Newspaper Page Text
J. w. - - - «*»■*•
Tufsduy Mornin«. March 15,18 M.
Governor Brow« « Mes»a?e.
We conclude this morning the public ation
„f this long and interesting document, and
shall proceed to occupy what space may be
allowed us in considering its most prominent
,in,l important features. These relate to the
Currency and Military bills, and the bill pro
viding for the suspension ot the writ of Habeas
Corpus, in ecitain cases, passed at the late
session of the Confederate Congress We no
tice these in their order. The Governor is of
opinion that Congress erred in compelling a
large portion of the currency to bes unded m
four per cent, bonds, and thinks that the'prop
er way to have met the financial crisis was by
heavy taxation. We confess that this view' ot
*the subject formerly commended itself to our
judgment, but we have seen, acknowledged
and repented of our error. It were simply
impossible by an ad valorem tax upon the
property of the country alone, to have re
duced the volume of currency to that point to
which it was imperatively demanded that i t
should be brought. Three hundred millions
is the utmost limit that could be raised- by
such a tax, and to do this would have bi ought
great distress, perhaps bankruptcy upou many
people. Estimating the volume of outstanding
currency on the first of March inst. at $700,-
000,000 and assuming that the whole of the
supposed tax would have been paid in by the
Ist of August next, we would have, at the'
latter date, iu circulation $400,000,000 plus
the amount of treasury notes that would have
been issued up to that time since Ist of March.
The latter'itein would have nearly, or quite,
reached the amount yielded by this tax, so
that on the Ist of August we shall still have
a currency of $700,000,000 with another year
ahead of expansion, inflation, famine prices,
&c. (Jan any sane man imagine any other
contingency as the result of this state of things
than an inevitable and universal financial
wreck, involving in its possible consequences
the ruin of the cause. The treatment which
receives the Governor’s sanction would have
answered admirably as a ••preventive, but was
powerless to cure. Congress tinkered with
the currency until it got almost beyond the
reach of remedy, and the only sagacity it ever
displayed was in the expiring moments of
both. While each was in the agony of diso
lution, Congress gave a spasmodic hick and
flirted the Currency on its feet.
The Governor says that the compulsory
funding, in four per cent, bonds, of notes ex
pressing on their face a promise that they shall
he funded in eight per cent, bonds, is an act of
had faith, and a repudiation of one half the
debt. We admitit audyetvindicate the wisdom
of Congress, “Ahalf loaf is boiler than no loaf
at all,” and the plan of the Governor, as a
remedial measure, would have ended in total
repudiation. It was an act of better faith to hol
ders of those notes to compel them to fund in
four per cent bonds, or submit to the one
third tax, than it would have been to have al
lowed them to continue to fund iu eight per
cent bonds, to have subjected them to no tax
at all, or a moderate one, and thus necessiated
the further issue of hundreds, perhaps t hous
ands, of millions of dollars. The former policy
will preserve and make good at least a portion
of the debt; tlie latter would have conducted
irretrievably to a repudiation of the whole.
We must defer remark upon other-subjects
embraced in the Governor’s message to an
other issue.
GOV. BROWN’h MESSAGE CONCLUDED.
The Confederate States oan, therefore,
with confidence, submit their acts to the
judgement of mankind; while with a clear
conscience they appeal to a just Cod to
maintain them in their course. They
were ever true to the compact of the union
so long as they remained members obit—
their obligations under it were ever faith
fully performed and no breach of it was
ever laid at their door, or truly charged
against them. In exercising their un
doubted right to withdraw from the Union
when the covenant had been broken by
the northern States, they sought, no war—
no strife —they simply withdrew from fur
ther connection wtth self-confessed, faith
less confederates. They offered no injury
to them—threatened none—proposed none
—intended none. It' their previous un
ion with the southern States had been ad
vantageous to them and our withdrawal
affected their interests injuriously, they
ought to have been true to their obliga
tions. They had no just cause to com
plain ot us, the breach of the compact was
by themselves--the vital cord of the un*
ion was severed by their own bands.
After the withdrawal of the (!onfeder
ate States from the Union, if these whose
dereliction of duty had caused it,
had reconsidered their own acts and of
fered new r a: arances tor belter faith in
future, the question would have been ful
ly and justly put to the seceded States, in
their sovereign capacity, to determine
whether, in view of their past and future
interest, and safety, they should renew the
union with them or not,- and upon what
terms and guarantees; and if they had
found it to be their interest to do so, upon
any terms that might have been agreed
upon, on the principles assumed at the be
ginning, that it was for the best interest
of all the States, to be bound by some Com
pact of union, with a Central Covernuient
of limited powers* each State faithfully
perlolining its obligations, they would
doubtless, have consented to it. But if
they bad found it to be their interest not
to do it, they would not, and ought not to
have done it For the first law of nature
as applicable to State sand communities,
as to individuals, is self-protectiou and
self-preservation.
Possibly anew government might have
been formed at that time, upon the basis
of the Germanic Confederation, with a
guaranty of the complete sovereignty of
all the separate States; and with a central
agent or government, at* more limited pow
ers than the old one; which would have
been us useful tor defence against foreign
aggression, and much less dangerous to
the sovereignty and the existence of the
Slide; tli.n Iho old one, when in the bands
of abolition leaders, bad proved ies.di' to
be
The length of time for which the Ger
manic Confederation hud existed, has
proved that its strength lies in what might
have been considered its weakness, the
I generate Sovereignly of Hie individual
! members* and the very limited powers ot
the central government.
