Newspaper Page Text
Wi\u Stub's*
J. W. WARBBSj -- Editor.
Tlmrsday Morning, May §, 1864.
Review of Yice President Stephens
Speech.; —We publish this morning from the
Macon Telegraph, a review of the late speech
of Yice President Stephens, delivered in Mil
ledgeville. It is from the pen of an honored
son of Georgia—oue of the ablest and most
patriotic men in the State—and will repay a
careful perusal. We invite the reader’s spe
cial attention to it.
(From the Macon Telegraph.)
Tice Pres. Stephens’ Speech be
fore the Georgia legisla
ture.
We propose a frank and candid review j
of this speech, and shall do scwiu the spirs !
it of kindness which Mr. Stephens in
vokes in the discussion of important is
sues involved. Mr. Stcpherls does not
leave the object he had iu. view a matter
of doubt or inference. He says:
• This brings tne to the main object of
this address, a review of those acts of
Congress to which your attention has been j
specially called by the Governor and on *
which your action is invoked, these are: ]
The Currency, the Military, and Habeas j
Suspension Acts ” This declaration is i
followed by a labored arguement to show •
that each and all of these acts are unwise,
unjust and unconstitutional. Thus, the
object of Mr. Stephens was to satisfy the
Legislature of Georgia that the action of
the late Congress was such as to demand
at their hands such actions as would p.acc
the seal of Georgia’s condemnation upon
the action of the Confederate Govern*.
uienU, aud, by the adotptiou of Governs
or Brownes reccomendation, save the
State and country from the effects of that
legislation. When the Vice—President
of the Confederate Government feels call
ed upon thus to array the Legislature of
his State in hostile antagonism to the gov
ernment in which he holds the second
highest office, we feel that the occasion
not only justifies, but demands, an enqui
ry on the part of every citizen, into the
causes which have placed their Vice
President in such an anomalous position.
Considering these questions in the
in which they are discussed in the
speech before us we refer first, to his
comments upon the Currency Bill. Mr.
Stephens says: ‘‘As to the first of these
ni urns, the Tax Act and Funding Act
ku-.vu together as the Financial and
Currency Measures, I simply say, in my
judgment, thejsare neither proper, wise,
or just. Whether, in the midst of con
flicting views, iu such diversity of opinion
and interests, anything better could not
be obtained, I know not—perhaps not .”
We submit to Mr. Stephens’ own sense
of justice to say if it is a fair criticism
upon the action of Congress to pronounce
a measure “improper, unwise and unjust,” j
when he is compelled to admit that he j
does not himself know of anything better
that could be done. When Congress j
met, the whole country was clamorous for
some financial scheme that would reduce
the currency and resestablish confidence
in the credit of the Government secure
ties. xYfter much deliberation and the
discussiou of many schemes a measure is
adopted, than which no better was pro
posed, and to this hour no better has
been suggested and, because it is not
perfect and not entirely free from faults,
it is pronounced “improper, unwise, and
unjust,” accompanied with the declara
tion that those who condemn don’t know
that anything better could be done—“per
haps not ” It does seem to us* that if
Mr. Stephen's had been as anxious to suss
tain the action of the Government, with
whip, he is so closely and officially con
nected, as he was to defend the message
and doctrines of Gov. Brown, he would,
at least, h ive abstained from the fault
finding and complaint, when lie was com
pelled to admit that “perhaps” it was the
best that could be done.
The discuss'on of the Military Act by
Mr. Stephens'is brief*, and without in
tending to be offensive, we will add,
pointless. • The Legislature of Georgia
last session, had called into its mi
litia organization all the men between 17
and 18 and 45 and 50. This was done
at the instance of Gov. Brown and with
the full concurrence of Mr. (Stephens
himseif, so far as wo know or believe.
At all events, he*did not feel called upon
in a public way to express his disapproba
tion. Now, the act of Congress simply
does the same thing. The Militia bill
of Georgia enrolled these men for State
defence, the act of Congress does the
same. They are not to be called into the
field in either organization, unless the
necessities of the State demand it. In
both eases they elect their own officers,
and the only earthly difference is: wheth
er they shall be under tire comiiiandof
the President Pavia or Gov. Brown.
Congrci-s thought -and so—we are happy
to see —our Legislature did also, that
alt the military movements of the coun
try had better be under one head, and
therefore passed the bill for the organi
zation of the [deserve Corps.
The gist of Mr. Stephens’speech, is his
discussion ot the act suspending the writ
of habeas .corpus, which ],••> pronounces
“the uiov>. e\ iUug, and by far.the most
important question.' Ileieethi i he pro
tence jlu Imd'hcen set. -up by Gov. Brown
that the#<_hf Ui Ge'.iyu— to suspend the
privileges -*f the writ, Was a;i implied pow
er, ami, tliiweren't:. . subordinate io other
expve-s* [ owe I’d of the o<>u-tit otion, he ad
mits that the power is clear arid explicit,
anil only says enough if at the power be
ing implied, to cover, r.. gracefully as he
could, the flummery of Guv. Brown’s Mes
sage on that point This much Mr Ste
phen’*, perhaps. fV!r due to his friend.
