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VOL. VI. AUGUSTA printed BY DANIEL STARNES O? Co. west end of broad-street. SATURDAY Nioht, March j. i 3i + . Truth and Eloquence. | Mr. Holmes made the fol lowing remarks in his second speech: The honorable gentleman rose, and after lome prelim inary remarks, he observed : There is more clamor in the senate of Mafiachufetts, than there is among the citi- f zens of the commonwealth. Out of this house every thing indicates peace and quietness. If you are fincercly desirous to have the conflituficnality •f the embargo law decided, I have obierved before, you may apply to the judiciary, and have a speedy dtcifion ; and then, it not agreeable to your feelings, you can dill pursue your revolutionary courie. I have heard of some gentlemen who pro posed to take the sword in one hand, & the constitution in the other, and demand their rights, ts the gentle man was to attempt finch a thing in thedillridof Maine, where he came from, he knew the courie which would be pursued against him; he would be taken before the judge of probate, ar.d be put under guardianlhip. The gentleman has made ft range remarks upon the fubjed 0 f free ships making free gates. Our govern ment docs not contend tor this; yet general Washing ton was in favor of free (hips making free goods—he made ieveral treaties recognizing the piinciple.—By the treaty oi Litca a in 1677, & Utrecht 1 713, Grcat-Britaiu recog nized the principle, & three times was it engrafted into treaties wiili Holland. The rcaion is, that Gieat Britain was, at those periods, neu* trai, while other nations were at war. It teems singular, that after these opinions and 1 decifi >ns of neutral cornmer -1 iai nations, the gentleman fr xn Eficx lhould be the firlt to discover that this principle was aguiaft the rights oi neu trals. States’ govern ment know the objects of the Maifachufetts ’ leg 1 flu ure they do not care for them — neither will they had it ne ccftary to u(e any force. The friends of the union in Mafiachofetts aienumerous, and fully competent to put ctawn any attempt that mav. be made 10 reli t the laws of the onion by force. Suppose liic fainted (hides ; of your Hancock and your • Adam*. were to vdit this ; fienak chamber by accident MIRROR OF THE TIMES. and hear your debates, they would naturally conclude they were in the affcmbly of one of the Britilh colonies. ! How could it be otlierwife, ! when they heard you juftify every meafureof the mother country, eulogize her laws & apologile for her otfences. But what would be their! feelings when they found, to their oifappointment, they ‘ were in the Maffacfoufers* | senate chamber, hearing the j debates on the answer 10 the I governor’s speech. I perfedtly agree with his excellency, that, if the wax is as he deferibes it, unjust , i it is difficult to account how chose who think so, can re joice at a victory, or reward j the man who has achiev* cd it—upon the governor’s ground, commodore Perry and all his brave affuciates must be hired assassins. The cause is not less wicked, be cause it is fuccefsful. It would hardly comport with \he views of a mural and re. ligious people, to rejoice at a murder, becaufc it was done with a favorite weapon, Suppose it to be true, as you lay, that your parry have been the exclufiveadvocates of a navy, and we hive been its exclusive foes, which, by the by, is rar from being the lad, would that be a reaiou tor icjuicirrg at its triumphs in a had cause ? Suppose, fir, you had a'favorite pair of pUtols, and you and I had contended about their effica cy. You, that they were of the best construction, and I that they were not. At length, however, ] am con vinced and purchase a pair, i fee, palling by the high-' .way, very peaceably and in* noceiftly, your old friend & parent; he was particularly 1 dear to you ; he had never * done you any rffential inju ry, and had at all times been tne bulwark of the religion you profcflcd. Though I had no ground of complaint again(f him, yet this is a good opportunity to try my l*iltd —I take good aim and lodge the ball in his heart— i lurn to you — “ fir, you was ri gin. I am convinced ; come rejoice with me, fur i > have killed your parent with thole pistols ; they even ex- ; ceed your dclcription." You would view me with horror. l “ Well,’* I.would lay cairn iy, “ if you will not rejoice 1 jat the evet:t, you may at ieafi ; honor and reward me for the , | a t. lb 1 I alfure you that l! j Ciid 11 genteelly Sir, you; 1 VV ULii %a cifcilwwiilcC lb w ** J <i 44 HOLD THE MIRROR UP to Natuß E-— Shakespeare. murderer of the blacked hue. t But I do not believe that gentlemen are quite io in ! confident—l fufpedt that j this rejoicing is matter of policy rather than sincerity j It was necelTary to dissemble ! to keep the people right, & J perhaps it was found conve- ! nient to pacify your own ; confcicnccs; men lometimes ‘practice this artifice upon themselves. I remember a J I case which I believe is in j j point—l will relate it, that you may judge—two neigh bors lived in a date of the j bitterest enmity ; one of them was sick 6c expe&cd to die— ! j he lent tor his enemy and ; proposed a reconciliation— it was agreed to, and every thing wore the appearance of Christian charity and for givenels; hut as this new j I made friend was about tak ing his leave, the lick man ! beckoned to him—“ Stop, fir, now remember that if I recover this all goes for no thing, it is to be just as it was before, if I get well.’