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HgSP. W ' * ' '''
ts future Sovereign. And,!
fir, though I utterly abhor a I
Monarch), if we mult have i
a King, I thould be as wil
ling that gentleman fhouid |
vvieid the fceptre as any o
ther. 1 fhouid prefer him (
to George the Third, lor II
do not think him quite fc j
crazy. I fhouid prefer him
to the Prince Regent, for he
possesses the chanties of do
mestic life, which his Royal
Highness does not appear to
be overburthetied with. I
fhouid prefer him to Bona
parte, because, though he is
a military man, I do not be
lieve he is capable of do/ag ;
half lb much mifehief.
Having said this to pacify
the honorable member on
his favorite fubjed, I (hail
now proceed to examine
that part of the answer which
relates to the embargo.—
Gentlemen have a wonder
ful faculty of denouncing
law’s as unconstitutional. It
was to be expedted that those <
gentlemen who regard their
reputations as coircdt law
> yers would have deliberated j
before they decided. At i
lead it was hoped that inaf- t
much as we have a tribunal *
competent to decide this
quell ion, and that very fpee
tiily, gentlemen, inftcad of
threatening to legillate a- f
guinll the legation of con-t
grefs, would have taken the
means to have a decision in
the courts of the U. States,
Are they afraid to trull the
Federal judges? Do these
gentlemen lack. wiidam&in
tegrity ? Or is it this, wifdoru
and integrity which they arc
afraid of ? The other embar.
go was deemed by iome un
conflitutional, becauie it was
unlimited ; but it was deci
ded otnciwtle in this (late;
end if ] mi (lake net, tire
lion, member from Worces
ter argued in favor of its
conilttutionality. The cb-•
iedion to the embargo is, 1
that it retinols the coaftin*
tta.de, and gentlemen ieem
to uuift, that the right to re
gulate commerce among the
ieverai (lutes, means between
| Rate and lute. { will read
/ vou the opimon of General
V,, mingfon on this fabjedfc.
L (H re Mr. Holmes read a
communication of Prdident
Vaihmgton to tile Striate,
2&th Match, 1794, and iu
lilted that it was n, point.)
But that clause in th
lutution which authorizes
congreis to provide for the
j common defence 6c general
Wci *ate, is amply luflitient.
VVuo can doubt of the im
poitdiice of this me.'.lure to
tnc common defence ? We
were liarving ouilcives to
ftM our enemies. They
Ddered exceedingly; ana
peiliapj this ii the caule of
more than hair the clamour.
mueaieu loti companion
ar,: ruwarus the diftnCt ot
. lVl,J ' lfc * Tiis people, tobe
■ ll > iuder privatuns, anal
1
| they are willing to endure •
l them ; but they 2re not ftar
l ving, nor severely diftreflcd ;
and very few of them would
| thank us for our condolence.
The embargo was a measure
I called for by both parties ;
1 and the people would rather
1 bear ir, hard as it is, than
that their enemy fhouid be
fed. But gentlemen threaten
legiflativc interference: Are
they prepared for this ?
They mean surely, by a Rate
law, to repeal the embargo,
and enforce this repeal a
gainfl the officers of the ge
neral .government. This is
■ coming out. If you are in
earned, I like this. You have
talked long enough. We
begin to doubt your nerve.
Your rich men have proba
bly made up their minds, aj
well as thole of desperate
fortunes. They probably
understand the meaning of
I
the word revolution. They
have probably thought where
they (hall be when the wheel
flops. lh*c genii cm on mag
nify the ill fucccfi and dis
grace of this war. This was
cxpefled. It fceins to be a
fubjeik of exultation. 1 too,
tegret, as much as any man,
the disasters or our arms.—
But it was not entirely unex
pected : vve had been thirty
years in peace : the art of
war was of couric negledt
ed: our revolutionary heroes
have, one after another, pair
ed off the flage of a&ion.
In a free country, you mud
begin hoflilitiei without pie- .
paration. If you prepare, ]
the people will know for t
what; and if i'o, you tell
your enemy, and his prepa- 1
ration will be correspondent.
If so, you may as well be at
war at encc. We had to
encounter the prejudices of I
a people inured to peace, 6c 1
to relift a deiperate faction
who we.e advocating the
I enemy and thru wing every
• obllaclc in the way or the
0
government. We had to
ra'ife troops & obtain money.
Thelc obtlacles are over
come.—And have we met
witli nothing but disgrace 6c
defeat ? Were the defence
of Fort Meigs, FortStcven
fon, Sachet’s Harbour and
Ctany Illand, difgraceful ?
