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dangerous tendency' to excesses. Humanity alone
would make it inexpedient to use a volunteer force
in this expediton. Unresurpined by discipline and
order, as they gene:ally are, and infuriated against
the Mormons, there would be too much dauger
that scenes of excess would follow which would
shock humanity. No, sir, let us send regular
troops —troopt subordinate to the control of their
officers—with no feelings of enmity or fanatical
bitterness against the community of deluded per
sons whom they are sent to restrain or subdue—
who, obedient to superior command, will be regu
lated by-the principles and dictates of humanity.
In my opinion, Mr. President, it is essential to the
safety as well as the auci ess of the army in Utah,
that it should be reinforced. Ido not well see how
this car, be effectually done, without addition to
your military establishment such as is proposed in
this bill. This is, beyond doubt, the quicken and
cheapest mode of obtaining recruits sufficient to
throw a force into Utah which, under the circum
stances, may bo absolutely necessary to put down
the rebellion existing in that country.
But, sir, if the Mormon war was out of the ques
tion—if that rebellion were suppressed—if there
was no call tor troops lor Utah—l consider that
still there is an exigency for the increase of your
regular force, for future am! permanent operations
and employment. Look at your wide extended
country, its numerous fortifications and military
posts —look at the vast extent of your frontiers,
and the necessity fo r their protection” with a mili
tary force. You have a line of sea coast of mo.e
than three thousand miles in extent, with numer
ous important citties exposed to danger, and whose
forts, arsenals, and public stores, constructed and
supplied for their defence and protection, must be
garrisoned and taken cate ofby your regular troops.
How many will be required tor th'S service ? In
Florida, Texas, New Mexico, Arizona, California,
Oregon, and Washington, the wide extent of their
frontier settlements and their dangerous proximity
to hostile savage tribes, requires large force to be
kept constantly employed in the protection of the
inhabitants, who have been induced to emigrate to
and settle in those distant Territories by the poli
cy of the General Government. Then there are
the emigrated routes, on which you have already
expended more than a millou of dollars tor the
use and encouragement of your people going from
your Atlantic to your Pacific possessions. Are
not these roads and those who travel them to be
protected? Are no military posts to be located
along these line of travel, over which thousands
pass every vear, to keep the Indians in awe and
suppress their predatory operations ? Yon have
but recently established ati over-land mail from the
Atlantic to the Pacific, to be transported in carri
ages, which are to carry passengers as well as mails
and you have entered into a contract to give §6OO
000 annually for this important enterprise—nc se
curity to be provided for the lives of passengers
and the employees of the company and the mails
transported by them? Sir, the Government is
bound in good faith to establish post along the whole
line of that mail service, and to station troops at
necessary arid proper distance to insure the safety
of the transportation.
When you take into consideration all these va
rious demands upon your regular army—more
extended and multiplied even that I have slated
them to be, I think it is manifest that your milita
ry establishment is not commensurate with the
wants of the service” Let us, Mr. President, look
at the present number and condition of your army,
and see what it would be with the adition which this
bill proposes. I think when this matter is correct
ly understood, that much ofthe apprehension which
gentlemen feel or express about the danger of a
large standing army will be dissipated. There are
now ip the army one hundred and ninety-eight
companies all told. A recent statement from offi
cial authority shows that the whole present availa
ble force amounts to only 13,575, officers and all
And these are employed to garrison about one
hundred and forty fortifications and military posts
scattered over an area of several thousand miles.
And this is the enormous standing army which
some gentlemen fear, or affect to tear, is or will
become dangerous to public liberty ! The idea is
absurb and ridiculous. Now, sir, this bill propos
es to add thirty companies to the army, and to
authorize the maximum of each company, when ac
tually in the field, or stationed at distant frontier
posts, to be carried up to ninetv-six rank and file.
With this increase of companies, making in all two
and twenty-eight companies, and every company,
filled up to the maximum of ninety-six men the
whole army would consist of twenty one-thousand
eight hundred and eighty eight men, exclusive of
field and company officers and musicians, which
would not exceed a thousand persons. But, sir,
every one who knows anything of the general con
dition of our military establishment, knows that
these companies never have more than two thirds
of the maximum number. It is a well ascertained
fact that during the Mexican war, when the max
imum was ore hundred men to a company, the
average number carried into ba'tle was not forty
men. But upon the hypothesis that the companies
were two-thirds full, sixty-six to a company, the
whole army under this bill, would be only fifteen
tnousaud and forty eight rank and file. And even
this calculation is too large, fir the reason that many
of these companies must at all times be stationed
on the sea coast and at near points and can have
under the law not more than fifty-two men, So
that under any circumstances likely to occur, even
under the operations of this bill, your regular army
would not consist of more than fifteen thousand
men. Is such an army, scattered over such an
immense area, to be dreaded as dangerous to pub.
lie liberty ? Is it too large a lorce to protect so
vast a country, and subserve the calls so frequent
ly and urgently made upon the Government for
help? Why, sir, look at Florida—at this moment,
and a year past, the Government has been com
pelled to resort to volunteer for the prosecution of
the Seminole war, and the Legislature of Texas
has but very recently made a formal call cm Con
gress, now pending before the Committee on Mili
tary Affairs of the Senate, to authorize the forma
tion and employment of a regiment of volunteer
troops, for the protection of their frontier settle
ments. You cannot spare from oilier pressing
exigencies of the public service a sufficient regular
force to defend the frontiers of one-fourth of your
wide-spread and spreading Republic. Is there not
then a necessity and propriety for an increase on
the regular army ? I think there is, and shall vote
for this bill.
But it is objected by Senators on the other side
of this chamber, that the expense of maintaining
the army is enormous, and that therefore it ough
not to be increased; no matter how much the coun
try may demand the services of an increased force,
it shonld not be made because the expenses of
your military establishment are larger now than
they were twenty years ago ! The Senator from
New Hampshire, (Mr. Hale,) told us yesterday,
that the expense of maiut-.iiig a i oninion soldier
some vears ago was not more ilian live hundred
dollars, and that now it excee is a thousand. —
That was the argument urged hy the U'liigs in
1840, against the re-election of Mr. Van Buren.—
They told the people that the annual expens, so!
the Government during Mr. Adam’s administra
tion (a period of profound peace) was onlv about
twelve millions, who, as Mr. Van Bur. n wa
spending nearly thirty millions. How ,-\ rm agent
and wasteful? How dangerous and corrupt?—
They mad? no allowances for the gi airly increased
population of the country; the higner cost of hu
man subsistence involving increased salaries of all
public officers, and larger demands tor public ser
vants, and the expensive wars wi ll several Indian
tribes which that administration was driven to en
counter. And so with the Senator from New
Hampshire. Because the army thirty yea.s ago,
with six thousand men, cost the Government onlv
five millions, it is shameful extravagance, and u
credible expenditures at the present Time, !>• cause
the army cost fifteen millions! Is there no dif
ference between the two periods? Then tin re
were no Indian wars to wage; now you have
them on every hand, Then there were no rebel
lions to crush; now you have them of the most
formidable kind, in Kansas and in Utah. Then
you'army was confined to the sea-coast ofthe
Atlantic, where provision were cheap and abun
dant; now your military operations extend over
one-half of the North American continent, and at
remote points were supplies and transportation
are scarce and dear. Then, the United States had
a population often millions; now it amounts 10
thirty. The country is advancing in area, m pop
ulation, in everything that calls for men to per
form duty and requires expense. It is an argu
ment against the present number and strength of
your military organization, that it costs fifteen mill
ions a year now, when five or six millions were
only required in the early history of the Govern
ment! Sir, whilst the aggregate expense of your
army now is three times as much as it was then,
ihe necessity of the public service demands three
times as many troops, and the country is three
times more able to pay for them, than it was at
tiie early period of its existence. Upon what prin
ciple did the Senator vote, during the last Con
gress, to increase his pay and mine to three thou
sand dollars per annum, in lieu of the eight dollars
per day established by the act of 1817 ? Avow
edly upon the fact ihat the expense of living in
this citv. as m every part ot the United States
was much grerter now than then. Sir, as late as
1835, board could be had at the best hotels in
Washington for one dollar and twenty-five cents
a itav ; now tiie charge is two dollars and fifty ren s
and almost every item ot necessary expenditure
has increased in the same proportion. And so it
is with the army. The cost of provisions, of cloth
ing of transportation, of everything is much larger
at thi* day than at the per od to which tie- S. ;;a
tor refers. It furnishes no argument, either mat
the army ough! to be disbanded, or that il ougnt
to he increased, if the exigencies of the country
require it.
