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JOSEPH HU H HINSON:
KICHAHI) H. WII HE.
Augtt!,ta ; August 46
MIRROR OF THE TIMES.
N.
&AOM THE ENQUIRER.
french influence
No. IV.
l et us pass over the meager
rumours of the firlt years of Mr.
Jeffer ion’s ad mini fir at ion—and
delcend at once to die celebra
ted yEra of the Berlin decree.
This was the great occasion,
<>n-!A’h-ic4vLhefedcra!-parvyT<->’d
ly erefcfed their batteries of ac.
cufation agai.nft the administra
tion. According to them, this
decree was a direct attack on
the honor of the U. S.—a fub
miflion to which was an incon
trovertible proof of the predom
inance of the French Influence
in our councils.
These are Facts :
That the moment the Berlin
decree was known to our tnin
itter in Paris, he addressed a let
ter to Decies, the minister of
Marine, requiring to know whe
ther it was meant to apply to
the U. S.— the minitier for Fo
reign Affairs being then with the
Emperor in Berlin.
That Deeres allured him, as
his view of its meaning, that
u an American vaTel could not
De taken at lea, for the mere rea
son that flte was going to or
coming from a poit ol England.’
That this decree was not put
in force againit us until the Oc
tober following, except in a mu.
nicipal way which the French
had a right to do ;
That the case of the Horizon
was the full one, in which it was
put in force, contrary to the
laws a s nations ;
Thai our minuter 101 l no time
in prelenting a molt eneigctic
temonltrance againfl this deci
hon ;
And that “ by the full op
portunity, after that deciiion
had reached the Prelident, the
particular initructions required
bv it were forwarded to that
¥
liiinilter.”
11 ihefc are fatfs, what are the ;
conciufions P Where is that ag„
greflion upon the right of the !
U. States, which we have not
oppoled ? where is the lea It fub
mdhon to French inju hce P
Where is the French Influence ?
Wheie is the 4i fin get of Napo
leon ?’’ No where but in the |
imagination of Mr. Gaidenier. j
To iuc h as are polldied of the ;
lead dilcernmeut in ihelc mat- i
lers, the.very ily ie of ihe remoo*
ftranceof Mr. Armstrong would
ieem to ditlipaie theie illuhons.
Does the urinifter of the L. S. |
crouch before the Gallic Empe
ror ? Is he afraid to uiter ihe
independent fenumenis of an
independent nation? No; the
style of Armstrong is iucb, as
no other minister of the LI. S.
has thought proper to ule to
wards any nation of Euiope,
arid no minister of Europe has
deemed it prudent to use towards
«he emperor of France :
“ Has then the misfortune of
shipwreck,” fays he in his noie
to M. Champagny of Novem
ber lk, 1807, * 4 a Tered
her condition, as to expole her
to the injury of confiscation al
io ? and is thin among the priri..
ciples which the defender of ma
ritime rights means to conlecrate
by his power and his wisdom ?
It is iropoiliblt” —And in the
dole of the lame letter, where he
“ HOLD THE MIRROR UP TO NATURE.” — Shakdlcarc.
tauntingly retorts upon France
the fame contumelious cxpref
lions, which the miniflerof Fo
reign Affairs had once applied
to the conduct of England :
4 Thus it is, that Inc (England)
has turned to her profit and to
the detriment of Europe, but
particularly of France, the au
dacity with which (lie mocks at
all our rights and infulis even
realon itfclf. Agantlf a power
wTiich fdrgeTs’to luch a pucfTaTi
ideas of jultice, and ail humane
fentimems, what can be done,
but to forget them for an in-
It ant onefelf ?’ 4 Words, fays
Gen. Armllrong on this patla**,
cannot go further to (hew the
extinguished authority, in the
one case, of the treaty lublifting
between the U* S. ami his impe
rial nujelty, and in (he other, of
the law of nations : to appeal to
them, therefore, would be lite
rally appealing to the dead.’
