Newspaper Page Text
louy io/h August , 1809
Sir,
I beg leave to request
that you will be pleased to
lay before his majesty mv
most grateful acknowledge
ment lor the communicati
on which )ou have madr
to me by his commands,
that “ his majelly enter
tains no doubt of the good
intentions and zeal for his
majesty’s fervicc by which
I have been led to depart
from my inductions.”
Nothing could have in
duced me to have deviated
in the llighteft degree from
the orders I had received,
but a thorough conviction
upon my mind that by so
doing to a certain extent!
Ihould accompli(li the ob
ject which his majesty had
in view, when by two llrict
ly adhering to the letter of
my inductions I might lofc
the opportunity of promo
ting enfi'entially his majes
ty’s wishes and interest.
I submit myself with great
deference to his majesty’s
commands, and shall accord
ingly deliver to Mr. Jack
son, whom his majesty has
been plcaled to appoint in
my place as envoy extraor
dinary and minister pleni
potentiary to the U. States,
all the papers and docu
ments belonging to the mis
sion, wheneverhe shall pre
sent to me hi* majelly’s or
ders for that purpose.
Extract of letter from a gentle
man in New Felicianna,
(Florida,) to his friend in
this city, under dates Juac
29'h and July 6;h.
“ As to our political affairs,
they have a gloomy appear
ance ; since I commenced wri
ting this letter. I have received
an order, or rather request, to
attend a general meeting of the
whole ctijtricfj to (liidy ways 6c
tnestis for the safety of our
country. We have 101 l all
hope of the American’s taking
us under their wing— We ate
fnouslv alatraed, the refugee
French fiom Cuba having
threatened to take possession
of ou» country, and we expect
they have a strong party a
mongtt us. some of whom are
officers ol high (landing in our
government. If they make the
attempt they will easily effect
it, as they arc mostly pirates
and piivatecTsmcn—what can’t
five or six thou (and of such
men do, as wc are very weak
not exceeding three thousand
young and old, undisciplined,
nnunited, and (clattered up
waids of 200 miles ? We have
no regular force; our fort at
Baton Rouge has at leaf) 50
pieces of arullcty and mutters
15 old dectiped fokiiers, and
110 more.”
M July (> —I have been at
the conveniicn, nothing deter
mined upon, except a rouioo,
ftiance to the Governor of Ba
ton Rogue, deliring foine alter
ation in the government with
respect to the civil authority, &
I expect he will disapprove the
mralure ; if so, iomethiug
inoie ledous will be apt to take
place. The only refourto left
win l>c to Iry our giicvancc?
helm •> be Piefidcm of the U
ii.inl S*aics, ciaviag lus protec
tion, wt.iih has been too long
tiegv-cti d liauv thing should
e.ik • p'bk- « l a knows nature, 1
vs i*l r.wucu'foi to let you know.” :
From tke Georgia Argus.
TO GEORG I ANUS,
Sir—The Republican
who reads your 2d No. will
do it with mingled sensati
ons of pleasure and regret —
pleafurc in reading your I
handsome compoiition, hut (
regret that such happy ta
lents should be so proftitu- 1
ted. Whilst truth is com
pelled to do homage to your
talents as a writer, the geni
us of liberty founts indig
nantly at you, 6c impricatcs
the curses of all her sons up
on such a “ vile politician”
—lhe would put “ a whip
into the hands of every ho
nest” republican to lash you
out of focicty, as a Vulture |
ready to prey upon the vi- 1
talcs of the republic. With
words metaphors, and im
pudence, you have become
a ufeful tool in the hands of
an ambitious, and aspiring
faction, who to render them
selves (ignominiously) im
mortal ** would grasp the
columnsofthcconftitution,’
and be themselves “ crufhcd I
beneath its ruins.” The
mod fuperficial observer
cannot be mistaken ’tis
plainly proven by your own
doctrines, that whilst you ■
are doing homage to the ta
lents of Crawford, Tait, 6c
Bibb, if you dare attempt I
it they would fliarc the lash
of your pen with the fame
severity which you apply it
to friend Bowling Hall
•—But it leeins you have
profited by the Fable of the
Viper, and the File—you
arc aware that your attack
upon those gentlemen would
injure the cause you advo
cate with such lively sensi
bility—you arc aware that
the poiition which those
gentlemen maintain in the
the confidence of the people
of Georgia, is too eminent
ly honorable to be aftailed
with fucccfs by your malig
nant, and prostituted pen—
And making a virtue of an
insidious policy, you join
the republican ery in found
ing their praises; whilst the
collected energies of your
malignity running mount
ains high, are exluufted up
on their friend.