In taking the step which they were
forced to do, the Southern Stat&j were
caveful not tp provoke a conflict of arms,
or any serious misunderstanding with the
States that adhered to the government at
: Washington, as long as it was possible to
avoid it.° Commissioners were sent to
Washington to settle and adjust all uiat
, ters relating to their past connection or
j joint interests and obligations, justly, hon
i orably.and peaceably. Our Commision
ers were not received—they were denied
the privilege of an audience—they were
not heard; but, they were indirectly trifled
i w ith, lied to, and misled, by duplicity as
j infamous as that practiced by I h uipol
j Spain, towards the peace Commissioners
j se nt by Elizabeth to England. They
! were detained and deceived with private
I assurances of a prospect of a peaceful set
| tiement, while the most extensive prepara
tions were being made for war and subju
| gation. When they discovered this they
j withdrew, and the Government at Wash
ington continued it vigorous preparations
to reinforce it garrisons and hold posses,
sion of our forts, and to send armies to in
vade our territory.
Having completed this preperation for
war and refused to hear any proposition
for a peaceful adjustment of our difficul
ties, President. Lineold issued his procla
mation declaring Georgia and the other
seceded States to be in rebellion, and sent
forth his armies of invasion.
In rebellion against whom or what? As
sovereign States have no common arbiter
to whose decision they can appeal, when
they are unable to settle their difference
amicably they often resort to the sword as
the arbiter and as sovereignty is always in
dignity, the equal of sovereignty, and a
sovereign can know no supeiior to which
allegiance is due one sovereign may be at
war with another, but can never be in re
bellion against another.
To say that the sovereign State of
Georgia is in rebellion against the sover
eign State of Rhode Island, is as much an
absurdity, as it would he to say that the
sovereign State of Russia was in rebellion
against the sovereign State of Great Brit
ain in their late war. They were at war
with each other, but neither was in rebel-
I lion against the other; nor indeed could be
for neither owed any allegiance to the
other.
Nor could one of the Sovereign States
be in rebellion against the government of
the. United States. That government was
the creature ol the States by which it was
created; and they had the same power to
destroy it at pleasure which they had to
make it. It, was their common agent with
limited powers, and the States by which
the agency, was created, had the undoubt
ed right when it abused these powers to
withdraw them. Suppose by mutual con
sent all the States in the Union had met
in convention, each in its separate sov
ereign capacity, and had withdrawn all
the delegated powers from the federal
government, and all the States had re
fused to send Sauators or Representatives
to Congress or to elect, a President, will
any sane man question their right or deny
that such action of the States would have
destroyed the federal government? II so
the federal government was the creature of
the States and could only exist at their
pleasure. It lived and breathed only by
their consent. It ah the parties to the
compact, had the right by niutal consent,
o resume the powers delegated by them
to the. common agent, why had not part of
them the right, to do so when the oth
ers violate the compact —refuse to be
bound longer by its obligations, and there
by released their copartners? The very
fact that the States by which it was for
med, could at any time by mutual consent
disband, and destroy the federal govern
ment, shows that, it had no original inher
ent sovereignty or jurisdiction. As the
creature of the States’ it had only such
powers and jurisdictions as they gave if;
and it held what it had at (heir pleasure.
If therefore a Stale withdrew from the
Confederacy without just cause, it was a
question for the other .sovereign States to
Consider, what, should be their future
relations towards it; lmt it, was a question
of which the federal government, lmd not
the shadow of jurisdiction. So long as
Georgia remained iu the Union, if her cit-
zens had refused to obey such laws of
Congress, as it had constitutional jurisdic
tion to pass, they might have been in re;
hellion against the federal governua.ent
{ because they resist t lie authority over
th cm which (Georgia had delegated to that
government, and which with her consent
;it still possessed. But if Georgia. for
just cause, id which she was (lie judge,
chose'to withdraw from tho Union and
resume the attributes of sovereignt y which
she had de ated to the United States
Government, her citizens could no longer
.be subject to the laws of the Uuion, and
no-longer guilty ay rebels if they did not
obey them.
It-eoiil.i be as justly said that the principal,
who has delegated certain limited powers to
his agent, in the (ran aedon of his bushier ,
which iii- lias afterwards withdrawn on ac
count o. their abuse by the agent, is in tab. Il
ian against the agent; or that the master is
in rebellion against his servant; or the land
lord against his tenant, because he has with
drawn certain privileges for a time allowed
life in, as that Georgia is in rebellion a-euim-t
her tonner agent, the government of the Uni
ted States.
These 1 understood to be the great funda
mental doctrine of our republican form of gov
ernment: so ably expounded in the Virginia
and Kentucky lesolulions of 1798 and 1799 :
which have ever since been a text book of the
true republican party ot the United States.
Departure from these principles, has destroy
ed the federal government, and been the pro
lific cause v»i all our woes. Out ot this cl«--
pin t m e has sprung the doctrine of loyalty and :
disloyalty of the States to the federal govern- j
m«mu, from which come ostensibly this war ]
against us; which is itself at war with the \
first principles ot American constitutional lib- j
vrty. It involves tin* interests, the future!
safety and welfare of those States now deem
ed loyal, as well as those pronounced disloyal. .