When u was leen, from the
case of the Horizon, that the
French wete determined to put
their decree in force again it us,
and that the British were about
to relortto forne new aggreilions
upon us ; the Prelident ol the
U. S. thought it wife t# tccotn
mend some Hep, that might elude
the blow. The embargo was that
Hep And yet this very rr.ea
fure, which is in oppoiition to
both France and G. 13. has been
twilled into a new proof of the
existence of French Influence.
Timothy Picketing has not he.
lita’ed to infinuaie, that the ai
signed grounds are riot fufficient
to account for the measure, that
the British Orders of Council of
Nov. were not known at that
time, and that nothing but a love
for France could havepnade it
go down with the government.
In iieu of theft ioofe fuppofi.
tioris, 4 trifles light as air,’ let us
attend to Fad, ‘ confirmations
strong as proofs of holy writ.’
During the month of Feb
-1807, Castlereagh and Perceval,
two or the prelem minisiers, had
pubiickly (in patliameni) scoff
ed at the mildoefs of ihe or urns
of |anuarv and recommended
such a bold mealuie a* that ol
the Urdus of Nov.
During the Utter end of Oct.
and early pa.»t of Nov. the min
isterial prims of London, began
to aflame a new tone, and to
speak of the existence of theta
blockading orders. Exuabts
from these prints, and (tom let.
ters to the merchants of the U«
States werepublifhedin our own
papers, Icveral days beiore the
mefiage of the President, leconi.
mending the embargo.
But what is conclusive, inata
much as it proves that the minds
of the members of congreis had
anticipated this very nullage, it
is a fact that letters were pievi
owlly published in this papei
(the Enquiter) trorn two of the
most enlightened members, sta
ting the aimost certain promul*
I gation of thele orders, and the
necessity of our retorting to this
very mealure, the euibaigo, as
a defence against them, bo ve
1 ry ingenious is l iniuthy Picke.
ring in the account which he
gives us of the rife of this inea-
I lute ! ! !
4 But the embargo had a fe
ver er effect upon Great Britain
than France.’ This may be true
Out did not this effect anie,
/
without any intention on our!
part, from the very situation of i
the two billegerents ? Must we j
have waited in patient fubmifTL
on to the injustice of two pow
ers, until we could hate fallen
upon some measure, which ex
act iy bote equally upon both ?
It would have been ablurd."-
What measure could have bet
ter conftihed the interests of the
U. S* ? Fo every friend of our
4
'nationaTtionorii was bettcfth'arT
fubmiifion—to every lover of
peace it was better than war.
Let us trace the subsequent
Heps purfueii by our govern
ment — Congrels pafled a law
empowering the Prelident to fuf
pend the embargo, as (neither
of the belligerents, in cale they
should io modify their edids, as
to render the commerce of the
tJ. S. liilficiently fafe in his opi
nion—Surely there is no French
Ifluence here. Upon the very
(ace of the law, the lame pro
positions seem to be held out to
bold the uimolt
impartiality and reciprocity to
be exerciled towaids both.—
But it is only junu —for in truth
the very conditions of the repeal
operated in favor of G. B. and
againlt France, 'Phis will abun
dantly appear fiom the docu
ments, communicating the cours
of the negociations with both
powers, as well as fiom the mef
iage ot the Prelident ot the U.
S, communicating these docu
ments.
Our minider at Paris made
no fpetific pledge to the French
government ; our miniiler at
London pledged him felt' to the
idioiation ol commercial inter
com is, in case G. B. should te
land her obnoxious orders.