Gov. Brown, as uoubtie-s the Governor
had been -h-d into the error by some cas
ual remarks of Mr. Stephens in tbe con
sultation v. itieh preceded the preparation
oi the Message, Admitting the power
in Von t~ suspend, he attacks tbe
mode, ami in an », r «f suspension, and the
point uA a< nr ns moot .is to show that the
0i 1 '- :lv » n»ieousti t uuyntU, in
V,f ” v.uji-H tiio privil
eges ot toe ivm have becu susvnm ’’ed
iLe argument oi .ii'. Stephens
briefly.stated thus: “The privileges of the
writ of IraOeas corpus, may be suspended
by Congress, but in duing so, no man shall
be deprived of his liberty, without due
! process of law, nor shall any man be sub
jected to seizure, except on probable cause,
supported by oath or affirmation.” U will
!be observed that, according to this argu
| meat, no suspension of the writ of habeas
corpus is constitutional, which provides
for the imprisonment of any person “with
out due process of law s and no suspend
sion is constitutional which provides for
an arrest, except for probable cause, “sup
ported by oath or affirmation, This ar
-gument is based upon the two following
provisions of the Constitution: Ist. “No
person shall be deprived of life, liberty
or property, without due process of law.
2d. “The right of the people to be secure
in their persons, houses, papers and ef
fects, against unreasonable searches and
seizures, shali not be violated, and no
warrants shall issue, but upon probable
cause, supported by an outh or affirmation
and particularly describing the place to be
searched, anil the persons or things , to be
seized.”
“Due process of lawy according to the
argument of Mr Stephens, means a judi
cial proceeding. Therefore, all arre-ts,
not based upon a warrant issued by souie
judicial officer is unconstitutional, though
authorized by an express act of C ongress
Now, let us test the truth and correct
ness of the argument, by the doctrines and
practices, both of the Confederate and
State Governments—Gov. Brown, Mr. j
Stephens, and the balance of mankind.—
Both Governments have resorted td im
pressments of property for the public use;
that is, they have authorized their officers
to seize the property of the citizen, for the
use of the Government. In uo case has it
been done, either “by due process of law,”
or “ upon the oath or affirmation” of any
person, and yet the clauses of the Consti
tution, relied upon by Mr. Stephens, re
fer in every instance to property as well
as person. He says that according to'the
Constitution, “no person can be deprived
of his liberty without due process of law,”
that is, judicial proceedings. We an
swer, that the. same clause of the Consti
tution, with equal emphasis, declares “no
! person shall be deprived of property with*
! out due process of law.” Mr. Stephens
says, “no warrants shali issue, (against
any person) but upon probable cause, sup
ported by oath or affirmation, and partic
ularly describing the person to be seized.”
We answer, the same clause of the Con
stitution, in the same language, declares :
that “property” shall not be seized but
upon prob.ahle cause, supported by oath
or affirmation.” In every instance in the
Constitution, both are placed upon the
same footing, and in the same paragraph.
Will Mr. Stephens or Gov. Brown, point
to any practice or law of either government
which requires impressments to be made
by “due process of law,” as expounded by
them? and yet they will scarcely say, that
all the impressment acts have been un
constitutional because they did not so
provide; no such objection has ever been
urged, though upon other grounds some
[ of these laws have been declared unconsti
j tutional. In no ease, has any impress
! ment law required either “oath or affirma
tion, ’ aud } 7 et it never entered into the
head of the most astute caviler, to make
the want of such provision, a ground of
I constitutional objection to the law.
Besides the clauses of tlio Constitution al-
ready quoted, there is the additional provis
ion, “nor shall private property be taken for
public use, without just compensation.” Here
are additional guards thrown around the pro
perty of the citizen, and which should com
mand the watchful care and oversight of Mr.
Stephens and Gov. Brown, as well as those
already referred to. Let us test the correct
ness of Mr. Stephens’ argument, in the light
of ail these provisions of the Constitution, as
illustrated in the official acts of Gov. Brown.
Tiie Governor, by his own order, without any
authority of law on the statute book, seized
all die salt in Georgia. His avowed object
was to reduce the price and relieve the neces
sities of the people. There was no judicial
proceeding in the matter, and yet the Consti
tution declares no man shall be deprived of
property “without due process of law.’’ There
was no warrant issued on the oath or affirma
tion of any person, and yet tiie Constitution
says that the. people snail be secure not only
in their persons, but in their houses and effects,
against unreasonable seizures, and to guard
tbe property of the citizen against such seiz
ures. requires that, “no warrant shall issue
but upon probable cause, supported by oath
oi - affirmation, and particularly describing the
place to be searched and the things to be seiz
ed." Gov. Brown did not require the salt for
public use, and. yet tiie Constitution gives no
authority to seize private property, except for
public use. He did not pay just compensa
tion for his avowed object was to prevent the
citizens from receiving the market price,
which our Supreme Court has decided to be
the just compensation, authorized aud requir
ed by the Constitution to be paid, upon the
seizures of private property for public use:
and yet the Constitution declares “private
property shall not be taken for public use,
without just compensation.” If, then, the ar
gument of Mr. Stephens*be correct, bis model
Governor stands arrainged and condemned by
that argument in this single act of seizing
salt, of violating the Constitution he had
sworn to support and about which he is so
nervous and anxious, in less than five dis
tinct points :
Ist. In seizing the salt “without due pro
cess of la w.