It is lb.- doctrine of absolutism tevived in it? j
worst turn. It strikes down the essential j
principles of self-government, ever held so j
sacred in onr past history ; and to which all j
the States were indebted for their unparalleled j
career, in growth, prosperity, and greatness. .
so long a? those principles were adhered to j
and iti tin* lined inviolate.
if carried out. and estnldished, its end can
be nothing but centralism and despotism. Ii
ami its Krai corollary- the policy, of forcing j
sovereign States to the discharge of their con- j
stitutiomil obligations, were foreshadowed by j
I'resident Lincoln in his inaugural address.
.Now at ihe time of the delivery ol this in
augural address it was well known to him,
that the faithless dtates above alluded to ;
iiud to whose votes in the electoral college he
was indented tor his election, had tor y- ar .
been in open, avowed and determined viola
tion of their constitutiona l ob igatioaS. . 1 life
he well knew, and he also knew, that the
seceded States had withdrawn from the Tuion
be, .use of this breach ot filth on the par o
the abolition States, and other anticipated ;
violation more dangerous threatened the j
3.0 - quarter. Yet without a word ot re
buke, censure, or remonstrance, with them,
for their most flagrant disloyalty the consti
tution and their disregard ol their most sacred ;
obligations under it. lie then threatened and
now wages war against us, on the ground ol j
our disloyalty, iu seeking new safeguards for
onr security, when the old ones failed. And j
the people of those very States,, whose disloy- j
al hands had severed the lies ot the Union j
breaking one of the essential parts ol the ;
compact have been, and are his most furious j
myrmidons, in this most wicked and unjust j
crusade against us, with the view to
compel the people of these outraged States
to return to the discharge ol their con
stitutional obligations ! It may be gravely
doubled if of the world can furn
ish an instance of grosser perfidy or more
shameful wrong.
But while the war is thus waged, profess
edly under the paradoxical pretext ot restor
ing the Union that was a creature of consent,
bv force; and of upholding the Constitution
by coercing sovereign States, yet its real ob
jects, as appears most obviously every day, are
by no means so paradoxical. The Union un
der the Constitution as it was, each and every
State being bound faithfully to perform and
discharge its duties, and obligations, and the
central government confining itself within the
sphere of its limited powers, is what the au
thors, projectors, and controllers, ol this war
never wanted ; and never intended, and do not
now intend to maintain.
Whatever differences of opinion may have
existed at the commencement, among our own
people as to the policy of secession, or the
objects of the federal government, all doubt
has been dispelled by the Abolition Proclama
tion of President Lincoln and his subsequent
action. Maddened by abolition fanaticism
and deadly hate for ‘the white race of the
South, he wages war not tor the restoration
of the Union—not for the support ot the Con
stitution —but for the abolition of slavery and
the subjugation, and as he doubt 1 desires,
ultimate extermination of the anglo-Normau
race in the .Southern States. Lleai'ly.beloved
by him as are the African race, his acts are
prompted less by love ol them, than by Puri
tanic halo by the Ca\aliers, the Huguenots
and Scotch Irish, whose blood courses treeh
through the veins of the white population of
the South. But federal bayonets can never
reverse the laws of God, which must he done
before the negro cun be mad." the equal ot the
white man of the Mouth. Tim freedom sought
for them by the abolition party, if achieved,
would result in their return to barbarism, and
tlieir ultimate extermination from the soil
where most of them were born, and were
comfortable and contented, under the guard
ian care of the white race; before this wicked
crusade was commenced.
What have been the abolition achievements
of the administration? The most that has
been claimed by them, is that they have taken
from their owners and set free IOO,t)00 negroes.
What has t his cost the white race of the North
and South? More than half a million ot
white men slain 'Or wrecked iu health beyond
the hope of recovery, and an expenditure ol
not perhaps less than lour thousand millions
of dollars. What will it cost at this rate to.
liberate nearly 4,000,000 more of slaves?
Northern accounts of the sickness, suffering
and death which have, under Northern treat
ment, carried off so large a proportion of those
set free, ought to convince the most fanatical
of the cruel injury they are inflicting upon the
poor helpless African.
The real objects of the war aimed at from
the beginning, were and are, not so much the
deliverance of the African from bondage, as
the repudiation of the great American doc
trine of self-government; the subjugation o t
tn<- pt-opie of these States, and the confisca
tion of property. To carry out their lull
purpose by misleading some simple minded
folks, within their own limits, as well as ours,
perhaps, they passed in the House ot ltepre
entatiyes ui the. Federal Congress a short
time since these famous resolutions :
Were solemn mockery, perfidious baseness, un
mitigated hypocvicy, and malignant barbarity,
ever move conspicuously combined, and presented
for the just condemnation of a right and think
ing world, than they are in this resolution, passed
by the abolition majority in the Lincoln Congress?
Think of the members from Massachusetts and
Vermont, voting for the most vigorous prosecu
tion of the war, until the Constitution and laws
shall be enforced and obeyed, in parts of the Uni
ted States. Think of tho acts of the Legislature
of Massachusetts, passed in 18 Id and 1859, still
standing upon her statute hook, setting at defi
ance the ConsttThtioii and laws. What would be
come of their members themselves, who have up
held and sustained tlu-se violations of the Consti
tution and laws, which is the chief reason why
ihc\ held their seats, by the votes of their constit
uents, if the war should be so waged? How long
would it be before they would ground their arms ot
rebellion against the provisions of the Constitu
tion which they’ have set at naught, and give
lip their royal support? What would become of
their President and their Cabinet; and all who
from the beginning of the war, and before that
time, have been trampling the Constitution under
their feet ? Were the war waged as they thus de
clare it to he lheir purpose to wage it, they would
be the first of the sword, were first turned,
as ii ought to he. against the first defenders. —
This they know full well. Obedience to tin: Con
stitution, is tin: last thing they want or intend.