Again, sir. it is urged by the Senator from New
Hampshire [Mr. Hale,] and others on his side of
the chamber, that this proposed addition must imt
he made; indeed tney condemn the existence of
the whole army, because they say a port ion f it
has been kepi, in Kansas for the purpose, as they
sneeringlv call it, of ‘ illustrating the docrine .1
popular sovereignty ” It is true, >ir, that a poruon
ofthe arms las been used in Kansas, both bv the
last and present Administration, for the accom
plishment of important, nece sary and justifiable
ends, and because used for such a purpose, no in
crease,in the opinion ol these gentlemen, sh mid he
made i” it at all, no matter how much it should he
demanded by the warns ot the service elsewhere.
Sir, fi.r what purpose have Federal troops been
stationed m Kansas ! According to rny understan
ding ofthe facts, agreeab y to my reading of the
historv of the times that army has been employed
by the President for the praiseworthy object of keep
ing the peace in Kansas. It was put there not to
control or interfere with “popular sovereignty,” or
popular sentiment: not to control elections ; not to
take partin politics; not to aid one party or the
other; but it has been employed to keep peace be
tween the two parties ;to aid in the execution of
the law’—laws recognized to be valid by every
branch of the Federal Government, and which the
President was bound bv his oath of office and his
constitutional obligations to enforce—iaws which
had been contemned arid a- fled by a large portion
of the people of Kansas, and against the execution
of which, by the proper officers, armed bands were
organized, threatening anarchy and bloodshed.—
Sir, it was due to the “Good order, peace and dig
nity” of society that these laws should be enforced
“peaceably if they could, forcibly if they must.”—
The President discharged only a sacied duty >u
furnishing to the civil authority the nec -ssary aid
of a military force to preserve order, to secure pri
vate rights, and to vindicate the majesty of the
laws.
Gentlemen upon the other side of the chamber
seems to regret that any part of the army wereever
sent to Kansas. Sir, they are not singular in feel
ing or expressing these regrets. I sytnpa.hise deep
ly with them. I too regret that there ever was a
solitary Federal soldier sent into Kansas. If it had
not been for the presence of the troops in Kansas,
the political complexion of that disiraeted Tetri
tory would long sine have been decided. If it had
not been for the interposition ot Federal troops,
there would not to-day have been left in all Kan
sas, a solitary Abolitionist to disgrace and dese
crate the soil. If it had not been for the posse
co mi talus of Federal bayonet-:, and the urgent tn
tarlerenee of the Governor, backed by a military
torce,the city of Lawrence, that receptacle of folly,
filth, and fius'-hood, would long since have t een
razed to the ground, and not a stone left to tell the
story of its existence. Its history would have been
written in two words : “Lawrence was.” But for
the presence ofa military force, and the prospect
and pledge that it wouid be able to enforce law,
preserve order, and protect the peaceful inhabi
tants against the lawless acts of Jim Lane’s ruf
fian baud of robbers and cut throats, the “border
ruffians’ of Missouri, with the friends of law and
order in Kansas, would soon have ridden that
Territory of the foul-mouthed enemies of southern
rights, and disturbers ofthe public peace. Sir. you
may talk ofthe “border ruffians” of Missouri ns
much as you please, but, in mv opinion, no hand
tha’ was ever organized in any country,could pre
sent stronger claims to the honor of that appella
tion, than hose led by the notorious Jim Lane in
Kansas. Why, sr, if you could rake the infernal
regions, from the centre to the circumference, and
irom the surface to the bottom, you could not fish
up such a mass of corrupt humanity as have infes
ted Kansas, under the specious name of ‘friends of
freedom.” It was to put down the lawless out
rages of organized bands of robbers and rebels that
the troops were used in Kansas. The President
discharged his constitutional duty, I vindicate his
course and approve his motives, whilst I regret that
he did not leave Kansas to take care of itself. I’m
satisfied that the use and presence of the Federal
troops have prevented coilisi ns amongst the peo
ple of Kansas, which would have drenched its soil
with blood ; and a civil war thus began might have
extended and have drawn the bordering Slates in
to its vortex, and ended in the destruction ofthe
Union. And, sir, I will say, wliut may offend the
sensibilities of some that ifinthe defence oflaw and
older in Kansas, i! in defence of constitutional Gov
ernment in Kansas; it in the vindication ofthe right
ofthe southern people to emigrate to the public
Territories, with their slave property, and to the
protection and enjoyment of every right secured to
others—a civil war had ensued in Kansas and in
volved the desolution ofthe Union—l should nei
ther have regretted the one, or shed tears over the
other event.
But Senators on the other side present another
objection to the increase ofthe army. They say
it has been used here in the City of Washington
bv the President, to regulate and control elections,
and in Boston to enforce the execution of tiie fu
gitive slave law. Sir, in the first case alluded to,
gentlemen, are mistaken in fact. No part of the
army was used, it was only a portion of the ma
rine corps. And, sir, they were called out when
the civil authority was powerless, to suppress a
violent and lawless mob —a mob instigated and en
couraged by a set ot i uffians from a neighboring
city-, who came to this place on the occasion refer
red to, avowedly to regulate the election. The
promptness and efficiency with which that “plug
ugly,” mob was dispersed and suppressed ; by or
der of the President, entitles him to the thanks of
all peace loving and honorable men.