2d. In seizing it without a warrant.
3d. Tn seizing it withoukan oath or affirma
tion.
4th. Tn seizing it not’for public use.
;>tb. In seizing it without just compensa
tion.
in the very message of Gov. Brown which
Mr. Stephens was defending, the Governor
was calling upon ihe Legislature to grant him
still more power and authority.- He wanted
power to seize, when in his judgment necessa
ry. the railroads ot the State for the transpor
t -.turn of pro', is ions to the needy and suffering
iambics. He wanted power to remove judicial
officers who did not properly discharge their
• (ties. He wanted power to impress provis
ions for the families of our soldiers. lie
wanted power to seize the distilleries, &c. In
none of these cases, however, did the' Gover
. . i r otate that, it should be done by “due
.: ' • of law"—that is by judicial proceed
ings nor does he say a word about ‘••warrants
• issued upon oath or affirmation.". Wo hope
. ire Lygislatftre gave Ihe Governor the poweV
; he asfed for to provide lor the suffering fam
iiies, nor do we object to'the otherrecounnea
. daliens just reierred to. \Ve only notice - them
to show that the very provisions 'of. the Con
stltmicni vC.i lr Mr. (Stephens complains have
been violated by the act of Congress suspend
;,u:-the Writ of Habeas Corpus, have been
i more ti -.graotly violated by the Governor,
whose message he so earnestly defends. The
truth is, if Mr. Stephens is right in his argu
ment, he ought never to have left that stand
until he had called upon the Legislature with
all the carnastuess of his nature to impeach
the Get : mis* for his gross and unwarrantable
usarnation of power. Here then, there were
btf re 'fr. Stephens his two Governments —
Confederate and State—both in his judgment
i had been guilty of palpable violations of the
j Constitution. The-Confederate, with which
ii e i-> so-closely and officially connected, re
ceives at his hands nothing but hard blows,
whilst the Governor of the State»seems to be
the object of his. kindest hod most tender con
sideration. It is strange, considering the
censorious spirit of Mr. Stephens at the time
of making this speech, that he permitted all
these outrages of Gov. Brown to pass unno
ticed, and without a single word of disapprov
al or warning. But we do not rest the argu
ment. in reply to Mr. Stephens, simply upon
the precedents aud practices to which we have
referred. We meet him directly upon the is
sue he presents. He admits the right of Con
gress to suspend the privileges of the Writ of
Habeas Corpus, and confines his o'.faction to
the manner in which it his been done by the
late act of Congress, aud as this is the lead
ing and most plausible idea in his speech, we
prefor to let him speak for himself. He says :
“Literally and truly then the only effect of
a Constitutional exercise of this power over
the writ of habeas corpus by Congress, is to
deprive a person, after being legally confined,
of the privilege of a discharge before trial, by
giving bail, or on account of insufficiency of
proof as to probable cause or other like
ground-: . This privilege only can be suspended ,
and not the writ itself. The words of the
Constitution are aptly chosen to express the
purpose and extent to which a suspension can
go in this country. With this view the power
is a wise one. It can-work no serious injury
to the citizen and it sufficiently guards the
public safety. The party against whom a
grave accusation is brought, supported by
oath or affirmation, founded upon probable
cause, must be held for trial, and if found
■gpilty is to be punished according to-tlie na
ture of his offence.. The monstrous conse
quences of any other view of the subject are
apparent. The exercise of the power by Con
gress may be either general or limited to spe
cial cases as in this instance. If it had been
general under any other view, what would
have been the condition of every citizen in the
land? The weaker would have been com
pletely in the power of the stronger without
remedy or redress. Any one in the commu
nity might seize for any purpose, any other,
and confine him most wrongfully and shame
fully. Combinations of several against a few
might be formed for a like purpose, and there
would be no remedy or redress against this
species of licensed lawlessness. The Courts
would be closed—all personal security and
personal safety would be swept away. Instead
of a land of laws, the whole country
would be uo better thau a Whitefliars do
main—a perfect Alsatia. This would be the
inevitable effect of the exercise of the power,
by a general suspension, with gny other view
of the subject, than this presented. The same
effects as to outrages upon personal rights
must issue under a limited suspension con
fined to any specified cases under any other
view. No such huge and enormous wrongs
can ever spring from our Constitution if it be
rightly administered. So that the conclusion
of the whole matter is well stated by the Gov
ernor in his late Message, in the brief, compre
hensive, but exact terms—“ The only suspen
sion of the writ of habeas corpus known to
our Constitution and compatible with the
provisions already quoted, goes to the simple
extent of preventing the release of persons
whose arrests have been ordered, under the
Constitutional warrants from the Judicial
Authority,”, •
It will be observed that the uueonstitution
ality of the late Act. of Congress, is placed
upou the ground that, under that law, the
arrest must be made by order of the Presi
dent of the Confederate States, the Secretary
of War, or the General commanding the De
partment west of the Mississippi, which, Mr.