Hence the mockery, baseness, 'and hypocrisy, of
Mich a declaration of puupfse. On their part, it
is a war of most wanton'and savage aggression ;
on our’a, a war of defense of inalienable rights ; in
defense of everything for which freemen should
live, unit for which froemen may well lie willing
! i<> die.
“.That a >.;ir country and the very existence of
the 1.0. i g.uenminit ever instituted hy man, is
im|icriied, hy the most causeless and wicked re
bellion; that the only hope of saving i heir coun
try and presen ing this government is hy the pow
er of the sword, wo are for the most vigorions pros
ecution of tlm war, until the constitution and laws
shall he enforced and obeyed, in all parts of
the
armistice, >.r intervention or mediation, or propo
sition for pec ae, from any ipiartev. so long as there
shall be found a rebel in arm - agonist the gov-
I moot and we ignore all party name lines and is
| iocs, and recognize hut two pur tie s in this war—
: patriot-’ and traitor 0 .”
The inestimable rights of self-government
and State anvere'e-nty for which their fathers
and nur fathers bk-d and suffered together, in
| the struggle with England tor independence.
; are tilt 1 same for which we are now engaged,
iu tlrls most unnatural and sanguinary strug
gle with them. Those rights are as dear in
!ihe people ol'.these S.ates ns tluy were in
! those who achieved them, and **n account ot
the great cost of. the achievements, they are
the more pieciously cherished by those to
whom thev were bequeathed, and will never
)w surrendered or abandoned at less sacrifice !
It no proposition for peace or armistice is i
to be received or enlertaiued, so long as we
hold arms in our bauds to defend ourselves, j
our homes, our hearthstones, our altars, our
birth -light, against such ruthless and worse j
than vandal invaders ; l»e it so! We deem it
due, however, to oursplves, to the civilized
world, and t<> those, who shall come after us, j
to put upon record what we are lighting for, ;
and let all know who may now or hereafter 1
leei an interest in knowing the* real nature of
- conflict, that the heavy responsibility of i
such suffering, desolation ami carnage, may j
rest where it rightfully belongs.
It is believed that many of the people of the :
Northern S;aie-\ labor under the impression
that no proposition for peaceful adjustment ;
have ever been made by us.
President Lincoln in his letter to the “Un- j
conditional Union ’ meeting of Springfield lass j
summer, stated m substance, that no propo
sition fur a peaceful adjustment of the matters
in rile, had e\ er been inluie to him by those .
who were in control o! the military forces of
the Confederate States, but if any such should
be mude, he would entertain and give it his
consideration. *
This was doubtless said to make the impres
sion on the minds of those not well informed,
that the responsibility q{ the war was with
ua. This declaration of President Lincoln
stands iu striking contrast with that above
quoted from the republican members ot the
House of Representatives
When this statement was made by Presi
dent Lincoln, it was well known to ram that
our commissioners, seui to settle the whole
matter in dispute peacably, were refused a
hearing! They were not even permitted to
present their terms !
This declaration was also made soon after it
was well known, throughout the Confederate
States at least, that a distinguished sou of this
State who is a high functionary of the govern
ment at Richmond, bad consented, as military
commissionary, to bear a communication in wilt
ing from President Davis, the Commamler-iu
-1 chief, of our armies, to President Lincoln him
| self; with authority to confer upon matters herein
: set forth. This Commissioner sent from the head
| u s our armies, was not granted an audience, nor
; was the communication he bore, received. That
| communication, us was afterwards known, related
{ to divers matters connected with the general con
! duet of the war, its nature however, or to what it
! referred, President Lincoln uidjnot know when he
j refused to receive it. But from what is now known
j of it, if he had heard what terms might have been
j proposed for the general conduct of the war, it is
reasonable to conclude that the discussion of these
and kindred topics, might have led to some more
definite ideas of the aims and objects of the war
i on both sides, from which the initiative of peace
ful adjustment might have sprung; unless his
real purpose he; as it is believed to be, nothing
short of the conquest and subjugation of these
State-'. His announcement, that Ids offer of terms
of adjustment Jhad never been made madejjto him,
is believed to be an artful pretext on his part, to
cover and hide from the people over whom he is
I assuming such absolute sway, his deep designs
I first against our liberties, and then against their’s.
how risccu shoved be sought.
In view of these difficulties, it may he asked,
when and how is this war to terminate? It is im
possible to say when it may terminate : but it is
easy to say how it will end. We do not seek to
conquer the Northern people, and if we are true
to ourselves, they can never cenquor us. We do
not seek to take from them, the right of self-gov
ernment, or to govern them, without their consent.
And they have pot force enough to govern us with
out our consent, or to deprive us of the right to
govern ourselves. The blood of hundreds of thou
sands may yet bo spilt, and the war will not still
be terminated by force of arms. Negotiations will
finally terminate it. The pen of the rilaiesmun,
more pot€»t than the sword of the warrior, must
do what the latter has failed to do.