Under these specious pro
fefiions of republicanism,
candor, charity and impar
tiality, like another hut
more contemptible satellite
of this faction, (I presume
you rely upon the “ ignor
ance 6c error of these days,”
while you thunder out prin
ciples as directly opposed to
them as light is to darkness.
With the gaudy trappings
of fine language you expect
to confound our underiland
ing, by tickling our tafle
for fine leading. You tell
us that invention is racked
to contrive new forms of
abufc, whilst memory is
tasked to collect long for
gotten icandals, and the re
putation of a man, and the
feelings of his friends are
tortured with all the studied
llownels of lavage barbarity,
O j w
until the fpcctacle becomes
too hoi rid for cruelty itfch,
whillt you apply theic wea
pons yourself , with a “ high
hand and uplifted arm.
Whillt under the garb
of friendfhip you approach
Crawford, Tait, and Bibb,
truth would thunder at your
ears and make you in the
1 language of Shakefpcare,
exclaim—
“ Why I c m f.nile. and marl'r while I smile,
« And cry cou'.cat :o that which gritve* my
heart,
« And vc t my cheeks with artificial tears,
“ And form tny face allocciiions.
VVhilft the fame immuta
ble truth in the inergetic
language of the fame author,
would proclaim to thole
gentlemen,
Oh Crawford, Tait, and Bibb ! beware of
yonder dog,
Look, when he fawns he bite# ; and when
he bites, f
His venom tooth will rankle lo the death.
Have not to do with him; beware him.
Ariftocraey. Mona rchy and Tyranny lure
set their marks upon him,
And all their minifiers attend on him.
You call Cod to witness
that you only detest Mr.
Hall as a politician...that as
a man you feel fey him the
sentiments of kinJinefs and
charity, and the next mo
ment charge his honelt, but
humble purluits to him as a
crime. Do you recoiled
! that Walhington & Frank
lin were both men of hum
ble purluits—the former a
ploughman and the latter a
tallow-chandler ? Are your
[ feelings prollituted below
the fulceptibility of a blulh
--if they are not, this in
conliftency, this rape upon
humble origin llioeld crim
fonyour cheeks to death.~
According to your argu
ments Walhington fliould
have died a ploughman, and
Franklin a tallow-chandler,
bccaulc they were of hum
ble origin, our glorious re
volution would have been
hilled in its birth, and the
U. S. now bleeding at eve
cry pore under the lalh of
Uritilh tyranny and oppreffi
ion. The refulgent talents
of Walhington as an officer
and statesman, and those of
Franklin as a philolopher
and politician, ihould have
languilhed, &died in obfeu
ritv becauie fickle fortune
had not ulhered them into
the world, and placed them
in the lap of “ rank” and
affluence. This is evidently
and conclulively confident
with the rcafonings upon
which you object to Mr.
Hall as a man. Your objec
tions to him on the ground
of his being opposed to edu
cation are too absurd and
obviouflyfalie to require re
futation—-I will however,
refer you to a Angle fad. It
is known, and by reference
to the Journals will appear,
that when he was a member
of the Legislature he warm
ly advocated the ei ection of
a College with liberal en
dowments, in Milledgeville.
I will now turn my at
tention to your objections
to him as a politition. You
charge Mr. Hall with con
taining that the judiciary
ought to be lubferf ient to the
legislature...that the legis
lature fliould be tmnipotent
like the liritifli parliament
—that the judges fliould be
sworn to l'upport the laws
and not the conflitution—
“ I will not call you lyar,
jefuit, or villian ; but, with
all the politeness imagina
ble, perhaps, I may prove
you so.” Like other bon
ed republicans Mr. Hall
contends, that the three
branches of departments of
our government, ihould a
grceable to the spirit, and
meaning of the conditution
be maintained separate dis
tind and independent of
each other...that is to fay,
the legislature shall not ex
ercise the duties of the
judicial, nor the judicial
those of the executive—or,
in a few words, that one
branch flia.ll not exercise
the duties of tho other.—
Mr. Hall does not contend
that the legislature fliould
have any superiority over
the judiciary, other than
such as the nature of things,
u 7
and the fpiiit and meaning
of the conditution requires.