I wonder, sir, that amongst the instances in which
the Army has been invoked to aid the civil author
ity, which seems to have provoked the censure of
gentlemen, they did not recur to one memorable oc
casion, which, I presume, is not so old as to have
passed beyond the memory of man. I marvel sir,
that these Senators did not bring up in judgement
against the Army the celebrated Dorr case in
Rhode Island. If I undetstood the history ofthe
transaction, it was one which might have well en
listed their condemnation, if not of the Army, at
least of the powers that then were in command ot
it. Sir, that was a case where the people, not a
factious unruly minority, as in Kansas, but a bona
fide majority, tired and disgusted with an old and
odious Government, attempted to vindicate popu
lar sovereignty by establishing anew order of
things. They called a Convention, formed a consti
tution, and attempted to put it into operation. The
old aristocracy Government controlled by a few
lords ot the loom and monied millic naries, finding
their power about to depart from them, called upon
the President of the United States for the aid of
Federal troops to put down what they called an
“ insurrection ,” and the troops were held in readi
ness, not to support and vindicate, but to over
throw and trample the p pular sovereignty in
Rhode Island. \Ve heard of no objection'from these
gentlemen then—no loud anathemas against the
regular Army, its dangerous and damnable achiev
ments. Then, the Army was ready to be used if
occasion required it, to uphold the lew against the
many : to preserve the power of a party and to
vindicate “popular sovereignty” in the triumph of
an effete Government against the just rights ofthe
people. It was all right, then, to call the Army in
to requisition—hut when, in later limes, the Presi
dent, upon the legal application ofthe civil author
ities. furnishes a handful of soldiers to execute the
fugitive slave law in Boston, or to suppress a mob
of Rowdies in Washington, it is not only a high
crime in the President, but affords a conclusive ar
gument against the increase or even the existence
of the regular Army. Such is the logic ol gentle
men. It is the old iable of the Lawyer and the
farmer. “The circumstances being altered, alters
the case.” But, sir, whether the President has, in
the instances alluded to, or an. other, abused his
power or whether he may abuse it hereafter, by the
unnecessary use of a military force to enforce obe
dience to law and preserve order in the country, it
furnishes no good argument, in my opinion, against
an increase of the Army, if the wants of the public
service justify or require it. If the exigency ofthe
present occasion—if the protection of your people,
scattered along an immense frontier and in sparse
and exposed settlements—if the vindication of the
law, and the prompt and complete overthrow of a
rebellion which puts your authority at defiance
and disgraces the age in which we live —if these or
any of these, call for more troops than your Army
now contains, I am ready to vote for the increase
demanded. I can see no more economical mode
of effecting the desired object and filling up your
Army to the requ'red number than the one sug
gested by the proi'Piltisof this hill. 1 shah, there
lore, give it my vote, and ln>pe that it wt:i meet
the approval of the Senate and tlm cotiutr-..
TIMES & SENTINEL
: fbfiMBUS, (iSORGIA.
TUESDAY MORNING, MARCH 16, 18S8
Oar Garbling—The Enquirer drivers to the
Wall—lts Position.
11l our last week’s issue, we endeavored to administer a
rebuke upon the Enquirer tor its undignified, unjust, and
opprobrious epithets to Senator Toombs, for merely raying
according to some newspaper corre-po, dent, that in be
lieved the interest of both sections of the Union would be
promoted by a separation. The’Enquirer applied to him
such language as “buffoon,”‘ dark hearted political partt
cide,” &c. To the-e words we took exception, and made
our comments- The Enquirer, however, instead ot deny
ins or acknowledging the truth ot the remarks, e mpiai'i
ed bitterly, that we garbled its extract,and ii would not at
tempt an answer to “that*which had not been said as rep
resented.” That it was but another way of proving from
the Bible that “there is no God” by omitting the words—
I ‘ the tool hath said in his heart,” in the same sentence.—
| Nor did] the Enquirer stop here, hut intimated before it
wouid be guilty of such a “trick.” thebiooa would run icy
in its veins. Well, we naturally enough called on the En
quirer tor proof, and desired to set ourselves right, if we
were in the wrong. ‘1 he Enquirer would neither defend
nor advocate its position, because we had so terribly “mu
tillated” and ‘‘garbled” our quotation of its remarks. Here
istheprool. Here is the crime for which we were arraign
ed,’and here is the injustice we have done the Enquirer, it
says:
We charged the Times & Sentinel with gar
bling, a"d then commenting on a article of ours,
thus garbled. That paper denies the charge, and
asks for the proof. We have said nothing about
dishonesty or motives, but have confined ourselves
to the fact of garbling and the injustice and unwar
rantable liberty taken with our language. Now
for the proof. We say—and mark the difference,
not only in words but ill sense, between our fim
guage and what follows from the Times tj- Senti
net. Onr language runs thus:
“Such trifling verdancy, we a>e prepat ed to bear
coming from silly young men, anx ous for a dis
play ofsuperflous Southern va'or ; but tor a “grave
and” reverned” Senator like Too nb.-.'o talk flippant
ly about disrupting this Government, with all its
sacred associations, with ail its mighty in crests,
with all its solemn responsibilities to God and man
for time and enternity—is either a folly to he
laughed at, or a stupendous crime, to be punished
bv pointing at him the ‘slow, unmoving linger
of scorn.”
The Times Sentinel quotes as follows:
********
But for a “grave and reverend” Senator like
Toombs, to talk flippantly about disrupting this
Government, —is either a folly to he laughed at, or
a stupendous crime, to be punished by pointing at
him the “slow, unmoving finger of scorn.”
The remainder ofthe sentence, which we quoted verba
tim from the Enquirer reads us follows: “Such a man
mu-t either be the buffoon whose meriment is despised be
cause misplaced, or ihe dark hearted political parricide,
who would plunge his sword into ihe bowels of iiis best
friend and benefactor.” Now says the Enquirer:
“Webster defines “garble” to mean—“to pick; to cult
out,” and a “ambler” to be—“one who sifts and separates.”
In the contrast netween the extracts above, it will be no
ticed that the Times & Sentinel has not only “separated”
out sentence, but has“culled out” nearly three Jin. s from
the top, “picked” the middle worse than an old wood
pecker after worms!”
7 his is the garbling with which the Enquirer charges
us, and which so “mutillates” its article as to call forth
its bitter complaints. Let us analyze it If the sense, of
the above quotation is different, then the Enquirer intends
to say, that for Mr. Toombs to talk about disrupting the
government, “with ail its sacred associations, with all its
w-ighty interests, with all its soUmn responsibilities to
God and man, for time and eternity, is a folly io laughed
at, and he is a buffoon or dark hearted political parricide.”
But if he talks about disrupting the government simply, is
not a folly to be laughed at and he is not a “buffoon” or
“dark hearted political parricide.” To illustrate:—Colum
bus, with all its hou res, with all ils stores, with all its
streets, is a beautiful city; but Columbus is not so ‘beauti
ful. The reasoning is about the same.
We charged the Enquirer with saying, thatit pronounced
against Mr. Toombs such abusive epithets as “buffoon”
“dark hearted political parricide.” It either said it or did
not say it; but the Enquirer dodges and wards off the at
tack by saying its article is garbled and it did not say
what is represented. NowMr. Webster does uot tay that
a garbler is one who sills and separates, simply. This is
a garbled extract itself, t his meaning applies lo an offi
cer of great antiquity in London, who is the garbler of spi
ces But a garbler of quotations, is one who “picks out
culls or selects, to serve a purpose.” We do not see how
our quotation ol the Enquirer’s article could be made, by
any possibility of means, to serve any other purpose than
that which the Enquirer intended by the whole article it
self. This is only one of the ways our cotemporary meets
us in debate According to its definition of garbling, it
has some extracts at the head ot its paper, which is culled
out and separated from the whole. It might give the
whole article to its readers, as it is so opposed t<> separating
any part of an editorial.
Our Iriend, among othe r reasons, justifies his personal
allusion to us upon the gronnd of our“illiberal and oft re
peated allusions to him (a comparative stranger,) to his
birth place and the soot where he was educated.” To this
we have only to say, that in our discussion of political
questions, it never once occurred to us to allude to the edi
tor of the Enquirer, nor did we knowingly ever speak of
his birth place or the spot where he was educated. On
the contrary, we did not know, until he informed us, where
he was born or where he was educated.
He seems to think too, that he is “insulted” as no worthy
advocate of Southern rights, because ha is a North Caro
linian. Surely that would no’ induce us ‘-'to place a less
value upon his political sentiments. There are some glo
rious names associated with North Carolina, and webe
lieve she is a noble old State. But the senti uents of the
Enquirer we should pronounce unjust to the South, were
they to fall from the lips of our nearest kindred. Instead
of upholding the Union by defending the constitution and
the equality of the States, and throwing a shield over it,
like honest Ajax, our eotemporary sings pteans of glory
to it, while sacriligious hands are placed upon the consti
tution, and the bonds which unite us are being weakened
every day.
