Newspaper Page Text
DAILY TIMES.
J. Jf. WARREUT, - - - Editor.
COLUMBUS:
Monday Morning, September 19, 1864.
The Exchange Question.
Fifth Aviiro* Hotel, \
New York, Monday, Sept. 6,1864. j
To the Editor of the Net* York Timet :
Enclosed I send you a note from the Agent
es Exchange of Piisoner* to tho Confederate
commissioner, Mr. Ould, in reply to his offer
to accept, in part, a proposition made by me
eight months since, to exchange all prisoners
of war held by either belligerent party.
Without waiting my reply, Mr. Ould has
printed his offer for which purpose it seems to
have been made.
I am therefore driven to the 3ame mode of
placing my justification of the action of this
Government in possession of the public before
it reaches the Confederate Commissioner.
Respectfully,
Bexj. F. Butler' Major General,
and Commissioner of Exchange.
Headquarters Department of j
Virginia and North Carolina, l
In the Field, August—, 1864. J
Hon. Robert Ould ,
Commissioner of Exchange :
Sir: Y r our note to Major Mulford, Assis
tant Agent ofExchangc, under date of 10th of
August, has been referred to me.
You therein state that Major Mulford has
several times proposed to exchange prisoners
respectively held by the two belligeren:s,
officer for officer and man for man, and that
“the offer has also been made by other officials
having charge ot matters connected with the
exchange of prisoners and that “this propo
sal has been heretofore declined by the Con
federate authorities.” That you now consent
to the above proposition, and agree to deliver
to (Major Mulford) the prisoner held in cap
tivity by the Confederate authorities, provi
ded you agree to deliver an equal number of
onicers and men. As equal numbers are de
livered from time to time, they will be declar
ed exchanged. This proposal is made with
the understanding that the officers and men
on both sides who have been longest in capti
vity will be first delivered, where it is practi
cable.
From a slight ambiguity in your phrase
ology,. but more, perhaps, from the an
tecedent action of your authorities, and be
cause of your acceptance of it, I am indoubt
whether you stated the proposition with entire
accuracy.
It is true, a proposition was made both by
Major Mulford and myself, as Agent of Ex
change, to exchange all prisoners of war taken
by either belligerent party, man for man, offi
cer for officer, of equal rank, or their equiva
lents. It was made by me as early as the first
of the winter of 1863-’4, and has not been ac
cepted. In May last I forwarded to you a
note, desiring to know whether the Confeder
ate authorities intended to treat colored sol
diers of the United States army as prisoners
of war. To that inquiry no answer has yet
been made. To avoid all possible misappre
hension or mistake hereafter as to your offer
now, will you uow say whether you mean by
“prisoners held in captivity,” colored men,
duly enrolled and mustered into the service of
the United States, who have been captured by
the Confederate and if your authori
ties are willing to exchange all soldiers so
mustered into the United States army, wheth
er colored or otherwise, and the officers com
manding them, man for man, officer for officer.
At an interview which was held between j
yourself and the Agent of Exchange on the j
part of the United States, at Fortress Monroe, |
in March last, you will do me the favor to re- ;
member the principal discussion turned upon ;
this very point ; you, on behalf of the Confed- \
orate Government, claiming the right to hold
all negroes, who had heretofore been slaves j
and not emancipated by their masters, enrolled j
and mustered into tho service of the United i
States, when captured by your forces, not as i
prisoners of war, but upon capture to be turned
over to their supposed masters or claimants, 1
whoever they might be, to be held by them as j
slaves.
By the advertisements in your newspapers
calling upon mastsrs to come forward and
claim these men so captured, ‘I suppose that
your authorities still adhere to that claim—
that is to say, that whenever a colored soldier
of the United States is captured by you upon
whom any claim can be made by any person
residing within the Stales now in insurrection,
such soldier is not to be treated as a prisoner
of war, but is to be turned over to his supposed
owner or claimant, and put at such labor or
service as that owner or claimant may ch«ose.
and the officers in command of such soldiers,
in the language of a supposed act of the Con
federate States, are to be turned over to the
Governors of States, upon requisitions, for the
purpose of being punisbedby the laws of such
States, for acts done in war in the armies of
the United States.
You- must be aware that there is still a pro
clamation oy Jefferson Davis, claiming to be
Chief Executive ol the Confederate States,
declaring in substance that all officers of color
ed troops mustered into the service of the*U.