But I may be asked how negotiations are to
commence, when President Lincoln refuses to re
ceive commissioners sent by us, and his Congress
resolves to hear no imposition for peace? 1 re
ply, that in my opinion, it is our duty to keep it
always before tfie Northern people, and the civ
ilized world that we are ready to negotiate for
peace, whenever the people, and government of
the Northern States are prepared to recognize the
declaration of Independence, maintained by our
ancestry —the right of seif-government and the
sovereignty of the States. In my judgment it is
the duty of our government after each important
victory, achieved by our gallant and glorious
armies, on the battle-field, to make a distinct pro
position to the Northern government for peaco
upon these terms. By doing this, if the propo
sition is declined by them, we will hold them up
constantly in the wrong, before their own people,
and the judgment of mankind.
If they refuse to receive the commissioners who
bear ibe proposition, publish it in the newspapers,
and let the conduct of their rulers be known to the
people ; and theje is reasonable to hope
that the time may not he far distant when a re
turning sense of justice, and a desire for self-pro
tection against despotism at home will prompt the
people of the Northern States to hurl from power
those who deny the fundamental principle upon
which their own liberties rest,and who can never
be satiated with jhmnan blood. Let us stand on
no delicate point) of etiquette or diplomatic core
niony. If the proposition is rejected a dozen times,
let us tender it again after the next victory—-that
the world be reassured from month to month that
we are not responsible for the continuance this up
devastation and carnage.
Let it be repeated again and again to the North
ern people that all we ask is that they recognize
the great principle upon which their own govern
ment rests, —the sovereignly of the .Stales, and let
our own people hold our own government t<>
strict account for every oncroactameiit upon this
vital principle.
Herein lies the simple solution of all these
troubles.
If there beany doubt, or anv question of doubt,
as to the sovereign will of any one of all the States
of this Confederacy, or any border State whose
institutions arc similar to oars not in the Confede
racy, upon the subject of their present or future
alliance, let all armed force be withdrawn, and let
that sovereign will be fairlyvcxpresml at the ballot
box, by the legal voters of the State j and let all
parties abide by the decision.
Let each Slate have and freely exercise the right
to determine its own destiny, in its own way.—
This is all that we have been struggling for from
from the beginning. It is a principle that secures
‘‘rights, inestimable to and formidable to
tyrants only.”
Let both governments adopt this mode of set
tlement, which was bequeathed to thorn by the
great men of the Revolution, and which has since
been adopted by the Emperor Napoleon as the
only just mode for the government of States r
even province, and the ballot box will soon achieve
what the sword cannot, accomplish—restore peace
to the country and uphold the great doctrines of
Stale sovereignty and constitutional liberty.
If it is a. quest km or strife whether Kentucky or
Maryland, or any State, shall cast her lot with the
United States, or the Confederate States, there is
no mode of settling it so justly with so little cost,
and with so much satisfaction to her own people a
to withdraw alt military force from her -limits, and
leave the decision not to the sword, but to the bal
lot box. It she should decide for herself to abol
ish slavery and go with the Kuril), the Confederate
government can have no just cause for complaint,
for that government had its origin in the doctrine
that all its ‘'just powers are derived from the con
sent >.f tho governed,” and we have no right to in
sist on governing a sovereign State against her
will. J?oi if she should decide to retain her insti
tutions 4 ud go with the South, as we doubt not she
will when the question is fairly submitted to her
people at the polls, tlie Lincoln government must
acquiesce, or it must repudiate and trample upon
the very essential principles on which it was found •
ed, and which* were carried out in practice by the
fathers of the republic for the first half ceil try of
its existence.
What Bmithcrn inau can object to this mode of
settlement? It is all that Souih Carolina,-Vir
ginia, or Georgia, claimed wimp .-.he seceded from
the Union. It is all that either has at auy r time
claimed, and all I hat either ever can justly- claim
And what friend ofiSouthern Independence fears
the result ? What jlias the Abolition government
done to cause the people of the Southern States to
desire to reverse hi-tfdecision, and turn ingluriously
to its embrace? Ate we afraid llie people of any
seceded State will desire to place the State back
in the Abolition union, under the Lnc-oln despot
ism. after it has devastated Ilnur field \ laid wa-tc
lheir country, burned their cities, .slaughtered their
sons, ami degraded their daughters? There is no
reason for such fear.
But l may be told that Mr. Lincoln has repu
diated this principle in advauca, that i! is idle
I atfuiu to tender a settlement upon these terms. —
i This ip no reason we should withhold the repeated
! renewal of the proposition. Let it be made again
I and again, till the mass of the Nmrlieru people
' understand it, and Air. Lincoln cannot continue to
j stand before them and the world, stained with the
i blood of their husbands, and lheir fathers, andin
: sist, when:? proposition so fair is constantly ten
’ tiered, that thousands of new victims shall still
j continue to bleed tjo gratify' his abolition ianati
, eism, satisfy his revenge-, and serve his ambition
to govern these States, upon tho decision of one
ten ih ot the people ii,i his favor, against the other
; nine-tenth'*. '
Let the Northern and Southern min.l he brought
: to contemplate this subject in all it- magnitude;
ami while there may ,be extreme men on the North
; era side, .satisfied with nothing less than the subju
gation of the South, amt the confiscation of our prop
i ert.s : and like extremists on the Southern side,
whose morbid sensibilities are shocked at the me
tion of the negotiation or the renewal of an offer by
us for settlement upon any terms, 1 cannot doubt
that the cool-headed thinking men on both sides of
1 the line, who are devoted to the great principles of
j self-government and State sovereignty, including
the sear-coved veterans of the army, will finally set
, tie down upon this as the true solution of the great
problem, which now embarrasses so many millions
of people, and will find the higher truth between
the two extremes.