The tea lons of this difference
in the course of the negotia
tion, are to be lound in the
Piehdent’s roeffage of Novem
ber 8, iBoB. 44 Ihe inltructi
uiistoout minilfers with relpett
to the different belligcienls,
were necellaiily modified with a
inference to their diff'aent cir
cum fiances and to the condition
annexed, by law, to the execu
tive power of lulpeniioa, re
quiting a degree ol iecuruy to
our commerce which would
not icluit trout a lepeal ot the
decrees of France, inilead ot
a pledge, therefore lor a lul*-
penlion ol the Embargo as to
bet, in cale ot luch a repeal,
n was prelumed, that a lufft
cteni inducement might be
lound m other conitdetaliens,
and particulaily in the change
produced by a compliance with
oui ju it demands by one bel* j
hgerent, and a icfulal by the;
other m*the relations between ,
this other and the United Slates.
To Gicat Britain, whole power
on the ocean is lo alccndant, it
was deemed not lncouDltent J
with that condition, to Itate ex_ j
pliculy that on her refunding,
her orders, in iclation to the'
United States, their trade would
be opened with her, and re- j
main lhut to her enemy, in cale
ot his failure to teltiad his de
crees alio'”
Surely then all idea of French
Influence mult by this time
have vainfhed. “ The finger
of Napoleon could not have!
been in this thingr’ The bel.;
iigerent* are not treated alike ;
uecaule their urcutuiUnces are
MONDAY, November 6, 1809.
t different ; but are not all th#
' benebtf of'this inequality on the
j fide of Great Britain ? She is
; furnifhcd with a solid and fads
factory pledge—whereas Fiance
is put off w ith a mere preemp
tion. Where then are the Ja
! eobin loves of Mr. Jeff’erfon —
ami where his infuriated hatred
of England ?
Vet thele propositions were
unavailing. The decrees of Eu
ro peand our Embargo it ill
remained in force. The next
great afct of our government,
which affected our foreign re
lations, produced an important
change in the Handing of the
two belligerents. This revolu
tion was moll (Irongly againlt
the intcrefts of France—lo cx
ticmcly vilionary is the supposi
tion of a French Influence in
the United States, 1 his change
ielated to the publick ihips of
France.
The proclamation of the Pre
fidtnt of the U. Stales, which
had been issued after the attack
on the Chelapeake, was the ef
fect of the many atrocioua
iufults of the Britilh navy per
petrated upon the honor, and
rights of our country. The
Fiench armed vessels had not
provoked any such refentment*
or called forth any such precau
tion, by their deportment to*
wards us. 1 hey had not vio- •
latcdour jurifditlion—murder
ed one of our countrymen in
our ports—-burnt an English
vell'el on our coalts impreL
fed 3000 of our leamen—nor
made any attack upon a na.
tional vessel. The proclamar
tion of the piesident, therefor#
had wifely excluded the French
vessels from its operation—the
foes of the admiruitration feem-*
ed pleased with the precaution
- every one seemed to admit,
that this was a ddlinftion, which
was founded in the conduct of
the two belligerents* Where
then was the genius of France,
when the act of March 1809,
extended the reltrictious of this
proclamation to the fhipj of
War of France ? Where was
bre rich Influence? Where
was “ the finger of Napoleon ?’
Surely, not in the councils of
the United States—nor in the
acts oi the lalt Adminiltraii
on.
So far then, as we have touch
ed thole great inealures of the
iall admiuikraiion, which have
directly related to France, there
is not a lhadow of French influ
ence in them,—The facts turn
out to be, that assurances were
given to us, that the Beilin
decree was not to be put inforc#
a o ainit us—the molt energetic
protclt was made by our minis
-1 Iter againU the very firfl case,
when it was put in force —the
fame meaiure of reliflence was
uled as to France and Great
Baitain—similar, though not
the lame terms were held out to
each—thole to Gieac Britain
i were more favorable than tholo
j held out to France-’'*and in
one important reject, the iamo
I niealute of resilience was ex
! tended, without any new caufe*
to trance, which had exclu
sively ariicu out of the wrong s
j 01 England.
But this is not all. A nctar
! holt of arguments is made to
lpring out oi the meaiurei f
[No. 56.]