States were’not to be treated as prisoners of
war, but were to be turned over for punish
ment to the Governors of States.
I am reciting these public acts from memo
ry, and will be pardoned for not giving the
exact words, although I believe T do nob vary
the substance and effect.
These declarations on the part of those
whom you represent yet remain unrepealed,
unannulled, unrevoked, and must therefore be
still supposed to be authoritative. By your
acceptance of oar proposition, is the Govern
ment of the United States to understand that
these several claims, enactments and pro
claimed declarations are to be given up, set
aside, revoked, and held for naught by tbe
Confederate authorities, and that you are
ready and willing, to exchange man "for man
those colored soldiers of tbe United States,
duly mustered and enrolled as such, who have
heretoforebeen claimed as slaves by the Con
federate States, as well as white soldiers.
If this be so, and you are so willing to ex
change those colored men claimed as slaves,
and you will so officially inform the Govern
ment of the United States, then, as I am in
structed, a principal difficulty in effecting ex
changes will be removed.
„A» i informed you personally, in ray judg
ment, it is neither C? n sisteßt with the policy, :
dignity or honor of the United States, upon |
any consideration, to allow those who. by onr
laws solemnly enacted, are made soldiers of
the Union, and who have been duly enlisted, j
enrolled and mustered as such soldiers—who j
b&Tfi borne arms in behalf of this country, and
who have been captured while fighting in Tin
dication of the rights of that country,, not to
be treated as prisoners of war and remain un- j
exchanged and in the service of those who'}
claim them as masters ; and I cannot believe!
that the Government of the United States will
ever bo found to consent to so gro3‘ a wrong. (
Pardon me if I misunderstand you in sup- ;
posing that your acceptance of our proposition
does not in good faith, mean to include all the
soldiers of the Union, and that you still in
tend, if your acceptance is agreed to, to hold
the colored soldiers of th.e Union unexchanged
and at labor or service, because I am informed \
that very lately, almost cotemporaneously |
with this oiler on your part to exchange pris
oners, and which seems to include all priso
ners of war, the Confederate authorities have
made a declaration that the pogroes heretofore |
held to service in the States of Delaware,
Maryland and Missouri are to be treated as
prisoners of war when captured in arms in the
service of the United States. Such declaration
that a part of the colored soldiers of the Uni
ted States were to be prisoners of war would
seem most strongly to imply that others were
not to be so treated, or, in other words, that
colored men from the insurrectionary States
are to be held to labor and returned to their
masters, it captured by the Confederate forces
while duly enrolled and mustered into, and
actually in the armies of the. United States.
In the view which the Government es tke
United States takes of the claim made by you
to the persons and services of these nog roes,
it is not to be supported upon any principle
of national or municipal law.
Looking upon these men only as property,
upon‘your theory of property in them, we do
mot soe how this claim can be made, certainly
not how it can be yielded. It is believed to
be a well settled rule of public international
law, and a custom and part of the laws of war
that the capture of moveable property vests
the title to that property in the captor, and
therefore when the belligerent gets into full
possession, property belonging to the subjects
or citizens of the other belligerent, the owner
of that property is at once divested of his title,
which rest in the belligerent Government
capturing and holding such possession. Upon
this rule of international, law all civilized na
tions have acted, and by it both belligerents
have dealt with all property, save slaves, taken
from each other during the present war.
If the Confederate forces capture a number
of horses from the United States, the animals I
immediately are claimed to be, and, as weun- j
derstand it. become the property of the Con- j
federate authorities.
Ts the United States capture any movable
property in the rebellion', by our regulations
: and laws, in conformity with international
: law and the laws of war, such property is
; turned over to our Government as its proper
ty. Therefore, if we obtain possession of that
species of property known to the laws of the
insurrectionary States as slaves why should
there be any doubt that that property, like
any other, vests in the United States ? *
If the property in the slave does so vest,
then the “jus disponendi,” the right of dispos
ing of that property rests in the United States.
Now, the United States have disposed of tbe
property which they have acquired by capture
iu slaves by them, by giving that right of
property to the man himself, to the slaves, i. e.,
by emancipating him and declaring him free
forever, so that if we have not mistaken the
principles of international laws and the laws
of war, we have no slaves in the armies of the
United States. All are free men, being made
so in such manner as we have chosen to dis
pose of our property in them which we ac
quired by capture.