Stephens says, places the whole power in the
hands of (he President, and we accept his con
struction of the law as correct. Under this
law, therefore, no citizen can be arrested and
deprived of (he privileges of the writ of habeas
corpus, except upon the order of the Presi
dent. How would it be under the law as Mr.
Stephens and Governor Brown would have it ?
According to their argument and doctrine,
Congress would simply suspend the privileges
of the writ of habeas corpus and leave the
mat ter in the hands of the judicial officers of
the country. Under such a suspension of the
writ, every citizen is liable to be arrested up
on-oa’ h or affirmation of any mau in the com
munity; he can be carried before any justice
of peace in the land, who would have the
power of sending him to jail, and the writ of
habeas corpus being suspended, he would
have to remain there until ha could obtain a
trial in-the regular course of law. Ail tbe
judges in the land, and all the executives, both
of Confederate and State Governments, could
not release him. What is the result ? Every
man would be placed at the mercy of any ve
nal justice of peace in the country. All that
is required to incarcerate him in prison is the
oath or affirmation of a vindictive or profli
gate accuser and the act of an ignorant or
corrupt justice of the peace. Iu the language
of Mr. Stephens, “ the monstrous consequences
of such a view of the subject are apparent.”—
Witutruth and force could it he then said, “the
weaker would have been completely in the
power of the stronger, without remedy or re
dress. Anyone in the community might seize,
for any motive or for any purpose, any other,
and confine him most wrongfully and shame
fully. Combinations of several against a few
might be formed for a like purpose, and there
would be no remedy or redress against this
species of licensed lawlessness.” Not so, how
ever, as the law now stands; for no man can
be imprisoned and deprived of tbe privileges
of the writ ofhabeas corpus under that law,
except by the express and direct order of the
President. We put it to all candid men (o
say under which policy are the liberty and
rights of the citizen best protected ? Let. any
man put the question to himself, wnether be
feels more secure when he knows that tie can
.only be arrested by. the direction of the Pres
ident, or when he is liable to au arrest upon
the false oath or affirmation of any vagabond
in the community, and is then at the mercy
of an ignorant or corrupt justice of the peace
who can send him to prison, where he must
remain without redress until he can be tried
at the regular term of (he court. It was to
protect the citizen against the very dangers so
graphically presented by Mr. Stephens, that
the law restricted arrests as it does—to the
orders of the President, and then only iu a
limited number of cases r and, strange to say,
what, was intended for the protection of the
liberty and rights of the citizen, has been tor
tured into a cau#e of complaint against the
law. With all. our heart, we concur iu the
sentiment that, the privileges of the writ of
habeas ccrpus should only be suspended in
cases of the greatest emergency ; and, even
then, ever;? guard should be thrown around
the act of suspension for the protection of the
liberty and rights of the citizen, as Ims been
done in the late act of Congress. But, if Mr.
Stephens is right, and the suspension of the
act is to place us at the mercy of false, witnes
ses and corrupt justices of the peace, we say
with all the earnestness of our nature, that,
under uo circumstances, should the writ ever
be suspended.
By this time. Mr. Stephens must have seen
that many of his apprehensions were entirely
! groundless. He seemed to think that the ob
! ject of tbe suspension was to prevent those
who had employed substitutes from testing
before the courts their rights to exemption,
and yet..at the very time that be was giving
expression to that opinion, the order had been
issued by direction of the President to inter
: pose no objection to any such appeals to the
t courts. The truth is, that- the President has
: shown not only a willingness, but anxiety, to
have all judicial and constitutional questions
considered and decided by our highest courts ;
aud when those decisions have been made, he
lias, in every Instance, cheerfully conformed
io them. Would that Mr. Stephens could in
duce bis friend, Gov. Brown, to do the same.
It would save much wrangling and unneces
sary discussion, and would relieve the people
of Georgia of the expense and any annoyance
of called sessions of the legislature.
It is difficult for us to realize the sincerity of
those who profess to feel such great apprehensions
of the tendency of our government to a military
despotism. They profess to see, in this suspension
of the writ of Habeas Corpus, “a fell blow aimed
! at the liberties of the people,’’and look with alarm
i to the action of Congress, as indicating a purpose
5 to cousolidato-in the hands of the Confederate Gov
ernment uuliuii ed power. Our fc-*r-« > aopo ued
to with the tajScj.tat.etn -n% t r+ .fie w■ i. of fi . cas
Corpus has uot been .-us.-e'ided in Ena nring
the present generation, and w •el ; were: •; to be
as joalcu* of ent roathmehr* , o - ■ >■: writ
of right, as are the people oi Gr at Bn . ; No
one holds in higher estimate this great'im; warh of
British liberty than the writer <*fthi- ■’r<i,-fo, and
yet we cannot see that its suspoosio n Bus coun
try should occasion the same alarm it would justly
excite in England.
