even when Mr. Poindexter
asked if he intended to impugn his varacity.—
The consequence of all this was, that Mr. Poin
dexter made up his mind to demand satisfac
tion, which he certainly would have done if est
explanation had not taken place in secret ses
sion, and if a compromise had not there been
effected. Some how or other, the parties were
there brought to terms. Forsyth, I suppose,
retracted the offensive word, and the reconcilia
tion was ordered to he recorded upon the public
journals of the Senate. Thus happily ended an
affair which has created a great deal of conver
sation, and which must, inevitably, have led
the disputants to the field, after wliat Poindex
ter said, and alter Forsyth persisted in las
charge.
The Senate for a large part of the day, have
been engaged in an indirect discussion upon the
land sales which the President has ordered in
the Salt Beet. Poindexter, Mangurn and Moore
are of opinion, that these sales were hurried on
for the purpose of aiding speculators ; and Poin
dexter is confident, that anepthew of the Presi
dent’s from Tennessee, was engaged in the spec*
■kous about these sales.
indirectly, that three of the
rectors of the U. S. Bank were rejected
majority of five, and that one was rejected by a
majority of seven. King, of Georgia, was not
in lus seat. Southard is absent, at home,
and there is one vacancy. Thus you see that
the old President has grown rather weak in that
Senate, where when he started in his President
cjfche had a majority. I dare say he roared
wKli he heard what the Senate had doneu
though he expected it, nevertheless the palacf\
had to shake for it.
The Marshal of this District, Mr. Ashton
died last night. I understand that alieady there
are twenty in pursuit of the office. Such an
office seeking mania has the President created
by making no small portion of his countrymen
dependant upon his offices, rather than tq on
lhcir fpr a livelihood.