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8 - - -- , -A fri ra, an 1 nrianv in Europe, _ j Neither wV "'t be denied, I pre sume, that there are other mtionn, amonp whom there has been snrh a diffusion of knowledge, particu larly as it respects their rights and liberties, as to admit of a milder rovernment—limited monarev.— The molt enlightened nations of Europe, (other circumstances con curring) are in a situation to en joy this kind of government. For instance, Great Britain *. which actually does enjoy it; and per haps several other nations of Eu rope are equally qualified. But it is denied by many, (not enlight ened philosopherv, indeed) that ants nation is now, or will ever be capable of governing itself, per manently, by » representative de mocracy. It is in vain to tell them that experience, as upon other occasions, is the surest test of truth, a id to point out to them, which by the bye, they cannot avoid seeing, unless welfully blind, our own happy representative de mocracy, now “ in the full tide of successful experiment.” They will answer as has been answered three thousand years ago, and for ought I know, will be answered three thousand years hence, by a prediction—that such a state of things will not last always. Now as the period for verifying this prediction, like the mission of the Jewish Ma&siah is always ap proaching but never arrives, the argument must stop here • for who will attempt to disprove a predic tion, which allows eternity for it* accomplishment ? Yet notwith* standing this denial of the practi* cability and permanence of repre sentative democracies, I shall not resist the evidence at present be fore me, that I actually reside un der such a government. After making these distinctions, I pro ceed to observe that the seventeen states of North America, called the U. Statt enjoy the best of all governments, a representative democracy ; one or two in Eu rope, the next hest, a limited mo narchy ; and, that the rest of man kind, who live under any regular government, arc subjected to the worst of all—despotism. It seems to he acknowledged by most of those, whose opinions aic entitled to any respect, that a representa tive democracy ensures a greater portion of happiness to a larger number of individuals than the hest constituted limited monarchy. But from the doubts which con tinue to he en r .named, of the practicability sinj permanence of such governments—-from the an archy incident to ancient irpub lies, and the more recent example of France many’ very well mean ing and intelligent men, the friends of human happiness, believe that a limited mouarev is the heat safe guard against the miseries of des potism, as well as the disorders of republicanism, {which generally terminate in tyranny. J his opin ion, however erroneous, is enter tained by a very respectable por tion of civilized society. A ma jority, perhaps, counting numbers, are in lavor of a representative de mocracy. Some few, abandoned of God and man, with cool deli berate villainy, advocate the cause of despotism. Crowds follow through venality or timidity.— 'I his class, therefore, is nume rous, but base. It is thus that parties scorn to he divided in every civilized nation of ihc raith. At the commencement of the French revolution, it is believed, that a great majority of the thinking putt of the nation were in favor of lim ited monarchy. The advocates of despotism wetc those only who wcic immediately interested in us continuance —the king, the nubi- > lit), and the clerg}. Even many of these too, virtuous and great 1 men, joimd either the mild mon- . archists, or the rigid republicans. So that many nobles uud ccclosi- i aslics, as well as philosopher.-, and I 1 actions zealots, wtie m lavor, j iroiu Uic beginning, of establish, ing a representative democracy, on the rums ol the old motuitcl.y, liut, as just metmontd, limited monarchy appears to have been ttie wish of the nation. it was theicloic established b. the cou fctuuuog Assembly ol ljryj, and 17i2’ 11. pp) l.au wot been I the last, ns it was the first era of the French revolution. Two caus es produced the destruction of this constitution, *nd th«* shocking scenes of violence, anarchy and bloodshed which ensued ; the in sinreri'y and flight of the king, tnd the insulting manifestoes and actual invasion of France by the combined powers. It was evident that Louis XVI would not be faithful to the constitution, nor exercise the powers with which it had invested him, for the defence of the nation. Under the pres sure of existing circumstances it therefore became necessary tode pose the king and »*lcct another, or to abolish the office and alter the constitution. Many enlightrned fi isnds of lihTty were for the first measure j but their adversaries prevailed. This change was pre mature ; it was a kind of