It should be borne in mind that Great Britain
is a monarchical government —that power once se
cured to the monarch, is held by him for life, and
at his death is transmitted to his heirs, generally
his own son. the danger if entrusting
power danger oust- t& the liberties of ffce people.
With ns, it is entirely different. Our President
holds his office for a limited term, and whatever
power he may accumulate in executive hands,
passes at. the end of his term to his successor, and
who that successor may be is unknown to him as
to every one else. The President of to day, is the
citizen of to-morrow. The power he wields to-day
against the citizen, will to-morrow be wielded by
another against him. His interest a« JPiesident is
for six years—as a citizen for a lifetime; and self
protection, if no higher motive, makes him a re
liable guardian of the rights of the people. We
have in the recent action of Congress, a striking
illustration of the view we are now presenting.—
The men who voted tbe suspension of the writ of
Habeas Corpus, in forty eight hours after the vote
was given ceased to be members of Congress, and
became private citizens. Does any one suppose
they would have thus voted away their own lib
erties and rights ? Is not the circumstance conclu
sive evidence of the faot, that in their honest
judgments, the suspension was demanded by tbe
public interest ? They wore to sit no more in
those terrible “secret sessions.” Others were soon
to take their place whilst they became-the subjects
of the military despotism, which by _ their own
votes they were creating. The idea is »,» prepos
terous and absurd, that intelligent men will not
long tolerate the folly. It is only necessary to state
the facts to dispel the delusion.
Mr. Stephens closes his speech with an appeal
to the Legislature to send some “cheering mes
sage” to our brave soldiers iu the field. Tbo only
response to this appeal was the very “cheering
message*’ that the Legislature had declared “in
their judgment,” a law unconstitutional, which
Congress had passed for the protection of their
country, their wives and children from the torch of
the invader, and the cruelties and outrages of
traitors, spies and assassins. In common with
tbeir friends at home, our brave men in the field
had heard and seen that our country was infested
with heartless traitors, emmissaries of our brutal
enemy, men who eluded the ordinary process of
the law, and from whose hands innocent women
and children were made to suffer wrongs and
cruelties more insufferable than death itself.—
They had made their way into the very capital
of our Confederacy, had applied the torch to the
house of our President, whilst others were com
missioned to break over the restraints of civilized
warfare, in their fiendish purpose of laying the
capital of the Confederacy in dshes, and murder
ing in cold blood, the President and members of
the Cabinet. It was in view of this state of things
that the country demanded of Congress such leg
islation as would give security against, not only
the fiends who wore perpetrating these outrages,
but the miserable traitors at home, who were giv
ing them “aid and comfort,” by affording them
shelter and protection. It was against such the law
suspending the writ of Habeas Corpus was in
tended to operate. It has been used against none
others, and we venture, with aa undoubting con
fidence, the prediction, it never will be used by
out President against any true and loyal son of
the South. Let traitors, spies, and disloyal mal
contents tremble in the presence of impending
retribution, whilst all good and true men may
go on rejoicing.
For three years the writ of Habeas Corpus has
virtually been suspended, so far as our brave
troops in the field are concerned, and they have
borne it patiently, and without a murmur. That
army sends back to Mr Stephens, and all good
men at home, a more cheering message than the
one they have received from the Georgia Legisla
ture. They bid us all be of good cheer. Iu their
hands the liberties of our country are safe. They
fear neither military despotism at home, nor sub
jugation from abroad. Their country’s banner, the
proud emblem of Southern independence, unstained
save with the blood ofmartyrs in the causeof South
ern liberty, floats over their heads, and in glory
and triumph they will cause it to float over every
inch of Southern soil, in despite of murmuring and
discontents in their rear, and threatening legions
in their front.
There are some significant facts connected with
this whole matter, which cannot fail to attract
public attention. The message ox Gor. Brown is
the groundwork of a demonstration which has ral
lied in its support every disaffected and disappoin
ted man in the country. Wherever you meet a
growling, complaining, sore headed man, hostile
to the government and denunciatory of its meas
ures and policy, or a croaking, desponding dys
peptic who sees no hope for the country, but,
whipped himself, is trying to make everybody
else feel as badly as himseif, you wiii invariably
find a friend, admirer and defender of Gov. Brown,
lie Las become the nucleus around which ail the
disaffection of the country is gathering. A sym
pathising spirit leads all such to the embraces of
his Excellency. Now, we do rot mean that every
man who supports Gov. Bro„ nis disaffected—
far from it: but we do say that every disaffected
man is in the ranks of his supporters—asignificant
sact —which should eiyasc such men as Mr. Steph
ens to pause, and consider well the gruund they
occupy. This unfortunate message has given new
encouragement to the lloldens of North Carolina,
who hail the message as a pledge of Georgia’s co
operation iu their treasonable plot; and even th e
minions of Lincoln are heralding it to the people
of the North,/as an evidence of our divisoas.