If, upon the sober second thought, the public sen
timent North sustains the policy of Mr. Lincoln,
when he promises, by the power of the sword, to
place the great doctrines of the Declaration ofln
dependeneuce and the Constitution of his country
under his feet, and proclaims his purpose to govern
these States by militiry, when he shall have ob- I
turned the consent olf one-tenth of the governed, '
how-can the ..me.pu|blie sentiment condemn him, •
if, at the head ol his Vast armies he shall proclaim j
himself Linpet ur of the whole country; and submit |
the question to the vote of the Northern people, and
when lie has obtained, as he could easily do. the
vote of one-tenth in his favor, he shall insist on hi?
right to govern them as their legitimate sovereign?
if he is right in the ope ease, he would unquestion
ably be right principally in the other. If he may
rightfully continue the war against the South to
sustain the otic, why may he not a ■ viylitlully luin j
hi.* itrinics asrin'u*t the to jii.-li tno other . ,
But the timid among ms may say. how arc wc lo
meet and repel his armies, if Mr. Lincoln shall con -
tinue to reject these terms. :iud shall be sustained
by the sentiments of the North? as he claims not
only the right to govern us. but he claims to take
from usall that we have.
The answer is plain, bet every man do his duty.
! and lot us as a people {dace our trust in God, and
; we shall certainly repel lus assaults and aehieveour
| Independence, and if true to ourselves, and to po.-
j terity, we shall maintain our Constitutional liberty
I also. The achievement of our Independence is a
great object, but not greater than the preservation
of Constitutional liberty.
The good man cannot read the late proclamation
of Mr. Lincoln without being struck with theresem
bianco between it, and a .-imilar one, issued several
years ago by Ben had ad, king ot Syria. That wick
ed king denied in others the right ot seli-goveru
ment, and vaunting himself in numbers, and put
ting his trust in his chariots and horses, he inva
ded Isroal and besomed .Samaria with an over
whelming force. When (lie king ot Isreal, with a
small band, resisted his entrance into the eitv. the
Syrian king sent this message "Thou shall deliver
me thy silver and gold and thy wiv es. and thy chil
dren: yet I will send my servants unto thee to-mor
row about this time; and they shall search thy house
and the houses of thy servants; and it shall be. that
whatsoever is pleasant in thine eyes, they shall put
in their hands and take it a way.” The king of
Isreal consulted the Elders, after receiving the arro
gant message, and replied; "This thing 1 may not
do.” Benhadad enraged at this reply, and confi
dent of his strenffth sent back and said:
"The gods do so to me, ami more also, it the dust
of Samaria shall suilioc, lor handfuls, for ail the
people that follow me." The king of isreal answer
ed and said: "Tell him, let not him that girdeth
on his harness, boast himsell as be that putteth it
off.”
The result was that a small band of Israelites,
guided by Jehovah, attacked the Syrian armies and
routed them with great slaughter; and upon a sec
ond trial of strength the Syrian armies were distroy
ed and their king made captive
When Mr. Lincoln, following the example of this
wicked king, and reiving upon his chariots and Ids
horsemen, and his vast armies, to sustain a cause
equal I v unjust, proclaims to us, that allwekuvois
his, and that he will send his servants whose num
bers are overwhelming, with arms iu their hands to
take it, and threatens vongence if we resist, let us
—"Tell him, let not him that girdeth his harness
boast himself as he that putteth it oft. '.The race is not
to the swift,por the battle to the strong. God is the
judge he putteth down one and setteth up another. ’
Not doubting the justice of onr cause, let us stand
in our iillotted places arid the niiineol Hi in who
the hosts of Heaven and the armies of Earth, let us
ehntinue to strike for- liberty and independence, and
our efforts will be ultimately crowned with triumph
ant success. J- E. BROW N.
TEIEGP.APHIO.
Reports of the Press Association.
Entered according to act of Congress in the year
IStiu, by J. S, Thkashkk, in tlie Clerk’s office of
the District Court oi l tie Confederate States lor
the Northern District of Georgia.
Richmond, Marli 14.—Vague rumors of a speedy
recognition of the Confederacy, .under which the
Confederate Loan a valu ed to off, were current in
London on the lffth ult. The London Bust men
tioned the rpport on the 2-lth and reiterated it on
the gotfi. Up to the time of the departure of the last
steamer the report had not been contradicted.
lon, messenger from Minister Dayton, arrived in
New York on the Bth. with dispatches and proceeded
immediately to Washington. He stated to friends
that the Emperor had announced his conclusion that
something should lie done with a view of termina
ting the civil war, which had waged long enough
without any definite results.
The reported recognition excited very little at
tention in this community; scarcely the topic of con
versation.
Orange C. IL, March 1-1. —Washington Chronicle
of the lffth contains Seward’s celebrated letter of
July 11th, to Minister Adam. . It says the United
States Government will be satisfied with the decision
in the Alevandria ease, if it be affirmed by the high
est Courts. If it is affirmed it becomes Parliament
to pass laws to prevent tlie fitting out of similar ves
sels; if this is not done the United States vessels will
be compelled to pursue vessels of this character even
into British Ports. This may lead to a war with
Great Britain, who alone will be responsible.