Slaves being captured by us, and the right
of property in them thereby vested in us, that
right of property has been disposed of by us
by manumitting them, as has always been the
acknowledged right of the owner to do to his
slave. The manner in which we dispose of
our property while it is in our possession cer«
tainlv cannot be questioned by you.
Nor is the case altered if the property is
not actually captured in battle but comes
either voluntarily or involuntarily from the
belligerent owner into the possession of the
other belligerent.
I take it no one would doubt the right of the
United States to a drove of Confederate mules,
or a herd of Confederate cattle, which should
wander or rush across the Confederate lines
into the lines of the United States army. So
it seems to me, treating the negro as property
merely, if that piece of property passes the
Confederate lines, and come3 into the lines of
the United States, that property is as much
lost to its owner in the Confederate States as
would be the mule or ox, the property of the
resident of the Confederate States which
should fall into our hands.
If, therefore, the principles of international
law and the laws of war used in this discus*
sion are correctly stated, then it would seem
that the' deduction logically flows thereform,
in natural sequence, that the Confederate
States can have no claim upon thd negro sola
diers captured by them from the armies of the
United States, because of the former owner
ship of them by their citizens or subjects, and
only claim such as reeult, under tbe laws of
war, from their captor merely.
Do the Confederate authorities claim the
right to reduce to a state of slavery free men,
prisoners of war captured by them? This
claim our fathers fought against under Bain
bridge and Decatur, when set up by the Bar
bary Powers on the Northern shore of Africa,
about the year ISOO. and in 1864 their chil
dren will hardly yield it upon their own soil.
This point 1 will not pursue further, be
cause I understand you to repudiate the idea
that you will reduce free men to slaves because
of capture in war, and that you base the claim
of the Confederate authorities to re-enslave
our negro soldiers, when captured by you
upon the “just post liminif or that principle of
the law of nations which rehabilitates the for
mer, owner with his property taken by an
enemy, when such property is recovered by
the forces of his own country.
Or, in other words, you claim that by the
laws of nations and of war. when property of
the subjects of one beligerent power, captured
by the forces of the other belligerent, is re
captured by the armies of the former owner,
then such pro-perty is to be restored to. its
prior possessor, as if it had never been cap
tured, and, therefore, under this principle
your authorities propose to restore to their
masters the slaves which heretofore belonged
to them which you may capture from us.
But this postlirninary right under which you
claim to act, as understood and defined by all
writers on national law, is applicable simply
to immoveable property , and that, too, only
aft .r the complete re-subjugation of that por -
tion of ihe country in which the property is
situated, upon which this right fastens itself.
By the laws a nd customs of war, this right has
never been applied to moveable property.
True, it is, I believe, the Romans at
tempted to apply it to the case of slaves, but
for two thousand years no other nation has at
tempted to set up this right as ground for
treating slaves differently from other property.
But the Romans even refused to re-enslave
men captured from opposing belligerents in a
civil war, such as ours unhappily is.
Consistently, then, with any principle of
the law of nations, treating slaves as property
merely, it would seem to be impossible for the
government of the United States to permit the
negroes in their ranks to be re-enslaved when
captured, or treated otherwise than ns prison
ers of war.
I have forborne, sir, in this discussion, to
I argue the question upon any other or different
grounds of right than those adopted by your
authorities in claiming the negro as property,
because I understand that your fabric of op
position to the government of the U. States
has the right of property in man as its corner
stone. Os course it would not be profitable,
in settling a question of exchange of prisoners
of war, to attempt to argue the question of
j abandonment of the very corner-stone of their
attempted political edifice. Therefore. I have
I'admitted all the considerations which should
apply to the negro soldier as a man, and dealt
; with him upon the Confederate, theory of pro
: perty only.
I unite with you most cordially, sir, in de
siring a speedy settlement of all these ques-
I tions, in view of the great suffering endured
! by our prisoners in the hands of your author
ities, of which you so feelingly speak. Let
me ask, in view of that suffering, why you
have delayed eight months to answer a pro
position, which, by now accepting, you admit
to be right, jdst and humane, allowing that
I suffering to continue so long? One cannot
help thinking, even at the risk of being deem
ed uncharitable, that the‘benevolent sympa
thies of the Confederate authorities have been
lately stirred by the depleted condition of their
armies, and desire to get into the field to affect
the present campaign, the hale, hearty and
well-fed prisoners held by the United States
in exchange for the half-starved, sick, emaci
ated and unserviceable soldiers of the United
States now languishing in your prisons. The
events of this war, if we did not know it be
| fore, have taught us that it is not the Northern
portion of the American people alone who
; know how to drive sharp bargains.