Are our unparalleled tri- 1
utrphs on the ocean, dis
graceful ? Was the lucceis
on Lake Ontario, and the
complete and signal victory
on Erie, when, with an in- j
tenor force we captured in 1
lair battle, a whole fleet,
dTgracefui ? Give me luch
dilgraces as theie, and you
! welcome to all the iau
| rels which thicken round the
1 brow of the mighty Cock
bum !
Fhc speech and reported
answer ipe;k of debts and
t .xcs. We were once fold
j that a national debt was a
national ideiiing. 1 never
believed ir. in war we must
have in peace, we
j mud pay them. Taxes fuf
fieient to pay theintereft, are
all a people at war ought to
endure ; and this is all wc
shall be obliged to endure.
But his excellency intimates,
that the debt will continue
as long as the union of the
dates. Was this intended!
as a hint to the people, that
to avoid the debt, they mud
divide the dates ? Ido not
apprehend that the people
of this commonwealth are
yet ready to pay their debts
that way.
Our government, it is said,
diicover no difpoiition for
pea ce, and that they have
taken no mealures to put an
end to the war. Thcie are
groundless sflertions. Wc
offered to remove the former
embargo, as to England, if
die would remove her edifrs.
We accepted of Erskiue's
propositions. Wc declared
war on account of impress
ment and the orders in coun
cil. The orders were fuf- !
pen led, 2nd we immediately !
proposed a cessation of ho fu
tilities, on the finglc condi.
tion of suspending the prac
tice of imprcfTmcnt during
die armistice : and offered
the excluficn of Sritifh sea
men from our employ, if the
British would abandon im
preffinent. A similar offer
was made by Mr. Monroe
to Admiral Warren. We
passed a law, excluding Brit- *
i(li seamen from our employ,
j We adopted the proffered
j mediation of the Emperor of
! Ruflia, rod sent ministers to
' Petersburg for the putpofe
, of treating j and this, too,
while Raffia was at war with
France, and fighting for En*
gland. In this situation, at
a time when the eiftris of
1 France were mod powerful,
i and it was expected that
Audria would join her, Mr.
Madison being under French
influence, a tool of Bona
parte, agreed to submit the
diipute to the invedigation
otrAe ally if England, and the
; must powerful enemy of France.
Ana when Britain refuted
this rcafonable propolltion,
and proposed to treat fepar
atcly, wc agreed, and minis
ters have been appointed.—
But his excelleucy has dis
-1 covered evidence of French
influence, in ihc proportion
of Bonaparte, that- America
should treat for a general
, peace with the allies of I
; France. Has his excellency 1
• forgotten when lord Cadle- !
' »eagh claimed his party by
the name of “ our friends in
congress V' What can infiu.
cnee this government anu |
people in favor of France ?
li is palhon, prejudice or
* lntercd that creates a par
tiality in one nation for ano- I
dier. We have no French
languaj j, laws, confUtution, i
msnners nor customs. We
j have no Fieach merchants, I
5 agents or ipics among us. I
I L'uit governor berong and his i
friends boad of minds as free
from British attachments ?
Have they no prejudices
cither civil or religious,
that draw them towards the
world’s lad hope ? Sir, it is
in vain to disguise it, the op
pofers of the government are
under a very fatal British in
fluenc*. Ido not mean by
this, that they are fold to
Britain, @r tiiat they would
dare openly to aid her. I
mean to fay, that they have
attachments and partialities
for Britain, that arc ex
tremely dangerous to the li
berties of their country.—
England is our mother coun
try, the nation from whom
we delcended. The tombs
of our ancedors are there.
Every man has a drong at
tachment to the land where
are dapofited the afhrs -of his
fathers. We fpcak the fame
language. It has been laid
by feme one, that it was the
policy of France to mike
her language the language
of Europe, that die might,
the better, maintain her in
fluence at those courts.
Whi-t then rrreft be the power
of Britain over us, who not only
gives a language to the court,
but to the people? The advan
tage is inflate. We t»c inun
dated vvtih her books. Lx#,
politics, and divinity, are lite
rally imported. The iludent at
law, leads English law, eulogi
zed by Eflgldh writers, and
►leave* oft admiring their condi.
tuibn, and probably wtfking
ihat ours reiesiibled theirs more.