govern ment for which the French were evidently unfit. It is never poli tic to establish the simplest forms of government upon the ruins of the most tyrannical. It requires a generation or two to clear away the rubbish of prejudice and vi cious habits, home middle course is best ; for, as it is observed by an elegant historian, “ among the many ills orginating from, or in herent in slavery, it renders its victims long unfit for the enjoy ment of the very blessings they have panted alter.” This state of things therefore could not be permanent. Accordingly a. gov* erument was organized by the con vention, upon the more complex principle of checks and balance, with a splendid and energetic exe cutive. But the new born French citizen had not as yet arrived to u sufficient maturity of age, and stability of principle, to w alk with out the leading strings and cor rective arm of a much stronger authority than was conferred up on, or imposed by the executive directory, and the two councils of ancients and of five hundred. 1 his government was eminently detective ; and lost all the con quests achieved by the unexam pled enthusiasm, which the na tional convention, and their com muteea of public safety, infused into the republican soldiery. Per haps thi* i» no weak argument in ta\our of a numerous execu tive, in opposition to the receiveJ opinion, that to ensure secrecy and dispatch, it is necessary that the executive especially in times of war lare, should be composed of a single individual, or at least a small number. Dissensions and factions in the cabinet and coun cils, and bribery and corruption among the ministers and generals I produced repeated disasters and I continued defeats among the na tional troops. France was at this time engaged m a detryctive war with almost all Europe, and a part of Asia and Africa. The govern, nn nt was despised by th« gencr. a!*, w ho in their turn lost the con. fidence of their armies ; and the coalition of despots seemed o n ce more about to subjugate the re public, or deprive lier of her f a j r . ist piovinces. More energetic and united councils or a ch.inre in the government was called for. Ihe first seemed unattainable ; the second was contemplated, on ' dcr the auspices of Moicau, & by him reject* cl. At this critical pe riod Bonaparte arrived from E g\pt, and usuiped the govern nunt of France from the feeble hanus oi ihc Diiectoix, almost without a struggle. VY e have thus seen the l rcnt h attempt to mould dow n an absolute despotism into a limited mouarcay ; we have keen them foiled in the attempt by the perfidy of the man whom they had permittd to it main then chit I executive heieditaiy magis tiHte, and by the atrocious policy ol the surrounding kings ; we have seen the disordcis which ensued, • upon the disolution of this gov ernment, among a people “ madt j mad by oppression, and urin k I wnh the acquisition ol new born 1 power t ’ w t luve seen their disor tiers imper kctlv corrected by “ ex periments liasli.y begotten m the bosom of- tempests and lastly, we have seen these tempests lulled at tlu irresrvtable mandate iff a mil uuiy adventurer! ***** ’|q,j s usurpation must b v permit tea t>\ the l lentil nation from one, or the I ot, -er of these causes, p>st, an at. j 1 tnal inability to rc>i-t the military force at the disposal of the usurp er ; or, second, a desire to re-c-taii. I<h the ancient derfxititni ; or, third, and las!, a nation <i iangonr, a kind of tf*liuui, a «i*i» for repo«e, afu r the gigantic struggles of li»e revolutionary contest. The first j supposition cannot be admitted. 5 “However indisposed th* French i nation may, tit present, be, to go I into Miih an extreme, they certain ly are not unable, iitstuntaneoudt to crush the power of Bonaparte. The throne of Louis XVI himself the successor of sixtv-eiglit kings, supported by the veneration of fourteen centuries ; by the most numerous, opulent, and enthusias tic nobility in Furope, and bv large bodies of devoted mercenaries and loval troops: yet when the nation stilled it, Louis tumbled from his height of power. Bonaparte is an upstart foreigner, whose reign has just commenced, the founder of his otvn dvna-tv ; unsupported by, or allied to, any respectable class of ancient nobility ; and although in point of aulitarv force he exceeds any of the former itionarclis of France, yet iftiie nation willed it, Napoleon would share a similar fate to that of Louis; or a man who more resetnbh s him, Robespierre. It may therefore be concluded that the present order of things is not permitted in France from any inabi lity in the nation, to resist the pow er of Bonaparte. Docs it then proceed;; in the se cond place,from ftieir desire to re establish despotism ? 