Mirror of the times. (Augusta [Ga.]) 1808-1814, October 09, 1809, Image 1

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[VOL. I.] {C GUST A— PRINTED BY DANIEL STARNES & Co. WEST END OF BROAD-STREET, PROPOSALS 8 y OAK lEL STARNES & CO. . U£M*th SUfceftim sveeiljNeriiffler * t$TH* CITY OF AUGUSTA. TO BE ENTITLED Mirror of the 1 irocs. pHF universal promulgation of .[ and the general diflribution of know -12.; ,re objrds tht firft importance in I cou. try where liberty ha* left trace. V- fbctftept, under every government . bic h coufult. the happioe.* of Man ; S ,owk(! g e” said the Great Lord Bacon oi«power, united with virtue” it tettamly • liberty Where ignorance reign* there tr i u mph. and despotism govern*. A. become* enlightened authority will be Jolted & morality reftorcd-Knowlcdge & virtue are the bales of freedom—the one iiiftruiSU u* in our rights, the other teaches, our duties; the firft thews us how to con the heft pofßnlc torm of government, the 1.(1 requires u* to obey it when construc ted. It is therefore advantageous every where, tbutioa Jiepubti: it is absolutely neceflary tbit correct information fliould be widely diffufed and eatily obtained : For there ’tis the fee fie who govern. 7hey never inten tionally choose bad leaders or approve wrong tneafures, yet they are liable to error—give them true details and they will judge cor- K( 3jy—for on plain grounds the people nl vuy« iroxs\jufl ts iniont: whenever they mif t»ke their own interefts’ti. owing entirely jo want of information in the m any or want ofhontftyin the few. But ent five po'ili cal information is not to be acquired without much labour, and few h*ve leifurc to study the fyflems, compare the opin’ons and pe nile the pages of Locke, Sydney, Gibbon, Hume anti Vattel. If an acquaintance with the true principles of government and duties *f a citizen could be arqu red only from huge (olios & diffufe treaties, it would be (eldcm fought or if fought, the plough, the b.tchet, and the saw mud (land fti'l. Some cheaper and easier means of fctisfying euri cfity aud procuring in'orm tion mull there fore be looked for; and where is intelligence cheapness and convenience united with more •dvantage, than in the clofcly printed col umns of the humble News-paper ? Our country men appear so well convinced of the ulefulnefs of peiiodical prints and have so wry liberally enc< uraged them, that we deem it unntccfTary to irtfift on their merit, and almofl heir ate to request public patron »ge fur another News-paper cflabliflunent. We can promise little except what atten tion, honesty & industry can perform. The principles of our Paper, like our own, will be Republican, “ but the lame freedom of opin ion which we claim for ourselves, we wish all others to enjoy.” Civil and Religious liberty it the btrli right of evry man, and he who will not extend the fame indulgence to all parties, and ali fedl, which he wiflies for hi. own, is already or deserves to be a Save. j iofopport Religion and morality will, w cur pride—to encourage literature our' endeavor—no communications calculated to do either will be refufed ; no bint will be glided, ’ll; a free country it is neceflary tbit the law fliould be neither vague nor unknown, all public aids of the State leg 'f'Uure, will therefore be publiflted a. they ®u.e to hand. The MIUROR OF THE TIMES will be •Ptnto all who canvass public measure with •eccnry.and in examining the conduct of duals, as officers of government—it - ‘now— •* A J o Party but my Country, No Tiuth." CONDITIONS. iTh. MIRROR OF THE TIMES will b* publilhcd every Monday, on a royal (beet of an excellent quality, and good Type. n - Tht P»ee to fubferbers will be three P" annum, paid half yearly in advance Hi. The price tor advertising will be fifty «nts per square lor the firft insertion «thirty seven and a half for each con uruation. c f" e P a P tr will be delivered to Town -üblcribers at their place* of abode and . e f ‘ ,r the country will he d< ne up P* cket * and delivered at the Poll- Office. NOTICE. person having any de. nißnds the Eitaie of Da- Vlf i Newfom Esq. late of War ren county decealed, are re. felled to render in their ac l ' ur, iN, and tbofe indebted are tar,leH, y Solicited to make im ‘•cdtatc payment. MAUYNTOOM.adm’r ,u| y h • 3 i final notice. *, TIIE SUBSCRIBER notL f lp ]“°* e if » arrears to him that tiv * eir '‘Dies and accounts ';**«*« next, they will bt ' criuju put