* Your case is not very differ ent. When the country j prclpers and triumphs and you are lick and likely to die ! (for die you mud in times of proiperity) you fend for your political opponents, al | led to repent, propose to be , Americans, and to jjin in ( rejoicing at our victories; 1 but it is with the sick man’s i , , iclci vation—“ dop, gentle men, now remember if we | recover, if any misfortune ; happens to your country up- I on which we can rise , we ■ r,., . . I ; reierve tlie right to rejoice as loudly, and ten thuuiand times as sincerely at your ! country’s misfortunes as we ! did at her triumphswhe : ther some conscientious mis givings, were the cause of the rejoicings at Perry’s vic tory, I leave fur some gen. tlcme;. in the majority to determine—certain I am that , this is the bed way of rccon- 1 I ciliating their kerning in ! confidency—and I am incli- j , ned to heheve that some ex- 1 ! uitation at our late misfor tune* will jjftiiy the con- I clulion. The gentleman from Es -1 sex has intimated that if G. Britain yields the right of I iaipreffmtTit, it would be the deltruitiun of our marine. And the realbn he gives, is, j that it would induce an m ! liux of Britcli Uilurs, 10 the cxciulioi of our oa'ii. His ttic gentleman fcrgoiten that ! we have a law cxpicf.i/ ciudnikT Brituh ( ulurs from I „ uur employ r h) du gen- Jtlemen keep this a<d out of view in debate ? Is it becaufc it is a pacific tneafure, and they are afraid to dileufs its merits ? The majority have taken fpccial care to exclude Ithat ad from this debate. [ Here Mr. Putnam rose, and laid that he did not notice the ad, because it did not ex clude Britilh lubjeds which I had been naturalized here.] The gentleman is welcome : to his explanation, but it doe* not help him to his con* clulion—it is thought that there are not fifteen hundred Britiffi sailors who have been naturalized here. But if there were fifteen thousand, it would create no influx, be c.iufe naturalized Britilh lub jeds arc presumed to be already here—it is really difficult to perceive from what preinifes the gcmlc , man could have drawn his conclusion—it is a little lin gular that Washington and j Adams did not view the l’ub • jed in this light—they never , conlidtred impreffmenta be nefit—on the contrary, they opposed it as an indignity, which the U. States could ' not endure—even Mr. Pick ering denied the rigiit— ; Judge Mai (hall 5c Mr. King clearly and definitely con tended and proved that Great Britain had no light to im press a Britiffi subject natu ralized m America—ids new dodrine, fir, that impress ment on board our /hips is a Britiffi right, ..and a benefit to ciic United States. It is contended that the treaty of Monroe and Pick ering could have fettled all difficulties. That treaty, if ratified, would neither have fettled tlie question of im pressment nor prevented the orders in council. This I will prove. The treaty it felf contained no ftipujation on the fubjed of impreff tnent. The nete on that fubjed was never con/idered in ihe nature of a (tipula tion ; and the Britiffi minis- J ! iry, when called on for an | explanation, dilavowed hav- I * * V mg made any arrangement. The Britiffi mini/fry, by their ictier ol the 3 1 ft Dec. t bob, ; cxprenly declared, that if: the Berlin decree was enfor ; ced and not refilled by A®ic rica, they claimed tiie right to rciaiiate, notwithstanding the treaty. Had that ’redy been raiificd by Mr. Jcthr i'ji 1, after tins av*wai, it , would have been comtrucd ’ . I 1 into an al.m: on our pair . 1 < that Gicat Bntam inigtd le- , taii..ie wnticvcr ft*; iu: _h* deem French aggreflion, and i might be the judge, when, and how far we ought to resist them. And it feemi flic undertook in eight days after this letter to retaliate I the Berlin decree, by the or der of 7th January, 1807, before we had heard of that decree. In speaking of Frenc h in fluence, Mr. Holmes obier ved, the gentleman from Worcester fpcak< of Genet and Fouchet, and of their infulung the government. Whatever attachments we 'might have had for France, : when (lrugglt‘ig,a» we tho’t, for liberty; we have none 1 now. Her attempt failed, ! and our attachur nt, if any, : | vamfhed at thecUablifhtnent ’| of her monarchy. The gen - 1 j tleman alludes to flour con 1 neceflary to go back to the | days of Fouchet, to prove “ flour contracts.” It is pof j Able that fume very late con trad® might implicate some 1 of our friends near homo, j It is, perhaps, mod prudent, i or the gentleman and his friend to fay rcry little of flour contiads. Was the fending Dack Turreau’s /illy and mloleiit letter iviibou: an answer, evidence of French influence ? Had Mr. iv 4 tdi fon lent back an insulting letter of a Britilh minister wnanlwercd, the gmis and wanton inlult offered »o it is I majetly’» crown «nd dignity, , would have heco so -nd-d iront U«orgi» to Maine j the minuter* would hava appealed to the pro. pie iu the form of a circular :o thn consuls, or some 0 her form, and he would have been aynapathizad with, cammed and feared by all { hia majesty’* laitlilul subjects Irutn Washington to Bos'on. Vet Mr. Madison for refuting to answer i thin lettet, and compelling ih** wri ' ter to take it back, i. a Frenchman. Was Washington an Englishman, in a similar case, for atnd'tig back a letter unopened, because u waa iiiiuluogly addressed l Mr. Holmes, after reading tho documents relating to the Ilutsian msdiatjon, observed, What will i those gentlemen say, who have un- J dertaken to prove, by “ facts aid ; reasoning,” that Mr. fHiad no authority to prapoie this oiedia. tion ? Here ia proof that will put 1 down the revilers of 'h«t great and good »*", James Madi»on. Let these gentleman aiteir.pt lo im peach his character—they cannot reach it! Let your mo«r malignant j rewtpaoers attack him; let your Lillie Hebei and other little rep til*** raise their nuny head* '«> p«UI down the fair fabiic ot hi* fame— n* will 111 ght the moa: coir'rinpti b|.* gro’indb' g atieiop- «o subvert 1 fie un.vrrse! No. sir I H*• rsi«>iin• tun * r sinh '.i© g! |i 11 e*bl)ii h« d uii ilij »oik el rteroal "u n ! la tan will iliJ o' 1-cufo buf»' upon it- b *' occa.i t», r.a.'iUill/ btCwK - » O-liv** ll* ' l«lt, j j > No. a3i.