The wrongs, indignities and privations suf-
I sered by our soldiers would move me to con
i sent to anything to procure their exchange,
except to barter away the honor and faith of
I the Government o? the United States, which
has been sp solemnly pledged to the colored
j soldiers in its ranks.
Consistently with national faith and justice,
i we cannot relinquish this position. With your
authorities it is a question of property mere-*
| ly. It seems to address itself to you in this
form. Will yon suffer your soldier, captured
in fighting your battles, to be in confinement
for months rather than release him by giving
him that which you call a piece of property,
and which we are willing to accept as a man?
You certainly appear to place less value
upon vour soldier than you do upon your ne
' gro. I assure you, much as we of the North
are accused of loving property, our citizens
would have no difficulty in yielding up any
piece of property they have in exchange for
one of their brothers or sons languishing in
your prisons. Certainly there can be no doubt
that they would do so were that piece of pro
perty less in value than five thousand dollars
in Confederate money, which is believed to be
the price of an able-bodied negro in the insur
rectionary States.
Trusting that I may receive such a reply to
the questions propounded in this note as will
lead to a speedy resumption of the negotia
tions for a full exchange of all prisoners, and
a delivery of them to their respective author
ities,
I have tbe honor to be,
Very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
BENJ. F. BUTLER,
Maj. Gen. and Com. of Exchange.
Seward’s Auburn Speech.
The New Y jrk Herald of the 7th giyes the fol
lowing report of Wm. H. Seward’s recent speech
at Auburn, New York :
On Saturday evening last a large crowd of the
citizens of Auburn, New York, including several
hundred volunteers who were waiting to be mus
tered into the service of the United States, congre
gated in the grounds adjoining Wm. H. Seward’s
residence in that city, and called for the Secretary
to address them. In response to tho invitation,
Mr. Seward came forward and spoke as follows:
My Dear Friends: It is so that I like to see you
come marching to the time of national airs, under
the folds of the old national flag. I thank you for
this hospitable and patriotic welcome. It proves
that, though you deal rigorously with your public
servants, exacting reasons for their policy, energy
in their conduct of affairs, and explanations for
failures and disappointments in their administra
tion, yet you*are nevertheless just, because you
willingly allow them to rejoice with you when you
have successes, victories and triumphs to celebrate.
The news that brings us together is authentic.—
This victory comes in the right connection. It
falls in with the echoes of the capture of Forts
Gaines and Morgan, which I understand to be the
particulars of Farragut’s glorious naval battle in
the Bay of Mobile—a battle equalled by no other
in Americau history but by the naval achievements
of the same veteran Admiral at New Orleans, at
Port Hudson; and all these have no parallel in
naval warfare but the battles of the Nile and Tra
falgar.
The victory at Atlanta comes at the right place.
The rebellious district is in the shape of an egg.
It presents equal resistance on its whole surface.—
But if you could break the shell at either of the
two ends—Richmond and Atlanta—the whole
must crumble to pieces. While Sherman, under
Grant, has been striking the big end, Meade, under
Grant, has been striking just as hard blows upon
the lesser end. Tbe whole shell will now be easily
crushed/ for it has grown brittle with the exhaus
tion of vitality within.
This glorious victory comes in good time for
another reason. Just now we are calling upon
you for three hundred thousand more volunteers,
if you men, if we must—to end the
war. You were getting a little tired of long de
lays and disappointed expectations. In Indiana,
a portion of the people, instigated by rebel plotters,
at the Clifton House, in Canada, were importing
British revolvers, in boxes, which passed the Cus
tom House as stationery, under pretence of arming
to defend themselves, but really to resist the draft
and bring the government down to ruin, through
a subordinate and auxiliary civil war. True, no
arms have been imported here; yet delegates went
out from among jmu, and sat down in council at
Chicago with those Indiana conspirators, and
agreed with them not only that that importation
of arms should be defended in the election can
vass, but also to demand the cessation of the war
upon tho ground that success in restoring the
Union is unattainable. Already under the influ
ence of the cheering news from Atlanta all this
discontent and this despondency have disappeared-
We shall have no draft, because the army is being
reinforced at the rate af .five to 'ten thousand men
per day by volunteers..