The enquirer** Sensitiveness—A Correction.
We regret to see the spirit which characterizes the arti
cles of the Enquirer. Aside from their political bearing,
they abound in personalities which are observed by every
reader. We desire to say that we emertain forthe Editor
of the Enquirer the highest personal regard and our friend
ship is not of so sligh: a tenure as to be broken without a
cause. Ifwecannct carry on a discussion without per
sonal allusions, we had best settle our differences in anoth
er way.
The Enquirer charges the Times with having “sevetal
able editors.” The Enquirer is mistaken. It has only one
who does not boast of ability nor is ho distinguished for it,
With the exception ot one isolated instance, every pro
duction in this journal has been from his pen. His little law
and private business may sometimes demand his immediate
attention, in which event he expects to receive some assis
tance from his friends
Onr Language to the Enquirer,
In our last issue we alluded to the spirit which charac
terized the editorials of the Enquirer and regretted that
the Editor’s unfortunate temperament often led him to ap
propriate to himself, remarks intended for the political sen
timents of the Enquirer— a journal regarded as the mouth
piece ofa respectable parly in this State. We endeavored
lo chide our neigh or for this weakness and with a view
of shutting out from the public gaze our personal differ
ences, whatever they might be, suggested that we “bad
better settle them in another way,” We did not think it
would be edifying to our readers or in good taste, to in
dulge in personal allusions in the discussion of crave sub
jects. This was merely a suggestion for the future course
ofthe two journals. Our n -ighbor does not know w'hether
it was intended tor a declaration ot war or not. Surely
we would not desire to create a personal difficulty without
a cause. The personal allusions of the Enquirer to us,
while out ol taste and out of place, were not of such a char
acter as to warrant us to challenge him to mortal combat.
We desired to guard against future interruptions and if
anything should occur, which should demand reparation
that it would be best to settle it in a more private way than
through the news-papers. We repeat this was a mere sug
gestion for the future guidance of the two journals. Wilh
regard to our neighbors bravery, which he says he posses
ses, we hope, should the emergency arise, he will find that
he has not placed too high an estimate upon it. As to our
own courage, we shall not speak. It may be that we have
none. We have never yet put it to the test and shall not
without a just and proper cause. “Sufficient” however“for
the day is the evil thereof.”
Washington, March 10—Ezekiel S. Chandler has
been confirmed Postmaster at iVlilldgeville.
The Kaunas Uonij rotutse.
In the dideiission ol the Kansas question from the lime
: ot the passage! of the bill to the present period, we have
j endeavored to establish correct and fundamental principles,
and argue the subject more wilh a view ot selling a sale
■ precedent foi future agitations ot this character, than any
j present good to he derived from it. Hence, we have found
ourselves frequently differing with those with whom it
wouid be a pleasure to agree upon great and vital princi
ples.
! We have struggled, as a public Journalist, to prevent
1 either Executive, Congressional or any other sort o! inter
vention with the people of Kansas in arranging their own
affairs and deciding upon their own domestic institutions.
We ihought during the administration of Gov. Walker,
that he used his official influence, both privately and public
ly by gratuitous harangues before the people, to have them
j settle in his way, what concerned them alone, and which
ihey i-hould settle in their own way and after their own
liking. We therefore condemned him tor saying that the
. Constitution of Kansas should be submitted to the people
for ratification or rejection and that he would oppose its ad
: mission as a state if not so submitted, although wehad been
: loud in onr rejoicing over liis appointment and cared not a
whit whether the Constitution should he sent back to the
people or not. We only desired to prevent intervention,
and carry out, what we conceived to be, the principles of
the Kansas bill, let it cut against friend or foe. Right iiere,
we differed with the President,whose elevation to three 1 ief
j magistracy we had humbly advocaied with all our zeal,
in retaining Gov Walker in office after thus intervening
with the affairs ol the people of Kansas. Passing over the
preliminary steps taken by them with a view of complying
wilh all the requisites ot law in the formation oi a Stale.
Government, Kansas now presents herself for admission
into the Union, with a Constiiutien, recognized by all par
ties as entirely Republican in form and with a population
sufficient to justify her application. Now the question
arises how far has Congress jurisdiction over ihe matter ?
We aver that it can only inquire, whether the Constitution
is Republican in form according to the requirements of
the Federal Constitution and that it embodies the will of
the legally qualified voters ot the territory. These points
settled, Congress has no further authority over the subject
without encroaching upon the Federal Constitution. That
the Constitution ol Kansas is Republican in form, no one
doubts; ihat it expresses the will of the majority, the
Black Republicans and Douglasites deny, albeit the re
turns ot the election on the 21st of December last, upon
that instrument, show that it was endorsed by a popular
vote- Then Kansas presents herself with an absolute right
to admission as a State into this Union. An amendment,
we understand is now being sought to be engrafted on the
Kansas bill, which while it may be right in itself, will yield
the great principle tor which the Souih is contending in this
crisis and which places her upon high and commanding
ground. It is that :ii clause in tiie Constitution of
Kansas, winch provides that il cannot be altered untill 1860
; be stricken out and nun substituted in its stead, which will
j Sive the people ol Kansas power to change it any time af
ter its admission as a State. We can see many reasons,
j why the people ot Kansas, with a view of rendering stable
! the fundamental !aw, until the pence and quiet of the coun*
■ try should justify a change, should through their delegates in
| convention incorporate such a Constitution, as the one now
sought to be stricken out. But even grant for the sake of
argument that such a clause is unwise and not funded up
on justice, it is nevertheless the will ol the people ot Kan
sas and Congress has no right to change it to suit its own
views. The right to alter in one particular, implies the
right to alter in all. And Congress might as well not con
sult the people ol Kansas at ail but take a vote upon every
section in the Constitution, to see if it meets its own will
and pleasure as to ilior il in the least thing. Such inter
i Volition wouid he a usurpation upon the right ofthe people
to seif-: overnment and the great principle of non-inter
vturnon bv Congress with matter over which it had no le
gitimate control. Then besides the principle, which the
South looses, sh • is placed in the hands ol a fanatical major
ity which can deny the admission of any Territory into the
| Union, at its owu discretion and as its Constitution does
j not confirm in every respect to its own peculiar views
I This will not do.
| It might bo party policy to yield the right of Congress,
j ional intervention, and nullify the will ofthe people of
j Kansas, as expressed in one clause of ils Constitution, but
we shall never believe it is right, nor can we ever acqui
esce in such a usurpation. The Constitution of Kansas is
sacred. It must be either accepted or rejected as a whole.
It is either legal or illegal. Congress cannot say that it
is b-gal and then alter its Canstitution to suit itself. It
cannot dictate the terms and restrictions upon which a
new State shall be admitted, ft cannot set a price upon
such admission, which it not paid, the territory applying,
shall be rejected. This would put the weaker section of
the Union in the hands of the stronger. It would be giv
ing the people ofa territory, the right to settle their domes
tic institutions. in their own way, andtheright ofa ma
J jorily in Congress to take it away from them, at their ow n
discretion and will.
We hope the South will not give up this principle’ II
it does, a blow is struck at the very citadel of our strength
and security, which will be felt in all time to come. These
observations are made upon reading the following atticie
from the New York Herald.