in iuit for •°llcQion. JONATHAN VASTaH. U. w MIRROR OF THE TIMES FROM THE ENQUIRE R, FOREIGN INFLUENCE. SUPPLEMENTARY TO NUMBER I. A BRITISH EMISSARY ! ! Stephen t ullen alias Stephen Cullen Carpenter, alias the Pay master of his Majesty's forces in t Guernsey, alias the aulhor of the Memoirs of Thomas Jefferson, and the historian of “ the Rise & Pro gress of French Influence'' u* the -States—has come'forth wirh a second Address to tlje “ U. States' Gazette.” As in his Ist. fie virtually con fesses, that he is a British Spy, & an Emissary- loyal to his king, am) faithful to his native country — so in the 2nd he most consistent ly complains of his receiving that exposure and chastisement, winch such a character deserves. In stead of (Ifending himself, he la vishes all his abuse on the Aurora —denounces vengeance against its Editor—threatens to exhibit him in all the various phases of his life--and most consistently complains of his own name having “ been given to the public accom panied with scurility, such as none but a long practised, accomplish ed liar could invent.’* We join issue at once with this political saint—this pious Mission ary ot the British government. — We cast back into his teeth, all the charges of scurrility and falsi _ hood, of which this virtuous St, Stephen so indignantly complains —We appeal to his own work, Memoirs of Thomas Jefferson” lor «ur proof. JVe too complain ot scurvthty without shame and falsehood without measure, We, too complain ol the commitment o! of this cuuntiy mto the hands ol the f* low-lived, licentious vagabond.” And we refer to these infamous Memoirs for the justice of our complaints. But we have higlit r aim, than merely to expose the duplicity and inconsistency of tins Stephen Cullen Carpenter— j Wts wish to hold out a monitory i less °ii to the people of the United We vVish our country men to know what kind of men is now amongst us—rho secret poison of Buiiaij Influence, which pervades our press—the agency of the Bri tish Emmissariei, in tiie U. States— the means to which they resort for the consummation of their purpose —the volturous rapacity, with which j tl,e y culumniate the characters of our best and most enlightened c jt„ izens—their gross misrepresenta tions ot the acts anfl measures of government. ....their contempt for j Uic cause of our Independence, ! j the principles of the Constitution, and the bies&ing of Liberty• ■ ■- their columnies against our court i try men the length to which they push their resentments against , | all that is peculiarly American— l ; and their secret but inuefaticable 1 ! propagation ot a politic >1 Creed oftaiih, from which Federalists themselves would revolt with an , i honest enthusiasm of heart; the! Tories and the Essex Junto alone 1 excepted. 4 « The memoirs of ■ Thomas Jeffersuu” is a monument of these truths. We have waded through this composition of tilth ami Calumny with inetfable abhorrence and dis gust — like that of the man, who is dragged through the cells of a Lax aretto, through every form ot pu. triditv and plague. We pro nounce it to be ttie holy work ot this British Missionary. What, though there is no author's name m the Title Page : nay not even nn Imprint, which designates bv whom or where it was printed f Besides the indirect confession ol Cullen, the stile of the composition is all Ins ow n. There is tiie same naivete ai d quaintness ot expres sions : the same redundance ot Ep i lie is : the same prolixity of sen euces ; the same miserable aiFcc tfnri of the mannerism of Edmund 8.. ’ . , uie s«Mje profound rever- “ hold the mirror ur to nature.”— Shakespeare. ence for reveries of the prostituted genius ; which had marked all the editorial compositions in the“ Con. rier” and “ the People’s Frieud ” Stand fourth then, thou illusiri. ous Knight of the British Govern., uictu ; who hast visited these dis taut realms of America to assert the cause of truth, to itditss the wrongs of Innocence ; stand j forth, by the following F.xtracts j h orn the work before us, we shall convict \ on of that scuyilitv, faisc liotxi, and disregard of principles, which you have imputed to oth. ers ! in his Preface to the Header he has the impudence to sav, “ the illustrious Dr. Robertson, in a letter to Mr. Gibbon, gave it as his opin ion that a historian ought to write as if he were giving evidence up on oath. Few historians have been so scrupulous ; yet tiie Doc tor was