'Fins desire diJ not manifest itself at the forma* 1 tion olthe First constitution ; for it Was professedly Instituted, to li mit and restrain that despotism; Nor was it at the decapitation of Louis XVI j for then the monar chy was changed into a republic. If such then was ever the latent wish of the nation, it would have exhibited itself at some period of defeat, disaster, or weakness of the republican government; but the na tional spirit never seemed to be roused so high, as when the repub lic was in danger. When the Duke of Biunswick invaded France, aud during the war oi La Vendee, when the French royalists had actually defeated the republican generals in many pitched battles, and conquer ed or occupied many departments, upon the supposition that the nati on had had any hankering for its first love of despotism, the dormant desire would have been awakened into action, and the Bourbons re stored. But the republican spirit was never more aident than at these periods. This wish then can only be supposed to have manifest ed itself, at the present epoch, when I Bonaparte lias assumed the imperi al purple. Tim event, however, appears to have been effected more by internal apathy, the consequence of wearisome struggles, than any cordial acquiescence of the French nation. Ihe jealousy and animos ity of the neignbormg nations, the dread of internal commotions, wttn a sense, under such circumstances, of the ncccssiiy of a strong, mili taiy government—i hese causes have elevated Bonaparte ; Sc when these causes cease to exist, royal tv, tn France, will make its quiet exit, along with tin nr.—Opinions, feelings ami passions operate the same upon thirty millions of indi viduals, as they do upon one, and according to every law, by which opinions, feelings or passions are associated together, a returning fondues* for despotism would have been connected with a renewed idolatry towards the Capets. Ex perience, in aid ol theory coofiim* this truth. When the death of Oliver Cromwell and the imbecel- i »ty oi his sen Richard, awakened the royalists of England to a sense of their strength, the re-establish ment of kingly government prudu- / ced the re-establishment of th c j Stuarts. A party in this country, who, under the appellation of a strong government, aitau a limited mon archy, always connect their w ishes upon this subject, with the forms j and principles of the British con- ; stuuiion. From the many ex- | celkut opportunities which the Freuch neglected of restoring dis potisin, as well as from the couse* quence which would have resulted had such been thc national wish, it may not then be absurd to con clude that the usurpation of Bona parte does not proceed from an inclination to re-establish despo tism. But it bean stated that one or the other of three cause*, induces the French to submit to the power of Bonaparte. And I have endeavored to shew that it is neither the first, nor second. It follows then that it must be the third ; a sense of the necrssitv of a temporary government ; Lorn the emnitv of sm rounding status, ind the as yet unsettled state of the interior revolutionary ferment; a national langour, a kind of tedi um, a wish lor rtpose after the gigantic struggles of the revoluti onary contest. Th<%nation sleeps so indiv after its Herculean ef forts ; Bonaparte alone watches at hi* post. He has connected the greatness of France with his own usurpation ; but it must be con fessed that uuder his auspices, the nation h.»s arrived to an unexam pled pitch of power and prosperi ty. While secure in their mighty resources against all external at tack, and by the strength and vi gilance of the government, from proscription and bloodshed, the effects of internal commotions, the nation appears to have sunk into a lethargy, which does not maik, or is indifferent to the means by which their great chief has acqui red ihese blessings for them. Pro vided (he bloody rage of faction is chastised, and ranquiliiy resto red, they seen .o give themselves no trouble to enquire whether Bo naparte has modified the govern ment, according to his own whim, or their permanent happiness. The consul, taking advantage of these circumstances, has endeavored to render hereditary, in his family, and permanent to the nation, that power, and those cautionary iegu lotions which were intended to be temporary ; and he has bribed or overawed the constituted autho rities to legalize and sanction his usurpation. Toojustly disgusted with revolutions, the French view their present state of things, al though it has been unexpectedly stolen upon them, as a smaller evil than a recurrence to, and a re newal of those scenes ol horror ftom which they have been so lately respited. Dazzled by the splendour of Bonaparte’s almost unrivalled achievements, his gov ernment, perhaps, is viewed with complacency if the forms bv which he rules are not admired. But heroes of Morengo and Aboukir, are not hereditary ; and when Bo naparte shall have ended hi 3 mor tal career by the hand of violence or of nature, his imperial institu tions will crumble into insignifi. cance, faster than his body into dust. The forms of the republic wdl be restored, and profiting by past experience, it will be “ organ ized in tranquility.’’ This view, which I so saogumely indulge, is infinitely consoling to the friend ol humanity. it holds out the prospect of a bloodless change.— Reforms ate always desirable ; re volutions evertube dreaded In such an event the passions of ci vilized society will not again be enlisted, on the side of tyrants, the nation will be completely pre pared lor the peaceful triumph ol principle ; and the surrounding states of Europe, warned by woe ful experience, will not feel incli nation or interest in coalescing to restore an upstart emperor, or a mushroom legion of nonor. Thc change from imperial to republi- I can France, will not be sudden or bloody, but gradual 6l peaceable ; not a mobhisn revolution, but a philosophic reform j it will be ••lower but surer ; and it w ill come 1 when the circumstances of the times call for it, as they now in some measure, call for the gov ! eminent oi Bouaparte or some ' such man. If the preceding re | marks be correct, the Frtn~h re volution is not at an end ; but the most bloody part ha* passed away ; several grand eras have succeeded each other; the last will be thc final emancipation of the nation, ! some lime during the nineteenth . century. I cannot admit that lam I ocre falling into the prophetic mania, which I have just condem ned. Ihe revolutionary wheel has been in motion fifteen years; it has had several pauses, but roll ing on again ; i therefore think it precipitate ar.d premature to con clude lhat it has now stopt forever. [To be continued ] A LOOK OUT FOR A SQUALL* From Halifax. —By a gentle, men who left Halifax 14 dav* ago,and arrived heie in ihc (loop Elizabeth, capr. Dame reti, (tom Deer Island, we have the following Information' The preparation of the appatVV important expedition which'?,/ been in agi'anon for fonie time part is now neatly completed; the time is improved with the greatefl diligence in order to facilitate their departute. The Ihips now in readiness for this secret object are 19, mod of which are of the line, and 19 > transports, with flat bottomed boats built on a new conllruc tion, for thepurpofeof landing troops in shoal water, 80 of thole are completed, and othes: preparing with the uimofl dd'J patch; 15,000 troops are reaJ dy toembaik and waiting the • at 1 ivalof a reinforcement, w iidi failed fioin Portlinouth the 5c of Augufl under convoy ; dc horses, with equipments for fly ing artiilery, attended with in fantry and camp equipage foi 30,000 men, were all embaikec prior to the aoih ult. Then are various conjectures relative] to the dellinaiion of the fleet] the opinions of many are ilia] the object is N. Orleans. Eviry stranger is drictly fcrul tinized and arrefled if a pafj cannot be produced, defignatinl his business. E ajlern Argua 1 A water spout lately broke near Kirkconnel, North Britain It is thns deferibed in a letter from Sanquhar—“ In the after, noon, a large black cloud ap„ peared to red on the hill of Cor fencon, which soon fhifted and dood over the coal-pits, abotpt two miles from that place, when a whirhwind apparently diredly below it, appeared to lirike the cloud. At this iriflant a loud and confufed noise w*t heard, and the water immedi ately defeended with great velo city in an awful and tremendi ous manner, tearing up tbd ground, and (tones of an irn menle size, wherever it touched. I hole who witnefled this fceric defenbe the water defending f.om a conliderable height, in broken columns, rolling over one another, which, when it ag* proachtd near the earth, termf| nated in a final! point, in an inverted conical The day was uncommonly hot and lultry, and larccly a breath of wind could be felt.” London paper. | ■ I'he breeding dock of the late fir George Stridland oi Beynton, (Eng.) has recently been fold at auction, for 9,00d| dollars—One cow fold for 46J8 dollars, and another 13 yeatfE old, for 190 dollars- After thti sale, a bull belonging to 5419 Cotes, fold for the enormous sum of 2,338 dollars A Hull (Eng-) paper gives| numerous instances of the effe&s of hot weather, in the vicinity, ol that city in July last—several persons, pigs, 'fheep, 6c c. were killed by the intense heat ; honey and wax in a number of beehives, melted ; and the re flection of the suti’s rays a saw, caught a saw.pit on iirfclj At a late meeting of the Kent)' society (Eng.) for the encoui agemem of agriculture dustry, Mr. William was awarded nine dollars, fat having brought up ten of filled! children ; and Mr. Francis, 2* dollars for a cart-gelding of two# vears old ! 0