May I not add that this victory at Atlanta comes
in good time, as the victory in Mobile Bay does, j
to vindicate the wisdom and the energy of the war j
administration. Faragut’s fleet did not make it
self, nor did ho make it. It was prepared by the
Secretary of the Navy, and he that shall record
the history of this war truthfully and impartially
will write that since the days of Oarnot no man has
organized war with ability equal to that of
Stanton.
But auspicious as tha occasion is, it has never
theless failed to bring out some whom we might
have expected here. Why are they not here to re
joice in the victories that will thrill the hearts of
the lovers of freedom throughout the world? Alas!
that it must be confessed that it is party spirit that
holds them aloof. All of them are partisans.—
Some of them are republicans, who cannot rejoice
in the national victories because this war, for the
life of the nation, is not in all respects conducted
according to their own peculiar radical ideas and
theories. They want guarantees for swift, and uni
versal aud complete emancipation, or they do not
want the nation saved. Others stay away because
they want to be assured that in coming out of the
revolutionary storm the ship of State will be found
exactly in the same condition as when the tempest
assailed it, or they do not want the ship saved at
all, as if anybody could give such guarantees in
the name of a people of thirty millions. Others
are Democrats. They received from their fathers
the axiom that only Democrats could save the
country, and they must save it by democratic form
ulas and combinations, which the progress of the
age has forever exploded. They cannot come up
to celebrate achievements which condemn their
narrow and hereditary bigotry. Others of both
the Republican and Democratic parlies, are wil
ling that the nation shall be saved, provided, it is
done by someone of their chosen and idolized
chiefs, which chief they mutually denounce and
revile. They caDnet honor Grant, and Sherman,
and Farragut, and Porter, because by such homage
they fear that Fremont and McClellan’s fame may
he eclipsed. Nevertheless, there are enough here
of the right sort, eneugh of men who once were
Republicans, but who, taking that word in a parti
zan sense, are Republicans no longer, and men
who ouce were Democrats, but who, taking that i
word in its narrow application, are Democrats no |
longer, all of whom are now Union men, because
they found out at the beginning of this tremend- j
ous civil war, or at some period in its progress, ,
that no man, no party, no formula, no creed, could
save the Union, but that only the people could
save it, aud they could save it only by ceasing to
become partizang, and becoming patriots and i
Union men.
The war is at its crisis. It is clear, therefore,
that we are fighting to make Abraham Lincoln
President of the whole United States, under the
election of 1860, to continue until the 4th of March,
.1865. In voting for a President' of the United
“States, can we wisely or safely vote out the iden
tical person whom with force and arms we are
fighting into the Presidency ? You justly say no.
It would ba nothing less than to give up the very
object of the war at the ballot-box. The moral
strength which makes our loyal position impreg
nable would pass from us, and when that moral
strongth has passed away, material forces are no
longer effective, or even available. By such a
proceeding we shall have agreed with the enemy
and given him the victory. But in that agreement
the constitution and the Union will have perish
ed, because when it shall have once bean proved
that a minority can by force or circumvention de-
feat the full accession of a constitutionally chosen
President, no President thereafter, though elect- i
ed by ever so large a majority, ean hope to exer- j
cise the Executive powers unopposed throughout
the whole country. One of two things must fol- i
low the fatal error. Either a contest between ;
your newly elected compromise. President, and
the same usurper, in which tho usurper must pre- .
vail, or else a combination between them through
which the usurper or his successor, subverting
your constitution and substituting his own, will
become President, King or Emperor of the United
States without foreign aid, if he can, with foreign
intervention, if necessary. (That’s so.) To be
sure it i3 so; nothing is more certain than that
either the United States and their constitutional
President, or the so-called Confederate States and
their usurping President, must rule within the
limits of this republic. I therefore regard the
pending Presidential election as involving the
question whether hereafter we shall have a con
stitution and a country left us. How shall we
vote, then, to save the country from this fearful
danger? (Vote Lincoln in again.) You have hit
it, exactly, my friend. We must vote Lincoln in
again, and fight him in at the same time. If we
do this the rebellion will perish, and leave no root.
If we otherwise, we have only the alternative
of acquiescence in a perpetual usurpation, or of
entering an endless succession of civil and social
wars.
To me therefore, the Democracy at Richmond and
the Democracy at Chicago, like Ceesar and Pompey
seem to retain all their original family resemblance.