Caucus of Southern Congressmen. — Washing
ington. Match 4 1858—There were about thirty
five Southern members present at the Caucus in
the Capitol this morning. There appears some lit
tle opposition among the extreme Southern men to
the proviso which Mr. Toombs proposes to offer in
the Senate, of amending the Lecompton Constitu
tion so as to allow the people to change it when
ever they ■ee fit. The caucus adjourned without
taking any definite action in the matter, and will
meet tigait next week.— Correspondent N. Y.
Herald.
The Enquirer on Itmcrol. again.
In the Enquirer’s response to our remarks upon its pub
lishing to its readers the speech of Bancroft, a renegade
democrat, who advocates the rejection of the Lecompton
constitution, and who, in the language ot a Boston paper,
is almost a Black Repuolican says: “But is Mr. Seward
of New York, a fonder lover of the South than Vlr. Ban
croft? It not, how is it, we find in the same number of the
Times & Sentinel, a speech from this arch-enemy ofthe
South? We see no express denial of endorsement, which
is strange and humiliating, as it is strange in a Southern
journal, not guarding its columns with Argus vigilance!”
One would suppose, from the reading of this language,
that we really published a speech trom Win. H. Seward,
for the benefit oi our readers. We looked over our paper
and found a fine article trom the “Spirit of the South”
commenting upou that portion of Mr. Seward’s speech
where he said “the battle had been fought” and endeavor
ing to prove to the South, that we were at the “clemency
an enemy who never permitted an opportunity to pass with
out assailing us.” The two cases have no parallel what
ever. We were publishing an extract, which warned the
South of her weakness and her danger, which would
arouse her from her apathy and cause her to rise, like the
Phoenix from its ashes, in vindication of her just and equi
taule lights. The Enquirer published Bancroft’s speech
which takes sides with the Black Republicans, and ‘with
out endorsing’ says Mr. Bancroft‘was never corrupted by
politics.’ One was an argument against the South, the
other in defence of her institutions.
Pennsylvania State Convention.
The Democracy of Pennsylvania are now assembled in
State Convention.
From the telegraphic despatches we have received, we
have no doubt but what the Administration will be cor
dially sustained with reference to its Kansas policy. Gov.
Packer, the leading spirit in the Convention, made anelo
quent speech, endorsing the President, and ably argued
that the Constitution of Kansas was properly formed and
a legal instrument; that if,it embodied only the views of a
minority, as alleged by the Black Republicans and Doug
lasites, the fault was with the majority for not attending
the election, and that the constitution ought to beratified
by Congress and Kansas admitted as a State. It was a
party principle,and would march steadily on to success.—
Tho committee had not reported resolutions, as a platlorm
for the party,up to the last accounts, but votes had been
taken on questions sufficient to indicate the strength of the
Lecompton iies.
Thus old Pennsylvania wheels into ‘line and her democ
racy will bear the test. Thus she places herseli by the side
ot her sister States of the South, and demands the imme
diate admission of Kansas into the Union, as an act of jus
lice to all sections. The success of the measure may be
but a barren triumph, and Kansas may be a free State after
her admission into ihe Union. We say this may be so
But it is the principle for which we draw our sword andcast
away our scabbard Shall a State be admitted into the
Union with a constitution tolerating slavery] This is the
question, and old Pennsylvania repoits loudly in tiie af
firmative. The National Democracy may not he sound,
as the Know Nothings alledge, but it will be a sweet mor
sel for them to chew, that its Northern wing could pass
the present Kansas bill without the aid of a single South
ern vote. Thi3 indicates a little soundness which some of
the Know Nothing journals will doubtless deplore, as their
object is to break up the Democratic party at all hazards,
albeit the death knell of Southern equality sounds with its
downfall. So much for that party spirit and party prejudic
which would (ear down one party with a view ot building
up another upon a foundation otsand. Let the democra
cy stand firm and let its motto he onward.
Solomon Cohen has been confirmed as Postmaster at I
Savannah, Ga. I
The Bainbrldge Argus.
The first number ofa new volume of this sprightly and
entertaing weekly has been received. It stands, coni, ssed
ly, at the head of the country papers of this or any other
State The first page is devoted exclusively to original
literary matters, contributed by chaste and poli-ht-d pens.
Miss Blount ol Augusta, and Miss Keene of Decatur coun
ty, have charge of the literary department. Mr. Russell,
the publisher, is a gentleman ol fine taste, aid tunnel
wields a vigorous pen. With such strength the “Argus’
is bound to succeed.
One of the best evidences of the growth and character
of a community is the manner in which tho newspaper is
sustained. We are glad the onward march of intelligence
and enterprise ot South western Georgia has such a happy
medium of expression as the ‘Argus,” and venture to say,
that the people of that section in sustaining a paper id such
merit, but evinces a due regard lor their own character
and interests.
Those of our readers who desire a knowledge oi this
hitherto undeveloped, bu t now rapidly growing section ot
our State,cannot more profitably invest two dollars than by
subscribing to the Argus
Ktii mss—T- si Vo nin the Serin <■.
A vote has been taken in the Senate, which may he re
garded as the strength of the Kansas measure in tha! body.
It was upon the motion ot Mr. Green ot Mo., to dispose ot
all questions having priority to tiie Kausas bill and taking
it up immediately as the ordet ofthe day. Tiie motion
was opposed by the Black Republicans, aided by Mr
Douglas. The “little giant” complained of wan, of time
to write out tiis minority repoit and thought that Senator
Green had forced the consideration of the question too soon
upon the Senate. Senator Green reminded him that he had
sent a copy of his report to the New York Tribune. This
quieted the Illinois Senator and a vote was taken which re
suited in bringing the Kansas question before the Senate by
a vote of 30 to 20 This may be regarded as a test vete tor
the admission of Kansas in the Senate, as the policy of ihe
Black Republicans is to postpone action on the bill.
Hurrah for Texas! Her Joint Resolutions
on the Kansas (Question.
The noble State of Texas, through her legislature, is
speaking out boldly and manfully with regard to the ad
mission of Kansas into the Union. She does not dodge the
question, but asserts her rights and shows a disposition to
defend them at all hazards and assume the gurdianship of
her own destiny, rather than be stripped of her robes of
equality and be made a hand—maid and a servant. ’I he res
olutions were adopted almost unanimously in the two
branches of the Legislature. Thus Texas places herself
side by side with Alabama, Mississippi and Georgia. Here
are the resolutions:
Whereas, there exists anti has existed, a violent
determination on Ihe part ofa portion ofthe inhab
itants ofthe Territory of Kansas, to exclude by
force the citizens of the slaveholding States from a
just, equal and peacetul participation in the use
and enjoyment ot the common property and ter
ritory of the members ofthe confederacy. And
whereas, this determination, owing to the state of
political feeling in the Northern States of the con
federacy, operating upon tiie Federal Government,
may become effectual and the exclusion perpetual
—therefore.
He it resolved by the Legislature of the Stale of
Texas, That the Governor of tins State is hereby
authorized to order an election for seven delegates,
to meet delegates appointed by the other Southern
States in convention, whenever the Executives of
a majority of the slaveholding Statesshall express
the opinion that such convention is necessary lo
preserve the rights of such States in the Union, and
advise the Governor of this State that measures
I have been taken for the appointment of delegates
j to meet those of Texas; and that the sum ofslo,-
j 000, or so much thereof as is necessary, be, and the
j same is hereby appropriated to pay the mileage and
j per diem ot such delegates, which shall be paid at
| the rates paid to members of the United States
i Congress, according to the law iti force in the year
| 1854
| 2. That should an exigency arise in the opinion
j ofthe Governor, in which it is necessary tor the
i State of Texas to act alone, or by a convention rep
resenting the sovereignty ofthe State, he is hereby
! requested to call a special session of the Legisla
ture to provide for such State Convention.