Experience proves, and
the conditution, and even
common fenie itfelf, of the
three branches of our gov
ernment, evidently regards
the legislature, to the firft
and mod important. With
out the laws neither the
judiciary nor the executive
could have r.ny thing to do ;
lor although you evident
ly wilh it otherwise, it is
yet the province of the le
gislature alone to make
laws. You advocate the
vary foul and dangerous
principle, for which you
condemn Mr. Hall. You
who harp so much upon the
changer, advocate the pro
priety of controul ; not
however in the legislature
hut in tlie judicial depart
ment. You are the advocate
for allowing Judges the
dangerous privilege of de
claring a law unconditi
onal, and thereby place in
the hands ot the judiciary a
complete controul over the
legislature.
Permit me to refer you to
the opinion of Judge John
ston, in the supreme com t
of the United States, in the
important matter of the Ya
zoo claims— This opinion is
directly to the point—read
his own words—“As to the
idea that the grants of a Le
gislature may be void be
cause the Legislature are
corrupt, it appears to me to
be subject to insuperable
difficulties. The acts of the
supreme power of a country
must be considered pure for
the same reason that all so
vereign acts must be consid
ered just—because there is
no power that can declare
them otherwise.” Here
judge Johnston not only ad
mits but. most learnedly ad
vocates the supremacy of the
legislature. It is also laid
d©wn as a maxim by the
justly celebrated politician
and republican, Dr. Priest
ly, that the legislative is
properly the supreme power
in the state. For to make
and alter the laws is to mo
del the constitution ; the
propriety of which -B
strike every hunest rcp'.pß
c.tn with irresist*Me c'a,eß
tion. Di. Priestly
t-iat those who are de„'jß
to me Ice the laws,
power ot executing ,]*"■
will be careful to make nj
Imt such as they believe w*
be generally approved
such as they are willi’, B
submit to themselves. °t!
this you will object.'
you do not contend thattlfl
judges shall make the| aw l
but in effect your doctri J
amounts to the same thirl
or worse. We had be. t J
give to the judges the po; l
er of making the laws, tIJ
to give them the dangero J
power to declare the l a J
when made hy the ! eg i s ] j
ture unconstitutional. \v|J
such a power may not I
judge, in a paroxysm of del
rangement, or for corru*
pui poses, declare every
of Congress, orofthe staj
legislature unconstitutional
and thereby effect an int c |
regnum in the operation M
the laws. By this absolul
negative upon the acts M
the legislature would a|
public business beatastan|
Tt is upon this reasonahl J
and alarming probability!
that the politician who I
have just quoted, says it jl
a manifest absurdity to havl
more than one will in a statl
, A government does not pol
sess the power of excrcisinl
more than one will at thl
same time on the same subl
ject. ««I object to it on I
general principle; on thl
reasori and nature of things!
a principle which will iml
pose laws even upon the del
ity.” But you will fly i|
the face of this doctrine anl
contend that our governl
ment has three wills; Igranl
it: but I contend that theJ
act singly, ami in succession
—i st, the will of the legisl
lature enacts the laws— 2dlJ
the judges administer then!
--and 3dly, the executivt
enforces them.
Os Mr. Hall's opinion st
to the supremacy of the le
gislature over the judicia
department, I will retort it
your own language, that thi
opinion, founded in the spi
rit, and meaning of the con
stitution will erect its owr
monument, and will carry
down his fame to posterity,
whilst the monument you
talk of, will “ vanish like
the baseless fabrick of a vi
sion, and leave not a ‘ ves
tige’ behind.”—With sor
row I confess that such ex
cresences of the law as 1
conceive you to be, may for
a time suspend its operation,
but finally it will burst forth
with redoubled splendor, &
burl such vultures as vour
self into darkness (ignomi
niously) visible.—Of y our
darling candidate, Major
| Clark, I think it at present
I unnecessary to say any thing
—Crawford, Tait and Bibb
it will be admitted are as
well acquainted with hirm
as any man who finds it ne-i
cessary to assume a fictitious
signature.