They are very much alike, especially Pcrnpuy. Bat
it is not in mere externals that their similarity lie*.
They talk very much alike, as I have shown you.
When you consider that among the Democrats at
Chicago the Indiana Democrats were present
who have imported arms to resist the natienal au
thority, and defeat the national laws, and that
all the Demoorata there assembled agreed to jus
tify that proceeding, I think you will agree with
me that the Richmond Democrats and the Chicago
Democrats have lately come to act very much
alike. I shall now go farther, and prove te you
that they net only have a common policy, and a
common way of defending it, but they have even
adopted that policy in concert with each other.—
You know that when the Chicago Convention was
approaching in July last George Sanders, Clement
C. CUy and J. P. Holcombe appeared at the
Clifton House en the Canada bank of the Niagara
river, fully invested with the confidence and ac
quainted with the purposes of Jefferson Davis and
his confederates at Richmond. You know, also,
that Chicago Democrats resorted there in consid
erable numbers to confer with these emissaries of
Jefferson Davis. Here is the fruit of that confer
ence, and no one can deny the aathenticty of my
evidence. It is extracted from the London
“Times, the common organ of all the enemies of
the United States. The New York correspondent
of the London “Times,” writing from Niagara
Falls under date of August 3 says :
Clifton House has become a centre of negotia
tions between the Northern friends es peace and
Southern agents, which propose a withdrawal of
differences from the arbitrament of the sword.
The correspondent then goes on to explain that
an effort is to be made to nominate a candidate for
the Presidency on the platform of an armistice
and a convention of the States, and to thwart by
all possible means the efforts of Mr. Lincoln for
re-election.
Mark now, that on the Bth of August, 1564.
Northern Democrats and Richmond agents agree
upon three things to be done at Chicago namely
—First, a withdrawal of the differences between the
Government and the insurgents from the arbitra
ment of the] sword ; second, a nomination for
President of the United States on a platform of an
armistice and ultimately a convention of the States;
third, to th wart by all possible means the re
election of Abraham Lincoln, Such a conference,
held in a neutral country, between professedly loy
al citizens of the United States and the agents of
the Richmond traitors in arms has a very sus
picious look. But let that pass. Political elec
tions must be free and therefore they justly axcuse
many extravagancies.
When the insurgents shall have disbanded
their armies and laid down iheir arms the war will
instantly cease, and all the war measures then
existing, including those which affect slavery,
will cease also, and all the moral economical and
political questions, as well questions affecting sla
very, as others which shall then be existing be
tween individuals and States and the Federal Gov
ernment, whether they arose before the civil war
began, or whether they grew out of it, will, by
force of the Constitution, pass over to the arbitra
ment of courts of law and to the councils of legis
lation. lam not unsophisticated enough to ex
pect that conspirators, while yet unsubdued and
exercising an unresisted despotism in the insur
rectionary States, will either sue for or oven ac
cept an amnesty based on the surrender of the
power they have so recklessly usurped. Never
theless, I know that if auy such conspirator should
tender his submission upon such terms, he will at
once receive a candid hearing, and an answer
prompted purely by a desire for peace, with the
maintenance of,the UnioD. On the other hand, I
do expect prepositions of peace, with a restoration
of the Union, to come, not from the Confederates
in authority, nor through them, hut from the citi
zens and States under and behind them. And I
expect such propositions from citizens and States
to come over the Confederates in power just so fast
as those citizens and States shall be delivered by
the Federal arm3 from the usurpation by which
they are now oppressed. All the world knows that,
so far as I am concerned, and I believe so far
as the President is concerned, all such application*
will receive just such av answer as becomes agreat,
magnanimous ancr humane people to grant to
brethren who have comeback from their wander
ings to seek a shelter in the common ark of ou
natioual security and happiness. The sun is sat
ing. So surely as it shall rise again, so surely
do I think that the great events we have now cele
brated prelude the end of our national troubles,
and the restoration of the national authority, with
peace, prosperity and freedom throughout the
whole land, from the lakes to the gulf, and from
’ocean to ocean. And so I bid you good night, and
may God have you with our whole country, al
ways in his holy and paternal keeping.
llow General Morgan Fell. —We have just
received an authentic account how General Morgan
came to his death. Accompanied only by his staff,
he went on a reconnoitering expedition to Green
ville, and there stopped for the night at the house
of one Joseph Williams, who is one of Burnside’s
staff. Shortly after dark Mrs. Williams left tho
house clandestinely, and mounting a horse, rode
fifteen miles to Bull’s Gap and informed the Yan
kees of the whereabouts of Gen. Morgan. * She
returned to Greenville with astroag forco of Yan
kees and piloted them to her houss by a by-path.