Upon the strength of if they are m ikeiug new and
more earnest appeals for recruiting- their army;
telling their people that now whilst wo are torn
and distracted, is the time for them to push for
ward in the! work of suppressing the rebellion.
llow many it will add to the members of. Lincoln’s
army and how many lives it will cost among our
owu brave and gallant men, remains to be seen.
It is idle to saj' that such arc not the legitimate
consequences of this ill-advis A d Message. The
fiats exist, and with them v © have to deal. We
Know foil well Mr. Stephens looked for no
'such results when he gave his support to this Mes
sage and its policy, but that only shows how the
ablest and truest of men may fall into error.
It gives us no pleasure to differ from Mr. Ste
phens. We always do so with regret, and some
misgivings, In this case however, we feel assur
ed unit the time will come, and not far distant,
when he wjili regret the delivery of this speech as
much arnllas sincerely as we now do. We question
neither the purity of his motives nor the sincerity
of his coat ictions, but we cannot refrain from say
ing that (his speech was ill-timed, unfortunate
and illogical. ' TROUP.
Fivt DjoLLAR Bills. —To appearance these
are not being discounted in commercial oper
ations, but 'practically they are. Prices are
almost kept up to the figures established be
fore the Ist of April. Congress meets to
day. and as most of the press have urged the
matter, the Richmond Whig hopes that prompt
steps will be taken to remove the anomalous
condition of the currency caused by.the dis
crediting of the fives. A large class of our
population are ignorant of the financial legis
lation of Congress, and ouly estimate tbe value
of the treasury notes, according to their cur
rency of availability as a means of exchange.
Tbe attempt to increase the purchasing pow
er by diminishing the volume of paper, money,
is a mystery which they do not or cannot com
prehend. They hold a large amount of the
fives now afloat, and if subjdcted to a loss by a
depreciation of these notes, or by tbe tax of
one-third to be attached to them ou the Ist
oi July, their confidence in the Confederate
currency wiii receive another shock; and, con
sequently. tbeir disinclination to received it
will be increased. It, therefore, seems expe
dient that the fives should at once be put at
par with the new issue, by repealing the sec
tion of the currency net imposing the tax of
one-third, or by a postponement of the time of
attaching the tax until the Ist of January
next, by which date most of the notes would
be absorbed into the treasury. We commend
the subject to the consideration of members of
Congress.*
Arrksted. —A man named Joseph W. Hood was
arrested in this city a few days sinee and commit
ted to jail, ou the charge of beiDg a fugitive from
justice. Hood, with several others, was some time
since committed to the jail of Columbus, Georgia,
charged with being concerned in a robbery in
city. They broke jail, and a reward office hun
dred dollars was offered iu the Columbus papers
for his apprehension. H<»od was well known here,
and it appears that after his exploit in the up coun
try, visited our city and soon found himself in lim
bo. When ho was first arrested he knocked down
his guard near the jin’ -1 made gend his escape,
but on being an os t e « rt, Jond time he was
placed in irons ands t i.n’tted: We iearn
that m a few ti olurabns will ar
rive in tiii? ■ i • j. . > prisoner away.—
-tSw. A
T3LBG-RAPHIG. .j
Reports of (lie Press Assoeiaiiou.
according to act of Congress in the year
1 sty., by J. S, Thrash kb, in the Clerk’s office of
the Hist net Court of the Confederate States for
the N orfiieru District of Georgia.
■
Cavaliy Fight In Louisiana
Execution Uesterers ai Dalton.
The Enemy Massing Troops!
Cavalry Skirinisliing Going Ou
A Battle Expected To-Day ! !
Yankees Moving on Gen. Lee !
A Great Battle Imminent!!
Congressional Rroceedings-
Mobilk, May 4. —The Tangipahoa operator re
ports a fight at Olive Branca yesterday between
1500 of the enemy, and Col. Scott’s cavalry, 800 !
strong.
The fight lasted eight hours, and the enemy
were driven across Thompson’s Creek.
No loss reported.
The Confederates are reinforcing, and the fight
will probably be resumed to-day.
Dalton, May 4. — Fourteen privates, belougiug
to the 58th am} 60th N, C. Regiments, were shot
to-day for desertion.
Two were also shot for the same offence in Stu
art’s Division.
The enemy has massed the larger portion of his
army at Red Clay.
Skirmishing has been going on upon the Cleve
land and Ringgold roads all day, between our cav
alry and the enemy’s, our forces gradually retiring
on the latter road.
An engagement will probably commence to
morrow.
Orange C. H. May 4.—A body of the enemy’s
cavalry crossed Ely and Germanna Fords last
night, and it is reported this morning they are
rnoviug on Chancellorsville_and Fredericksburg.