3. That the Governor is requested to transmit
copies of these resoitions to the Execu ive of each
ofthe slaveholding States, and to our members of
Congress.
The N. O. Crescent, says that
Respectable old fogies and “Union-at-any-price”
j gentlemen, will assert that Texas is too fast in this
matter. Os course they will. But the future will
demonstrate whet her Texas has been too fast or not.
Such conventions as the one spokfm of will be held
I throughout the South in less than three years, un
less our people have made up their minds to sub
mit sneakiogly to abolition domination, instead of
striking bravely for their rights, manhood and lib
erties.
IStsliop jJiavaiiHiigti.
This Reverend gentleman, who has so eloquently and
j and fervently preached “Christ and him crucified” in our
! city for several weeks past, we are rejoiced to learn, will
conduct divine service at the Methodist Church next Sun
day in the forenoon. He will’also preach at the same place
i on Wednesday and Friday evenings of the presentweek.—
j On the last mentioned evening, he will deliver a discourse
1 to the young men of Columbus. The ladies are invited
j to attend.
Acknowledgments.
We are under obligations to the Hon- Eli S. Shorter and
Hon. J. M. L. Curry, for copies of their speech on the
; Kansas question.
! Hon. S. A. Douglas, Judge Iverson, and Judge Craw
foid will also accept our thanks lor favors.
j Hon. Edward Everett. —This distinguished gentleman
wiii be in Savannah between the 20th and 25th ol this
{month. He passes through Columbus but declines stop
i ping. He was invited by the city council to deliver his
i Mount Vernon Address at this place.
I Kansas in the House—Mr. Stephens. —lt will be
I seen from another column, that Mr. Stephens has made out
: his majority report forthe admission of Kansas into the
Union. The prominent points inthe it port are given.—
He will report it to the House in a few days; then will
come the tug of war.l
The Military.—The Columbus Guards, Capt. Setnmes
and the United Rifles, Capt. Wilkins, paraded our streets
in Battalion order, Saturday evening last, presenting quite
a fine appearance.
Methodist Church. —During Bishop Kavanaugh’s visit
to Columbus, meetings have been held in this Church and
a deep revival influence is being felt in the community as
the fruit of his labors. Many have been added to the
church, and the work of God is still going on in the awak
ening of souls.
Snow! Snow!— The earth was carpeted yesterday by a
fall of snow, which was soon absorbed, much to the disap
pointmentof the lovers of sleigh riding. The the weather
has again turned cold and chilly.
The New Ori.eans English Opera i9 now in ourcily
and performs for the first time to-night. From the lavora
ble notices which this company has elicited from the Ma
con press.it is doubtless worthy the patronage ofthe lovers
of music.
Nathan Weed.—We call the attention of our readers
in South-western Georgia, and along the Railroad, to the
advertisement of Nathan Weed of Macon, in another col
umn. He is an extensive in dealer in hardware, cuttlery.
Ac. &c.
Appointment of Collectors and Surveyors,
Washington, March 9.—The Senate to-day confirmed
the following appointments:
Collector Fort ofCliarleston—Wtm F. Colcock, re-an.
Collector at Mobile—’l haddetts Sanford, re appointed.
Surveyor of Customs at Wilmington, Wm. B. Flanner.
Surveyor at Charleston— Myor Jocobs.
Congressional.
Washington, f March 9. — Both branches of Congress
were engaged to-day in the discussion of Kansas affairs.
In ihe House, the discussion about the increase of the
army was continued. No definite action was taken.
Later from St. Thomas.
New York, March 4 —Late advices from St.
Thomas state that the yellow fever is raging there.
The old American house of Ridgeway & Ruhl
has suspended.
The harbor is full of vessels, hut no freights are
offering.
Concord Election.
Concord, N. H., March 10.—The election in this city
yesterday resulted in large Republican gains.
Virginia Legislature.
Gov Wise has called an extra session of the Virginia
Legislature. It adjourned without .transacting important
business which public necessity demanded should be dis
posed of. Hence the reason for the Governor’s recalling it-
Washington Correspondence.
V ~suing:ox, March 3, 1853.
Mr. Col lamer concluded yesierJay his defence ol the
minority report -n the Kauras question, and on the whole,
his speech was ingenious and unusually ‘.tee from any
thing like clap trap vulgarity or brat ado He was, it is
true, quite severe upon the “border ruffian-, ’ an t showed
statistics to prove that the idea that eruption oi the Mis
sourians was io selt-delttnec again-l abolition aid society
emigrants, > fall ,creus. AU Mr. Collarn r liad finish
ed, Mr Green sent to the chair the amendment which he
intended to propose lo the bill; and to which I referred in
mv last letter. This amendment proposes the Union of
Minnesota and Kansas in the same hill. Mr,Pugh ol Ohio
also submitted an amendment providing dial nothing in the
hill of admission shall be construed to prohibit the people,
at any time,in a legal maimer, to alter, relorm or abolish
the ponding constitution
To-day, the great speech on the abolition ride ol the
Senate was delivered by Mr. Seward. He was favored
with a large and beyond all question, a highly gratified
audience, composed in part of many of ;be new members
ol the House and others who had never before heard the
distinguished New York Senator, His Southern hearers
were pleased with his honest declara tor! tlmt tt e time has
lone since pased tor the admission of anymore slaye
States. One of this c.ass, Hon. Mr Garirell, ot too At
lanta District, quaintly remarked, salto voce “glad to
hear it—it will not put the South to much trouble to ac
commodate them al l|on her own hook ” Mr. Seward
occupied the floor until adjournment. The general im
pression made on tho minds of ihe Southern members, who
heard him for tiie first time is, that he is honest, and by lar
the ablest man on that side in Ihe Senate. If all ot his way
ot thinking were only half as candid as he is, .here would
be, in the opinion of one Southern member with whom I
have conversed on the subject—Hon. A R. Wright of Ga,
—a peaceable,bloodless separation between the North and
the South, in less than three months. “With such men as
Seward in the North, the South may have quiet—but never
justice.” Such is the impression ielt on the minds ol the
leading Southerners by this eminent New York Senator
The principal business transacted in the House up to
adjournmsntthis evening, was the passage of a bill, autho
rizing the President to select from the retired or dropped
Naval officers such as he may deem worthy to be re insta
ted.
Several members have gone to New York to participate
in the Lecompton meeting at Tammany Hall. Hon.
Reverdy Johnson will, it is said, sue out a Habeas Corpus
to-mortow to lest the legality of Walcott's imprisonment
for contumacy.
BRUTUS.
Washington, March 5, 1858.
Mr. Harris’ Kansas investigating committee havebrought
their labors to a full slop. They have adjourned sine die.
This result was brought about at their last sessison, on the
evening of Wednesday the 3d ‘nst., when a report drawn
up and submitted by Mr...Stephens, was adopted by a vote
of eight to seven. This report is said to be a succinct and
irrefutable statement oi the whole Kansas question ab oco
ad mala, and an unqualified endorsement ofthe Presidents
position and message. The report is strictly within the
scope of enquiry marked out by the resolution of their
appointment. The dissentients made an effort to adjourn
to another evening, but the majority of tha committee bo
lieving that the “wee sma hours of night” were too few
as they were for necessary repose, these piping hot times,
refused to meet again, when there was nothing to do, and
thus carried a final adjournment. It was understood, how
ever, that Mr. Stephens would wait a tew dats before pre
senting hts majority report, to enable the Douglas and ultra
Black Republicans to prepare their respective bulletins.