On the approach of the enemy Gen. Morgan ran
into the back yard and there discovered that the
house and grounds were surrounded by Yankees.
Being determined never again to fall alive into the
enemy’s hands he drew his pistol and fired upon
the Yankees nearest to him. Having discharged
the contents of his revolver ho attempted to break
through the line and escape, when a volley was
fired upon him. He fell dead, one of the shots
having passed through his head.
All of General Morgan’s staff except Major Bas
sett were captured. —Richmond Examiner.
♦ ——
Siege of Charleston —Four Hundred and
Thirty-Second Day. —Sixteen shots were fired
at Fort Sumter and twenty-three at the city
since last report. The only casualty was the
beheading of an unfortunate dog standing in
the gateway of a building struck by a hun
dred pounder Parrott. Some heavy firing was
heard in the direction of Stono early Tuesday
morning, the cause of which we have not
learned. The enemy’s working parties are
still busily engaged on Batteries Gregg and
and Wagner. Carts were also busy hauling
ammunition daring the day to these batteries.
Unusual activity was also observed in the ene-
I nay’s fleet. A large number of tents are re
ported recently erected on Horse Island, and
the enemy also active in that locality. There
has been no material change in the fleet.
* [Courier, 14 th.
A Touching Incident. —“T. H. P.,”
in the Biblical Recorder, relates a touch
ing incident, received from Dr. Fuller, of
Baltimore. When Beaufort, S. C., fell
into the hands of the Federal troops, Col.
Morrow of Ohio, was made Provost Mars
shall of the place. The Colonel had been
raised in Baltimore,, his mother having
been a member of Dr. Fuller’s Church
in that city. In early life the Doctor
was Pastor of the Baptist Church in
Beaufort. Among the many negroes
captured in Beaufort, was an old man,
who had been many years sexton of the
Church.there. Learning that Col. Mor
row knew “Mass Richard/’ as the styled
Dr. Fuller, he sought opportunities for
conversing with him about his old pastor.
As the Col. had become disgusted with
the Federal service, and was about to res
turn home, the old sexton, with an unu
sually serious expression of countenance,
asked him on one occasion to accompany
him to the house. There taking him in*
to the chamber and carefully locking the
door, the old negro drew from between the
straw and feather beds on which he slept,
the Bible, hymn book and service plate
of the Church in which he had officiated,
and which he had long kept consecrated,
and with tears in his eyes committed them
to the Colonel, charging him to deliver
them safely to the hands of “Massa Rich
ard” himself. These sacred relies of a
once prosperous and beloved Church the
Doctor now has in his possession.
Coming In.— We learn that large number* es
i deserters are coming in and reporting to the au
thorities in different parts of tho State, and we
trust that the means now being employed to re
turn them to duty will prove effective, and that it
will not be long before the last of them are re
turned to duty. Such as refuse pardon now offer
ed cannot exped; it hereafter. We appeal to the
friends aud relatives of all such as have been
I guilty of the cr._ae of desertion, to do everything
in their power to return them to duty at once. De
lay will be fatal to these unfortunate men.
[A r . C. Prog res*.
TELEGRAPHIC,
SI PORTS OF TH* PRRSS ASSOCIATION.
Entered aceerdinc to act of Congress in tko year
IM3, by J. S. Thrasher, in the Clerk's ofSco of
the District Court of tho Confederato States for
tko Northers District of Georcia.
SATURDAY NIGHT’S DISPATCHES.
Macon, Sept. 17.—1 tis reported, with a con
siderable show of truth, that Sherman has
sent an informal request for Gov. Brown, Vice
President Stephens and Senator H. V. John
son, to meet him in Atlanta and have a talk
about Peace.
Brigadier-General F. A, Shoup has been re
lieved of duty as Chief of Staff to Gen. Hood.
Exiles from Atlanta continue to come into
our lines. Several hundred families have ar
rived in the most destitute condition imagin
able.
Generals Hood and Sherman have agreed
upon a special exchange of two thousand pri
soners ; 700 of the number will be sent for
ward to-night for that purpose.