certainly right.... iuce, if a history wants truth, it wants every thing that can recommend it. Were it nut tor that ingredient, die history of Charles the Filth would bear no comparison as a work of instruction or amusement, with Fielding’s Histoiy of John Jones, or Goldsmith’s Vicar of Wakefield. It is on this ground the Author of the Memoirs founds his claim to public attention.’' Bt dus test, then, let him be tried. Independence of the U. States. The work opens with raniarks upon the state of this country ira mediately as ter the treaty of peace, -—(if the glorious Revolution and the independence of the United States, the author speaks precisely ill the style of British eiiunissary, fraught with all the sentiments of a Briton. There is not one mark of the real American about him. — Respecting the causes which led to that Revolution, he is silent; die wrongs which were perpetrated by the British government & the bar barities inflicted by her armies, are decently covered b\ the Veil of si lence. There is nothing about Inn. which bespeaks the least convic tion of these wrongs, or the least ! sympathy with the Revolution. in speaking of the independence of the United Biates, wiicie ar-: those bursts of feeling, or of pa triotism, winch flow tu the mind ol an American, hum the contem plation of that great even! t i-> in proud us the einaneipauon ol this country from the una.urom ot Bri tain ? Tntie is nothing like u What ever he says, is delivered m the measuring tone ot hypocriuta cant. Bis declarations have all the air of a man, who conceals his own auticipatiues, in the awkward a flee tuiiuu of all attachment) which lie feels nccesssaiy to he assumed it. order to gam a favorable hearing to his story. Hence itc speaks in an abstract manner of the indepen deuce of the United States; as “ a day of flatter ing aspect to the mhu. buauts of llie new itorld ; no peo ple had ever greater cause to be ; pioud ; uouo had before them a ■ fairer promise to be happy”— but does he speak, as if he himself participated in the pride.— as ii j these promised pteasutes had not been visionary i The People and Democracy . Respecting the character ofotir countrymen and the value of their republican constitution, he delivers himself in an unambiguous style of sarcastic, disgust.--The British emissary is true :o those political principles, in which he was educa ted at home. “ The people had now (the close of the revolutionary war) the su preme power in their own hands, and it is impossible to conceive a ! people much more disqualified, than they were rendered by avarie ; ty of circumstances, from making a wise or moderate use of it. in their best state of correction, the passions of multitudes arc ungov ernable,” Vol. 1 p. 16. “ The insurrection (of Shays) ! wore so formidable an aspect, | that Congress thought fit to en* | large the military establishment ; a civil war was expected ; a ma- i jority of the people of Massachu setts were either secretly or openly ' in opposition to government. In all the Kasteru States the same temper prevailed more or less and on y waited for ail advantageous occa sion to break out openly.” p. 31. “ These’* (the Anti-Federalists —--among whom were the present venerable Governor of Virginia, ii. I’. Mason, P. Henry, James Monroe) “ have never ceased, since the adoption of the constitu tion, to use their best efforts to o verthrow it. ” p 40. “ Some few leading Americans were throughout the whole of the revolution and in continuity after ii) the devoted servants, friends & agents of France.” p 5t. — Yet this is the man, who casts about legal evidence of historical truth ; j of the scurrility & falsehood which have been lavished upon himself. “ In any other country but Ameiica the people would ex. ped to fee luch abase ad of ini. quiiy pumflied. Under no gov. eminent but one overwhelmed ! by Democracy,” (and yet this was under W aldington, for , whole character too he affects fiich reverence,) “ could luch a crime pals with impunity.”