The divine reads English fer.
morn«, and fometims preaches
hern, it* rhich ibe writer takes
care to bead of ihe rights of
Engiiduueo ; and in this way,
England is believed not only
ihe bulwark of our policy, but
of our religion—This is not all ;
ttriufh merchants, agents, and
perhaps {pies, (peaking the fame
language, can deal and negotiate
with wonderful facility*
And add to this, far, the pri
vilege granted by the treaty of
*794, to icfugect, to return with
their love of royalty and hatred
of repub'icanilm, and lo recover
and hold lands, as citizens,
and you have forae of the
dreams of British influence—
dreams, which 1 apprehend aie
conveiging to a torrent, which
may one day fwccp aw*y ihe
liberties of our country. But
why do 1 purlue this courfc, to
prove the exidence of Biitifh
influence, when there is a party
in this count!y who go step by
flep with the British miniflry,
who juftify every aggrelion, ik
whole maxim is, that Britain
I can do no wiong; when cur
( governors and legifiators arc
I withholding tbeir aid, difeourag.
tng the people, and throwing
every obstacle in the way, both
of prosecuting the war, and ob
I taming an honorable peace,—
| Look at all this, and if \cu ate :
not convinced of British influ
ence, you would not be periua>
ded, (hould one life fiotn the
J dead.
buppofe we were at war with
I France, and a paity (hould ju(-
tify every att of Fiance, anu
I condemn every ol your own
| government; would you not I
have teafort to Uv, »h«t party j
I wcie Ui.Ge: Ficttcb influence?*
I I
1
l
1!, in ihe progrrf, „f tbe w a ,
one of ycur n.vcl heroci ft ou ,!
capiuie „,d deihoy . F ,,„ f
sh' P Id f ( CqU j' f ° rCe ’ »-
Ihould Ipiead a resolve on ,i'
journal* of ihe lenair.i ,k,, '
wa. against our moral. "
I'gion lo rejoice ai the
or ro I dank rhe hero, , o ,: d |
oeuncandidio fay, that irehJ
or Napoleon wa. in thisthin,?
If feme rrv„rind clo£» 0 ‘ n .
fliould denounce lb ;
as a Nero, exulting at tfe Co6 _
uagration o{ Rome, bcciufs he
bad recommended a reift aRc !
of French aggreffian, ihculdwe
nut have looie reason to ufoed
tr-at ihi* hoiy man was a H u i e
burled in favor of Fr*n:e? I
might proceed* but I foien at
'he prufped. Gather a ||
public aHs of the leg’.iUure cf
province, from th« shatter’
of William and Mary, d.,„ '„
the Revolution, and 1 doubt
whether you will find so ? , ftuch
unequivocal, unalloyed loyally
to the Britilh governuDsat, a
has been exhibited by thc 3u b|, c
document* of the
wcalth fioce the war.
Well may you com plan that
the people arc emigrating J r „
not the Iteriliiy of the foi for
this, with indufti y, the hanic> a j<i
of virtue, is comfortably produc.
five*—it is not the rigor of the
climate, for this contributes io
health, and health to hap^inels.
It is ihe peftiiemial atmolphtre
ct Bruifli influence, from which
they flee. \ou lee on ai, iidss
a w*m of American fee ing, and
a totai derciiHion of revolution,
ary principles. Whera a t e the
monuments of your revolution,
aiy glory ? What have you
done with that fan&uary wheie
a Warren, an Adams, and a
Hancock, preached the intaior.
tal principles of freedom ? i: is
now used, I suppose, for the
pur pole of villifying the govern,
lacnt, eulogizing Great Britain,
and scatting her agents tor in
citing the sovereignty of the
Araesican people. Where ii
Beacon. Hill ? The monument
i» thrown down, the h.ii itfelf
swept into the dock, and the
tables of stone, on which were
written the achievements of the
revolution, are hidden behind
the back flairs of the state houie.
Why do you hang by your
wails the trophies of your vie- 1
lotiei ? They serve but to re.
bukc us. They are monument*
of glory that is departed, like
the memory of joys that are fall,
pleslam and painful to the i>uL
I apprehend that ycu« party
has arrived at a crisis, in wlich>
it is equally dangerous to ad
vance or retreat. The Unon,
I believe, is in no danger, from
your intemperate piocccciirg*-
But tUey may prove fatal •<>
yourselves. Man may bcccßt
pared to a ship. Revlon is the
helm, paSicns are the iaih,
and bad fortune ate piolperu**
or adverie win?.*, and hop: is
the anchor. 1 Rus man coii
mences his voyage actols tw
fca of time. With his reafrn,
hts pafiions, and hi> hopes, in
, dcrpiopei regulations, he uh
ttem the ftoims i. id teiupsil*
which beset him in hi* eou .v.
and will, at last, &rtivc at ,! *
haven in peace, in l«fcty, a^ ciri
tiiumph. But his htl nos t
son 1011, under the contto u -■»
blindfold prejudice or pC °»
he is driven on ro<As.
j quicksands, and rn-xts wi *i n‘-
. vstable fhipwrcck. — CiU
| that this be not ttoc IMpw.t:.*
j of your pail) .