Davis, of Ky„‘introduced in the scnatc£a resolu
tion that no negro or person, whose mother or grand
mother, is a negro, shall be a citizen eligible to office
and that Main and Massachusetts constitute one
.State, to be called East New England, and that Ver
mont, New Hamsliire and Rhode Island constitute
another .State to be called West New England.
Harrisburg. March 14. —We have Baltimore pa
pers of the 10th.
The Washington correspondent of the Philadel
phia Enquirer says a special messenger from Day
ton, Minister to Prance, had arrived. Nothing was
known officially of the dispatches, but lie told his
friends that France had determined to recognize the
Southern Confederacy, The report was generally
belied in Baltimore and occasioned great rejoicing
among the friends of the South in that city.
Dalton, Narch 14. —Northern papers state that
Adjutant Gen. Thomas is at Nashville pushing
forward the work of organizing negro troops.
Several re-enlisted regiments ha ve passed through
Nashville returning to the field. •
Sherman’s command was at Vicksburg on the Bth
preparing for another grand movement; Chattanoo
ga will probably be their .destination.
The Yankees are much alarmed in regard to
Longstreel’s whereabouts, one account represents
him en route for Lee, another for J dinston.
Much alarm is l'elt at the threatening aspect of
England and -France.
Mobile, 14. —Telegraph communication has been
re-established to Jackson, and North to Senatobia
and Waterford; South to Brookhaven.
An arrival from New Orleans reports the death ot
Mrs. Gen. Beauregard.
Meridian; March 14.— Advices from Jackson re
port Gen. Sherman moving down the river from
Vicksburg with troops. It is supposed that he is
going up Red River.
Gov. Clarke has ordered a meeting of the Legisla
ture at at Macon on the 21th inst.
Telegraph working as formerly in Mis.- i -.-ippi. Ail
damage done the line by the Yankees has been re
paired. A large force is at work on the railroads
repairing and going forward rapidly.
Reutova i.
The Agency Bank SUife Georgia has been re
moved to the tjflico lu-retofupe occupied by the
Agency Bank Savannah.
J. M. WATT.
marls 3t Agent.
(U JA RT Ell M AST EK \S DEI' A BTJ/KXT, {
Columbus, March 11, iStif. i
All creditors of this Hep .jtment are 'notified that
their accounts and all :p;. i qiny debts (o f !*p .‘list
3/arch, will be paid in tiio present Confederate
currency.
F. W. DILL Alt D,
mat la till Jlst inst Dunitei master.
CVi r i>eii t e »** Wa as ie<i,
TWENTY CARPENTERS to work on the new
1 Boat bi. low. tho Navy Yard, for which the hr.he t
wages will boyiven. Apply to
JO.SFI'H HAN SERB,
niariotf
TO PRINTERS!
I am prepared to furnish a superior
article of
HOLLERS
made of the BEST CO M POSITION, if
ifIOVJLDK anil STOFMv.S
are sent me, and ship them neatly and
safely packed. Or 1 can furnish
COMPOSITION
in quantities which only requires to ’he
MELTED AND POURED
to insure good ROLLERS.
All bills are cash on delivery here, un
less shipped by Express, then C. O. I).
ALFORD ZORKOWSKi.
marlotf
i* £ nt: M auiiihHor y.
THE IIXDEESIUNED i sprepared to fill all order o
for
€3r Xa 'O’ 23
of a superior quality. All orders must be ad.ires, ed
to the undersigned wifhtthe money enclosed, unless
ordered by Exprc c -\ w hen orders will be nlied and j
with V. O. D. |
ALFORD ZORKUWSKI.
ma- 1 15 ts
CITY MATTERS.
T. .1 JU liSO\, IMifoi
I'or ( lifflßiUuuclicc.
The steamer Jackson, Fry Master, will leave|fur
the above nod all iutcimediate landing Tuesday
morning at ff o’clock.
Con Er.Oh.nATK M lxstiu: i.s.— -4 be mu Ac-loving
portion of our citizens will be pleased to ascertain
that this popular troupe will again appear on run
boards to-night. Me learn that the corps lms
made some line improvements since their lu.-t ap
pearance. and will be able to present a perfect treat
in the way ol song, wit and burlesque. They have
secured the services ot" Mr. H’Biien, one ol tlie
finest singers in iho Confederacy to assist them >ui
this occasion. As this gentleman has sung to
crowded houses in Richmond, Augusta and Macon,
we opine that his appearance with the Coniude
rates to-night will be a decided feature in the En
tertainment. The inimitable “Bones" will also
appear who is a regular host in himself, il.o
crowded state ofour columns precludes a move ex
tended notice at present.