The debate in the Senate on the Kansas bill continues
to attract and interest the public of Washington. After
Mr. Seward, Mr. Thompson of New Jersey addressed the
Senate in a clear, logical and conclusive defence ofthe
President's Kansas policy, and urged the admission ol
Kansas asa measure no less demanded on principles of law,
justice and right, than on considerations of expediency and
honorable dealing. The new Senator from South Caroli
na, Hon. Mr. Hammond, followed, and occupied most of
the day, Thursday the 4th, in a masterly effort in vindica
tion of the South and its institutions. His general scope
of argument was somewhat similar to that taken by Col
Gartrell of Georgia, in his late able debut in the other
wmg of the Capitol Senator Doolittle did’nt do much in
his abolition onslaught upon Kansas and the National De
mocracy, hut, as the Senate'adjourned, white he had the
floor, to Monday, he promises on that day to demolish
Kansas and swallow alive the whole kingdom of nigger
done
The committee on the Judiciary reported against Gen.
Shields’ application, on the ground that Minnesota is not
yet a State under the constitution.
In the House but little lias heon done up to adjournment
yesterday, since my last, if I ex. opt a powerful and elo
quent speech from General Quitman, on the necessity of in
creasing our military forces,and the superiority ol a volun
teer over a regular army. Such was the profound seusa
tion produced on tha House, by this able effort of the vet
eran soldier, that he was, by a spontaneous movement, as
it were, of the whole body, allowed to conclude over his
hours To judge from appearances, the. volunteers will
beat the regulars, when the vote comes to be taken in the
House, two to one.
‘ihe principal miscellaneous business acted upon was the
silly charge sought to be fastened on Mr. Burns of Ohio,
by his resolution proposing “to investigate” whether the
Executive had not exercised undue, influence, in tne way of
patronage on members of Congress. Mr. Burns pronoun
ced the facts which the resolution alleged la Ise and libel
lous, and the motives which it exhibited cowardly and in
famous—still, he desired an investigation lest ihe charge
might go out unexploded and unexposed. The debate was
animated and several members interposed to slop it, and
attend to the more important interests of the Union—
Among these latter, Judge Wright ol Georgia,thong-1 ihat
not only their constituents, but the civilized world would
cry shame, if Ihey thus frittered away the hours of legisla
tion in personal squabbles, while 2000 fellow citizens were
locked up in the mountains, and liable to be cut off at any
moment, by the lawless vagabonds in Utah, who hurl de
fiance alike at the laws of God and man. If the Judge had
Brigham Young’sthroat between hia dexter fingers, I fear
he would treat the old gentleman rather roughly—although
he expresses much compassion for the feminine Brighams,
who, he thinks, are there mostly under constraint The
resolution, however, was got rid ofby laying it on the ta
ble, in time to give General Quitman a chance to finish ;
before the adjournment. Mr. Faulkner will follow to-day I
or Monday in defense ofthe regulars.
BRUTUS
Washington, March 9, 1858-
The Kansas debate is still kept up in the Senate,but wj 1
be brought to a close on Monday the 15th Inst. Senator
Doolittle concluded yesterday his speech commenced on
Thursday last. There was nothing new in .he arguments ;
of the Hon. Senator in relation to Kansas and slavery; hut
he was exceedingly wrathy that the South Carolina Ser.a i
tor should institute a comparison between the black, well !
cared for slaves ol the South, and the poor, shoe-less, half
starved whiteslaves inthe North. He invoked on Mr, !
Hammond’s devote sj ecial four
fifths ol the inhabitants of Wisconsin, and declared he
would be false to himself and the ‘blood of his fathers,’ if
he did not declare before the country and the world, that
such “comparisons was odious ’’ Mr. Foster of Connect
icut followed Mr. Doolittle, and it would be superfluous to j
waste inkin giving your readers a synopsis of his points
when I inform them that, but a few minutes before he oh- {
tained the floor, he presented the joint resoluti: ns of his
State Legislature instructing her Senators and requesting
her members to vole against the admission of any new
State whose constitution tolerates slavery. Not even the
Senate chamber ot the United States can raise such har
angues as heutt-red to the dignity of Parliamentary de
bate. Mr. Hamlin ot Maine, followed Mr Foster, and is
now wearying the Senate with hts thrice refuted slang
about negro s.avery.
In the House, Mr. Bocock ol Virginia, replied yesterday
to one of his colleagues General Millson, whose hair
spun abstractions and trancendental spe‘eh, delivered a
few weeks ago,noticed at the time in one of my letters Mr.
Bocock who, by the way is also a Gen ral, made a able
and practical speech on the Kinua- question, scattering
lik i miets before the morning sun, the cob we!i metaphysics
ol hts ingenious colleague. After Mr. Bocock, Mr. Davis
of Mass, got the floor, and spoke a whole hour against the
Lecompton Constitution. Mr. Keitt, of S. C., has the
floor for to-day, and will present the subject Irom the ultra
Southern stand point.
Ye-terday, Judge Crawford repotted from the Ways
and Means Committee, a hill making appropriations lor
the Printing, &e., already executed, covering in all $341,-
189.58. Os this sum $104,000 goes for paper; 8179,569.64
for binding, lithographing, pictures, S}c.,at>d only $57,619-
94 to the printer. The public Printer, Mr. Wendall, about
whom so much fuss has been made, gets the smallest share
If the bill was not O. K. Judge Crawford would not have
reported it, nor advocate its passage which he did success
folly. The bill was immediately sent to the Senate, and
appropriately referred.
The Grand Jury ot tiie District of Columbia, now in
session, have found a true bill against Col. Walcott, the
contumacious witness, for contempt of the House- If he
goes to trial, the punishment will he a tine and imprison
tnent. The northern members of the Committee aro for
letting him off, the southern, with Judge Wright at their
head, for holding him until the Greek calonds art ive, un
less he discloses what he did with the $58,000.
A resolution calling attention to the tei ent seizure ol
the American batk Adriatic, by the French authou
a C'diisiou at sea with a French Steamer, ii,, | H
n asuffered yesterday by Mr. Taylor ot N,. w y ‘
referred to the committee on Foreign li e ] :it ,, 3: :|
American bark, it will be recollected, Uv J,i ’ I
twice condemned fo> the damage- ie.-u;ting f lr *dfejij
li.-Ktn, but she managed to escape to sea, Zd q ‘ “**5.9
giltve, Mr. Taylor says, on the high j °
She is probably by this time, sold to a R U3sjan " rilt •"Xsfl
il a lair trade. If so, there’s an end ol it, So f raßt dlt s 9
ve-sel is concerned. There is a principle ol TOgr '* f *t 9
involved in the question, however, wlifeh lfl J r ' l " ae lt t H
will doubtless examine and report upon.
Mr Clingman.of North Carolina, made yestera
im fl ‘- al effort to refer to a select committee of f V ■
rules “I Ihe House fora general revision and ret, I
This is much needed, and it is to lie hoped M, f ™ 4 ’ M
effort bring the subject before tiie House will i' = : I
successful. . 1,1 ! jj
” have now a two days snow storm in W o
and ‘ll -finest sleighing of the season. There ■
gaiety ia thesocia! circles, and Executive, (;„ •” ®‘ : M
Congressional dinners are fr quent and Si: 9
The revivals in New York have degenerated I
to it c. np meetings, and the “five minutes” a ]v n |
jpr are pretty much, Ihe last two days and night- 3 I
j copied with denunciations against slavery, and I
••.m! Jrep’ against Kansas and Lecompton.
a BRCTCs 1
Correspondence of the N. Y. Herald
From WfiShiugtort.