— *SB - He” (Washington) u found not only the laws yet to be made, but the feelings and diU politions ol an unruly people to beuained to them*” 298. French Revolution . In speaking of this memora ble event, which has baffled all the hopes and expectations of the friends of liberty, the historian, displays all the venom of his ge. nius. There is not the lealt glow of sympathy exprtllcu with the caules which produced it. The lame servile Ipirit which urged liuike to write it down, and Put to icduce it by force of aims seems to inspire this work. Nothing is laid of the right of the people 10 redress the wiongs of ihe monarchy—nothing is said in eulogy of the Ipirit which moved the hrlt reformers—no" thing of that venerable aflembly of hrenchmen, which was one of the molt august legiflativc ai* letnblies in the world. The French tevolutionifts are cha ractenled, flora the very flart, by the mo ft degrading epithet. 1 hey are confounded in eveiy telpect with thole who came af ter them- Such is the nice dii~ crimination of this hiftorian — luch is the ait of writing “ as if he were giving evidence upon oath. What is the style in which he speaks of the earlieit Revolu. tiornlts of France f —“ After re maining 10 days at Charleston, during which tune, he managed matters in the belt manner and to the fulleft effect that his re - J gicidc maltcri could desire <Sc.” p. 116.-—“ It is a talk of the molt disgusting kind to dwell < upon the extravagant demon. ! (trations of joy, and the ridicu. lous teltioionies of respect be- ■ (towed upon this mimlter of an ephemeral band of usurpers .” p. 117. —“ The Frencn revolu tion was then “ in the full tide of fuccelslul experiment /’ and C andorcct and his fraternity were much more (uitable in tallc, character purpoie and principels lor Mr, J. th^u, MONDAY, October 9, 1809. 1 Washington, Hamilton, or the I oihcr wife and worthy men, who compoled the cabinet of the United States”—Even the great Condoreet cannot escape his sneers and reproach* ; «*. About what fort of men are thefc exprellions used ? 4< The monlters and the murdereis of Louis XVI’ faysthisdecourous and correct hiltorian—but what lays gen’l Wafhingion himfelf, in his celebrated reply to Mr. Adct, so late as.iftJan. 1796, for months and years after thele feenes weie acted, which call ' down the vengeance of St. Ste. ; phen ? “ Borne Sir, in a land I of liberty, having early learned its value; having engaged in a perilous conflict to defend it ; having in a word, devoted the belt yearn of my life to secure is permanent eltablifhmeru in my own country ; my anxU ous recoiled ions, my fympathe. tic feelings and my belt wishes aie irrefillably attracted when* soever, in any country, I fee an oppiefled nation unfurl the ban ners of freedom. Bui above all the F; ench )evolution has produced the deeped loliciiude, as well as the highejl admiration . To call your nation brave, were to pronouce but common praiie. Wonderful pepole ! ages to come will read wiihaltomlhmcnt the hifioty of your brilliant ex ploits. I rejoice that the peri, ou of your toils and of your iinmenle facriliccs is approach ing. I lejoice that the inter tiling revolutionary movements of so many yeats have lflued in the formation of a constitution deligned to give permanency 10 the great object for wlucli you have contended. I lejoice • that liberty, which you have so long embiaccd with enthuhalm —liberty ol which you havtt been ihe invincible defenders, now hods an ally um in the bo. lorn ot a reguiaiiy organized governnient, wmch being form, cd to secure the happmels of the French people, couefponds with ihe aiucm willies ot my heart, white it gratifies the pride of every citizen ol the United States by us reiemblance to their own. On these glorious events accept, 111, my uiicete congratulations.” Yet these were “ monllcis Sc murcieieis.’* This bungs us directly to the great charge of FRENCH INFLUENCE. It is one of the main objects of 1 hi* Memoir as well as of the chiefs ot the Federalists to prove the prevalence of this species of influence in the Republican party- The m <st extraordinary mean* of subletfuge and deception have been auopicd tor this extravagant purpose, i'nette ai< aus are pun« cipally, to transfer the zeal which the Republicans leu in the cause of Liberty, and ot France, during itio auspiciousp riods of ncr revolution —lO the present government of I that country. Yet this miserable subiertuge has been adopted as 1 a serious argument. This com*. Innation gro.s Sc unnatural as ms, is not too extravagant to t>e grave ly manufactured by the Federal party. Yet this man does nst stop here—he even attempts to true* it higher.—*" la the (aid) congress there existed a strong part),de terminaiely disposed i« subject the in.cicsta ot the Uui ed Ouics to the will and die euon ot the ( trench Government— —and ta 4 [No. s*.]