The whole Yankee army is moving from Cul.
pepper C. H., towards Ely and Germanna Fords,
over which they have thrown pontoon bridges,
and across which their infantry reported to be
passing all day.
Some slight skirmishing to-day, with small
arms, reported going on at those fords.
The enemy withdrew their pickets on our front
at the upper fords last night.
Ample preparations are going on to meet the
enemy.
A week can hardly elapse without a desperate
general engagement.
Our troops are eager and confident.
Grant is reported to have a very large force.
Richmond, May 4.—lnformation receded this
forenoon that a force of Yankee cavalry crossed
Ely’s Ford last night .md advanced on the plank
road to within five tubes of-Fredericksburg. It is
probably a recomioileriDg expedition.
During the day they retired several miles.
At 2 o’clock, when the train left Hamilton's
Crossing,Atreport was in circulation and deemed
raliable, that the Yankees were agatn advancing
in force.
Tne only news from the Peninsula is, that the
Yankees still occupy West Point, repairing the
wharf.
Their pickets arc thrown out 6 miles.f
Richmond, May 4. — ln the Senate a resolution
was introduced, fixing the day of adjournment on
the 16th instj Laid over.
A joint resolution of thanks to Gen. Hoke, Com
mander Cook, and officers and men, for the bril
liant viotnry at Plymouth was unanimoasly agreed
to.
Also a resolution of thanks to Gen. Fiuegan, of
ficers and men for the victory at Olustee.
Various propositions were introduced and re
ferred.
In the House personal explanations were made
by the Messrs. Leach, defining their respective po
sitions on the Habeas Corpus question, etc.
A resolution declaring it inexpedient to put $5
notes on par with new currency was adopted—
Yeas 6i ; nays S.
[Special to the Southern Confederacy.] 1
Tunnel Hill, May 2.—The enemy advanced
with a heavy force of infantry, cavalry and
artillery, and drove in our pickets on the ;
Ringgold road. After shelling this place,
they retired hastily, pressed by Genera! Wliee- j
ler.
Kilpatrick was iu command of the Yankees.
Ten ambulances loaded with the enemy's
killed and wounded were sent to Ringgold.
• A Yankee General is reported killed.
Oar loss is two wounded. All is quiet
again.
From Biloxi. — We learn that on
Sunday several Yankee officers from Ship
Island went ashore at Biloxi, under a flag
of truce, and exchanged the usual cour
tesies with our people, such as of news
papers, etc. In the course of their con
versation they came out squarely and
plainly, and acknowledged that they had
been badly defeated by Clen. Taylor, and
said that there was no cause of denying
the sact —that the ‘‘infernal negro ques
tion would ruin their cause.”
Our informant says that a few days ago
three of our men—one. named Barne3
a member of Fenners battery, and anoth
er named Elmer, of the 18th Miss, regi
ment, Longstreet’s corps, and another
whose name we do not remember, were
captured by the Yankees on Bayou
alein, near Pascagoula, wffiile returning
home in a small boat.
(Mobile Tribune.
— ——
Reported Advance or the Enemy.
—The Staunton Spectator of last
day says':
It is reported here that the enemy
were, during the past week marching
from the Kanawha Valley upon Lewis
burg with* a force of four thousand men.
They are reported to have advanced,
when last heard from, as far as Sewell
Mountain. It is supposed 'that the ea**
emy at Beverly, in Randolph county, will
also advance.
TSie f*etigfas iinbulance Cerp§
Solicit contributions from the citizens of Col
umbus, of lint, old linen, bandages, soap, wines,
liquors, pickles, preserves, provisions, or any other
articles usually necessary for .the sick and wounded
on the battle field.
Send to Goodrich £ Cos., to be packed immedi
ately. H. L- GOODRICH,
Pres. B. R. C.
may U ts Columbus, Ga.
( WILL pay a reward of Fire Hundred Dollars for
1 the apprehension of, with proof to Convict, the
person or persons who on the night <>f the 28 th inst.,
stole » 7 inch RUBBER BELT from the Foundry
connected with these Works. y
may 2-3 t Chief Eng. C. $. X.
Jjjm ft\TTKIIS.
: ; ' : ■ ■ BOTTOM.
Religion* Notice.
The usual WEDNESDAY service in the Pres
byterian Church, will be held during the present
month at 4P. M. The public are invited to at
tend.
may 4 ts
For Chattahoochee.
The Steamer Indian will leave for Chattahoochee
Thursday morning at 9 o’clock.
may 4,
‘ — «■ » _
Notice Mechanics.— Greenwood, Gray & Cos.
give notice that they wish to employ ten good
hands by the month.
“Les Miserables.” —Any person having the
first three volumes of this work, or either of the
three, can dispose of the same to advantage by ap
plication to this office.
Not Dead. —The Enquirer states that it was
mistaken in announcing the death ofMr. Zachary
of Capt. Barden’s company. It seems he is only »
prisoner in Ohio.