An Important Salk. — At the important .dock
sale of Ellis. Livingston A Cos., on Saturday lust
the following prices were realized :
2 shares Southern Cotton A Steamship
Company, L. Murrett, Agt., per share, $1 400
a shares Central It. R. stock, " “ t,(| o
10 shares S M r R R stock,
11 sharer. Aug 1 Sav R R stock, “
10 shares A & Gull R R stock, “ “ ‘ ll ' l
l SIOOO bond, $15,000,000 loan, 1
6 shares M&GIt It stock, “ “ 120
45 shares Muscogee Rll stock, " "
20 shares M&W R R stock, “ “ st 's
8 shares Eagle Mfg Cos, (SSOO each),
20 shares Georgia Home Ins Cos, per share, 2 200
50 shares Great Southern lus Cos, “
100 shares Home Ins Company, “ “ 1250
$45 000 7 per cent Con. bonds, (SIOO each), IU
$5 000 8 “ “ “ “ “ “ 121
sff 000 Georgia 15 par cent Treasury notes, 180
$3 600 8 “ “ “ “ 200
*2 shares Lamar Ex & Imp U p stock,per share, 2 22a
50 shares Eufuula Home lus Cos stock, 100
50 shares Bank of Columbus stock, per share, Iff
s4o 000 Interest bearing Confederate notes, 11,5
SIOO Bank bilis,
S3OOO Cedar Keys & Fla It R stock. 1 000
<U ♦
Confederate tax payers are particularly referred
to the advertisement of Col. Lee. the Collector.
Those who expect to pay their taxes in the present
currency will have to do it during the present
week, as the office will be closed for a while after
Monday next.
Sales To-Day.—Ellis, Livingston & Cos. will
have an important sale to-day of Negroes, Bacon,
Lard, Leather, Tobacco, Whiskey and numerous
other articles too numerous to mention.
Printers and others interested in the manufac
ture of glue are referred to the advertisement of
Mr Zorkovvski.
js&gp*llead advertisement ot Mr. Fishaclier, who
has on hand a good supply ot dry goods and gio
eeries.
Joseph llauscrd wants to hire 20 carpenters to
work on tlie new steamboat at the Navy Yard.
♦ —* — :
**Maj. Dillard gives notice that all indebtedness
of the Quartermaster Department up to the ."Ist
inst., will be paid in present currency.
Conkederate Nightjngai.es. —Edward Terry,
agent of this troupe has deposited with us the sum
ol $205, the proceeds of the Concert recently given
for the benefit of Benning’s Brigade. M r e should
like to hear from some of the friends of the Brig
ade how it can be best appropriated.
Gen. Cueatham. —We learn that this distin
guished officer of Gen. Johnston’s army arrived in
Columbus last evening.
[Comm uxicated.]
Oiu* Soldiers.
Soldiers ! Husbands ! Brothers ! Friends ! By
thejalUbaill hereafter of this great Confederacy,
we hid you, hail ! Our noble sisters of Columbus
have led the van : we follow in their glorious
path. Long and anxiously have we watched
waited and prayed for your decision. It has been
made, and to-day we stand upright before high
heaven, ready to face a world in arms ; touched
by tha t electric Hash which has vivified the almost
nerveless frame, and evolved with the tenfold
force of former years the latent energy within us,
Our suldiers have re-enlisted for the yyar ! [.ike
Minerva from the head of Olympian Jove, wo
spring, full-armed, into the arena, resolved to
stand or fall with you ! Oh ! soliLiers ot tho
South —brave Paladins of the nineteenth century !
would that the mountains and valleys, the wood
lands and fields, the rivers ami brooks were one
vast auditory nerve, to convey to you our pro
found admiration and our unfaltering confidence
in you. Oli ! think not you are unappreciated.
The air is vocal with our prayers for yon, and
this day we enter into a solemn covenant to labor
for you as you fiyht for us. Every member, every
limb, every muscle, every nerve shall be taxed *o
its utuio-t strength, to aid you in our glorious
cause. V\ o are strong to endure, mighty to sufier,
if need be, 'Muthe lari syllable «and reooadcd Line,
rather than yield to our vile invaders.
Forever onward!” be your war-cry.
With the shield of the Hod of Battles above
you, bound together, man to ln.tu, by the su
preme love of country ; armed with the right
eousness of our cause, every regiment will become
a Macedonian phalanx -invulnerable to attack:—
omnipotent i.> defend. Each umu gull st.uke with
the force of u thousand uieix and make the hordes
of Lincoln "feel the might that slumbers in a
Leemaii’ arm.”
From the lonely' cottage: from the lordly
.li.iil • h our the rural plains; H orn the loi'Uy hill
top-, ; from the shores >.t the resounding ocean ;
* from the interior ot the primeval forest; Horn ev
ery homo and hearth and heart, one universal
prayer iirccuds like a /-loud of inetnee to heaven.
Hod file:- and protect our soldiers!
PALMETTO STATE.
I’EHIPEHAITGE HALL
Tuesday Aight, March 15.
FIRST NIGHT OF THE
CONFEDERATE MINSTRELS
AND
SOUTHERN BURLWE ttI’KKA TROUPE.
Admission $2. No Half Tickets.
Tickets to be obtained at tlie Book Stores,
mar 15 It
FOR HA 1,1;.
Flour and Meal, fresh giound.
Nails, assailed sizes.
Tobacco ot all gratis.
Osnaburgs and Yarns.
Coperas and Extract of Logwood.
Snuff—-Maccaboy and Georgia Rebel—in
packages.
Cigars, Needles, l'ius, Writing Paper, En
velopes, Yarns. (Knnburgs, and a variety of
Drr -Goods.
For sale by H. FlflCll ACKER,
Mar if* Ivv 104, Broad Street.
For Sale.
AND. 1 CAVALRY HORBE for .-.tie.
Apply to J. R. IVEI.
mar 15 4t