Official Reports from M xico and .\ir aro ffl
Lord At up or, Hen. Cass and the Centra 1 .'t'3
icon Question, e'c.
Washington. March fi jap 11
Despatches from Mr. For v‘h <;n tire I;
that the present slate of aff.its n M ..fe', H
itory. The report tlmt ex-Pr.reide m Cornr/fl
1 was on his way North ts an error. He | la< . 1
house in New Orleans, and waits the isr-u- r,” j
fairs.
Letters from Carey Jones aro of the |,. 0Kl . H
lous character in regard to everyllung
America. He has succeeded in tri-t'ii j nnoi ■
ly as bad term- with President Mart.n, z 1 •
with Mora, of Costa Rica. The goveruni er / 1
pushed to know how to get him home. 1
Lord Napier has It en a good and nl about the 8 ■
Department examining record* md nt ,ps, at j.. 1
i day had a long intei view wttli Secretary Cass si
is supposed that Central America - the topic, I
der discussion. Lotd Napier takes a lively
ui this subject, ami is annoyed t ti le contio- ■
stay of Sir Wm. Gore Ousely, who is moving ra-''• ■
here.
Wolcott, the contumacious witness, has app fl
through Ins com reel, in the Circuit C uirt of tins D* I
trict. lor a writ of habeas corpus, and wifi be htp-1
on Mot day II • still refuse-to dis-lose.
The Inve*tigating Committee is wat it o- !„ r . I
edito ial witnesses subpoenaed trom \.. w York-I
An agent was sent t.> Boston on Friday mi-xar; .fl
books there.
Washington, March 4.—Several officers r.f-1
army are hen-, who are urging mm-utani’ |
reinforcing Colonel Jilt son’- co imc’nj Ly I
starting fur Salt Lake.
From Washington.
Washington, M uch 4.— Yesterb: v the Kan.-a-1
House Committee met. Col. Calhoun's etateu.et I
m regard to tiie condition of affairs in the Tec I
’ory of Kansas was refused to be received bvti: fl
Committee. Ihe lion. A. 11. Stephens preeeiihcl
a report as ambodymg the views ofthe major;*. I
The Commit ee temsed to adopt a resolution tai-l
mg for anew census; and the resolution toabitl
by the docunien ary evidence wa- adopted. It -fl
stated that ihe majority and m norin report.- ivi I
shortly be presented to tho House. The reportot-fl
sered by Mr. Stephens was adopted by a vole-.:I
eight in favor to se.en against il It is believr:l
there will be Iw o minority reports. Tiie Comm • I
tee lias adjourned sine die.
In the Senate, to day the Kansas State bill tvs I
discussed.
in tiie House, the resolution ot inquiry a bo: I
Executive influence was discussed ami ihe rt- . I
non laid on ti e table.
Later from (,'tah.
The Mormon Legislature met, as was meiitiotk fl
at Salt Lake c ty, on December 14th. The Coin I
j cil organized by the choice of Heber C. Kimbailiil
. Piestdent, and the House ol Representatives re. 1
i ted John Taylor, Speaker On the 15th Brig: 1
Young sent in a mt ss ge. Alluding lo ihe coni.-l
ti n ol the Territory as i-.-ards agriculture, io|
mechanic arts, uiitiing, education, tiie policy ps:-l
sued towards the Indians, and lire man contra. I
he tiisMiisst * the difficulties of the Saints with It-
Gentiles. Having received no official notificalio;
of the intention of ihe Government to superset!:
him in tit” Gttb ruatonal office nor of the despair:
of troops lo Utah, Young alln-ts o regard the army
: at F rt Bridget’ ami Hie civil authorities there: I
an organized mob, against which he has already I
fulminated a proclamation to disperse. This pro-1
I clamatiou the army (or “mob” as he calls it) re-1
fused to obey. He then adds .
•‘Under these dream tance-, I respectly sugges! f
that you take such measures as yotn enlightened j
j judgment may dictate, to ensure public tranquility, 1
j ami protect, preserve, „nd perpetuate inviolate]
; those inalienable constitutional rights which have ]
descended to us a rich legacy from our fore-fa- j
thers.” ‘
The L ‘gislature thereupon passed resoluti ■
expressing tiieir entire confidence it) Brighai j
Young, and tie ir determination to sustain him ’
the rebellion. It also pa**i and a law attaching Grt- j
county to Salt Lake county, w ith the view-, proba- j
; b! v. ol nullifying some oi ihe proc eding of tiie i
: United States Court which lias been opened there j
i by Judge Eckles.
It is suppposed Judge Eckels’ Court w ill itidic: i
I every member ofthe Mormon Legislature whovo-1
! ‘ed to sustain Y’oung. They bad been re-con-1
l i ned specially for tiie purpose on January 4th.—|
Washington Star.
speech of L J Gartrell of Georgia
\Ye have received a copy ot a speech delivered
by the Hon. L, J Gartrell, Representative in Con
| gross, from the S:a:e of Georgia, on the admission
I ot Kat sas into the Union, under the Lecompf
{ Constitution. Mr. Gattrell lakes a bol.i and maid;
j ground, and defends his po* tion with marktdab:.-
ty. lie is an able man, and well qualified to guard
| the interest of this section ot the Union. We re
; grei that it is not in our power to lav it before ocr
readers.— Spirit of the South.
He-Captured
Thomas, W. Thomas, the individual who timr
dared Joseph S. Cro-s of Lee County, and who
l broke jail about nv > weeks since, was arrested a:
Pondtown in Schley County on Wednesday las!
; and conveyed back to his quarters in Lee. He is
i sentenced to he hung in the Iff h inst. A reward
j ofl,ooo dollars was offered for his arrest bv the
1 Administrator of tiie estate ot Cross.— Sampler Re
publican. *
Fatal Accident
We learn that a Mr. McGinnis, of Marion Dis
trict, S. C„ was run over and instantly killed on
the Georgia Railroad, near Berzelia, yesterday.-
Reports ofthe manner in which the accident occur
red are contradictory. He had stopped at B-'rze-
Ha to take breakfast, and was left bv the train.—
The most probable account we have heard is, that
he attempted to gel on a freight tram as it was
passing Berzelia, when he missed hts footing, and*
was run over by the cars.— Augusta Chronicle.
“ The Savannah Morning .Yews,of March
-Hit, says: “At the election lor Mayor and Conn
oilmen,.which took place in Brunswick, on the Ist
instant, C. \\ . Styles, for Mayor received seventy
eight vote-, and tiie opposing candidate, Jam**
Houston, seventy-six. The contest between the
Couuciimen was nearly as close. All but two ot
the Styir s. or “Conservative,” ticket were elected,
the highest ieadmg hi* opponent only six votes.
Politics and Prayers. — I lie “daily prayer meet
ings.- ’ in New York, are verging into political gath
erings. One individual a few days ago was,!®
ins prayer, earnest in ins denunciation of the -‘slave
power ’ and the “odius Lecompton constitution.
Others were equally indiscreet.
Augusta, March 9.—We had a snow storm yc
erday, that commenced about five o’clock inthe
afternoon, and lasted long enough to lemiml out
citizens that the fleecy visitor had not entirely for
gotten us. It was not much ofa snow storm, hut
we presume was about the best ihat the tempera
ture of the weather could furnish. About d*fk
there was a commingling of snow, shower aii“
sleet, and subsequently the snow had it all verv
much its o,vn way. How the weather continued
as the night advanced, we cannot delay this P at ”
agrapli to relate.— Constitutionalist.