Episcopal Convention. —This body,composed
of delegates from the various Episcopal ehurche*
of the State of Georgia, will convene in this city
to-day. Bishop Elliott presiding. We learn that
the body will remain in session during the re
mainder of the week.
j Sallie Partington.— What has becomo of this
I mysterious personage, who entered the literary
arena with such a creditable debut in our col
umns a few woeks since? Has she been fright
ened off at the prospect of having to reveal her
namie, or did she say all sho bad to say at once ?
If you have anything good on your mind, Sallio,
perhaps we might give you a hearing without
your name, seeing that you are so extremely
We would like to encourage rising genius.
Auction Sale. —The following prices were ob
tained at Rosette, Lawhon A Co.’s auction yester
day for the articles specified. Flour, SI,OO per lb. j
sugar, $3,25 to $6,25 : whiskey. SSO to $65 per
gaflon ; bleached sheeting, $5,50 per yard: fur
niture sold very high.
Handsomely Done. —Some of the little girls
have shown us the prizes awardod them on their fes
tal day by the trustees of the Free School as a re
ward of merit. Too volumes were large and hand
somely gotten up, and replete with interest to the
youthful and the aged, and are worth at the pres
ent time from $25 to S3O. Verilydhis is hand
somely done, and speaks well for the liberality and
spirit of the trustees. We sincerely congratulate
these children upon having fallen into such good
hands, and trust they will strive to continue to de
serve such displays of kindness,
notice.
The ladies of Columbus and surrounding
* country are rospectully requested to send
to the store of Messrs, Ligon & Brooks,
all the linen and cotton cloths that they can
spare suitable for bandages.
Last year, I made an appeal to the ladies
of Columbus for bandages, to which they res
ponded promptly,—l hope they will all inter
est themselves and do as much for the cause
at this call as they did last year.
A. C. GRANT,
Agent for Hospital, Marietta Ga.
Columbus, Ga., May 4th, 1864.
Will the city papers please copy the above
for the cause of our common country?
A. C. G.
HANDS WANTED.
LIBERAL hire will be paid for five or ten hands
by the month or day.
mays-d2w GREENWOOD & QUAY.
STJO--A.3EL..
FIVE BOXES CHOICE SUGAR
for sale by GOOD7JICH & CO.
mayo-lw
Wanted,
'{ D hire for the balance of the year, a good cook,
t washer and ironcr, for a small family ten miles
in tne country, A liberal price will be paid
Apply to E. J. PJNCKAKD & CO
may 4.
©raaages, ©ranges!
A FEW hundred Florida Oranges for sale at
XTL 119 Broad Street, by
‘ ?Dh. C. H. JONES.
may 4 3t
CONFEDERATE STATES OF AMERICA,)
Quartermaster General’s Office, ?
Richmond, April 23, 1864. j
Ail Officers and Agents of this Department are
hereby notified that in order to introduce proper
uniformity and system in connection with the con
tracts executed with the Factories on Government
account, and to increase thereby the yield thereof.
Major G. W. Cunningham, Quartermaster, hereto
fore in charge of the Depot at Atlanta, Georgia, is
entrusted, exclusively, with the duty of contracting
in behalf of this Department, with the Factories in
the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama,
Florida, and Mississippi.
He will respond to requisitions for material, made
upon him by Officers in charge of Depots for the
manufacture of clothing.
A. R. LAWTON,
may 3 lm Quartermaster General.
AUCTION SALES.
By Ellis, Livingston & Cos.
.A-t Private Sale.
3 Bales Cotton Yarns,
from No. 8 to the Bale only.
-100 Reams Superior Note Paper.
may 3 4t
emPTHERfICRASI,
Principal Office* Macon, Ga.
Q TO r KIIOL DjyRS are hereby notified that the
Tax, lev Ed by the Act of Congress,
dated 17th February, i- >n he Shares of Stock,
will be paid by the Con •
Stockholders are fnr ner notified thnt. their Annual
meeting will be held at t A office en Thursday, tha
2d day of J une next, when Directors for the ensu
ing year will be elected. C. DAY, Sec’y.
may 2-3 t
HEADQUARTERS POST, 1
CoLUMiiUs, Ga, April 25,13 b 1./
GENERAL ORDERS, I
No, 10. i
11. Officers, Government Contractors, and a!l other
persons having control of, or in their employ, de
tached soldiers or detailed enrolled men, are hereby
informed that such soldiers and men are subject,
with reference to furloughs, in every particular. t-J
the same rules, regulations and restrictions, as sol
diers in the licld, and all applications for furlough*
over 48 hours by detached soldiers or detailed en
rolled men, should be made in the prescribed form
to be found in the Army Regulations, am*, for warded
by tlietr immediate officers, through these Head
quarters, fi>r the approval of the General Command
ing the Military District of Georgia. Detached or
derailed men leaving their work in violatiion of this
order, will have their details revoked.
111. At! men between the a-ges of seventeen and fif
-4y years employed in Government shops or by Gov
ernment Contractors, should, iu every instance ba
enrolled. Ey order of
COL- ROBERTSON.
Chas. Wiron. A. A. G. apr2Bbw