Petersburg, Sept. 17—Hampton's cavalry
made a most successful dash into the enemy's
lines near Sycamore Church, Prince George
county, 17 miles from the city, captaring 2500
head fat beef cattle, 300 prisoners, a number
of horses and ten wagons. The spoils are now
safe in the Confederate lines.
Gregg s division of Yankee cavalry made
an attempt to cut off Hampton, but was hand
somely flogged for his pains. Hampton’s men
are in full feather and eager for another chance
at Grant’s choice beef.
The Chicago Tribune announces that the 11th
and 15th Illinois regiments have been mustered
out of service, having declined to reenlist. These j
regiments were with Sherman in Georgia. The |
18th Illinois, from Steel's command at Little Rock,
has gone to Springfield to be mustered out of ser
vice, having declined to roenlist.
♦ - ♦ ♦
Bibles for Hood’s Army. —Sixteen thousand
copies of the Bible and Testament arrived in Selma
yesterday evening, en route for Hood’s army.—
They are the first instalment of fifty thousand pre
sented the troops of the Confederate Stat«3 by the
American Bible Society, at New York! They came
by way of Memphis. —Selma Mississipjiian.
♦ ♦
Certain of their Independence, —Tho Chi
cago Times speaking of the war, says:
The continuance of this war ou present terms i
as certain to result in the independence of th
seceded States as night and day are to follow each
other.
From Trans-Mississippi.'
We had the pleasure this morning of meeting
Major Rose, the indefatigable Trans-Mississippi
courier, lie brought over with him Mrs. General
Bankhead, aud both are en route to Richmond.—
He informs us that the river is t patroled by tho
Yankees with sleepless watchfulness, so that it is
almost impossible to cross anywhere.
General Magruder had gone with his army to
Arkansas and Gen. Price was in Missouri gather
ing large numbers of recruits. Gen. Kirby Smith
was at Shreveport.
The Yankees were still in possession of Natchez,
aud had been committing sorno atrocities which
shock the sensibilities of every Christian man.—
Such, for example, as disinterring the dead in
order to search for valuables. This is stated on
the very best authority.
We aro indebted to Major Rose for Houston pa
pers of the 24th ult., but they contain no news of
interest. —Mobile Tribune 15 th.
There are two hundred and twenty-five re
cruiting agents at Nashville, Tenn., from the
Northern States, and thus far have obtained
150 accepted recruits. “Niggers' 7 are getting
very “skase.”
How the Chicago Members Talked. —The
correspondent of the Cincinnati Gazette, in jour
neying to Chicago, with many members of the Dem
ocratic Convention, was much impressed with their
conversation. Ho says :
But the saddest thing in all this political talk
was the evident delight of our military failures. I
do not write the words willingly : for realizing pro
foundly that this rebellion can be put down by no
party and by no effort that stops short of embra
cing the people of the North, I know how fully it
is admitting that the end of these troubulous times
is not yet in sight. But there could be no mistak
ing tbe tone of exultation in which the invasion of
the North and the siege of the capital in the fourth
year of .the war were paraded, and Grant’s flanking
operations were laughed at, and the ability of Jell'.
Davis was exultantly eulogized.
mm •
Yankee accounts represent that over two huw
dred of the Fort Gaines prisoners have taken the
oath, or offered to take the oath of allegiance te
Lincoln. We can hardly believe this, but if it
he so, it accounts sufficiently for the tame surren
der m the forts at the mouth of Mobile bay. Ad
miral Buchanan has so much recovered from his
that he is,able to move about on crutches,
[Montgomery Advertiser.
Dried Tomatoes. —Take ripe tomatoes and
scald them in tho usual way, and strip off the
skins, or mash and squeeze them through a seive,
then stew the pulp slowly, so aa to evaporate as
much as possible, without burning, then spread it
on plates, and dry it in a slow oven or in the hot
sun. When wanted for use, you have to soak and
cook a few minutes, and serve it up just as you
would tomatoes stewed fresh from the garden.
Artemus Ward on Forts. —Every maa of in
tellect has got his Fort.
Daniel Webster’s Fort was to speechify in the
hauls of Kongris & make Dickshunaries.
Shakespeer rote good plaze but he wouldn’t have
been wuth a pint of kold Sider as a etennergaffic
Reporter. Wood he? lie bet 2 dollars he woodent.
Old George Washington’s Fort was not to have
any public man of the present day resemble him
to any alarming extent! Where bowts can George's
equal be found? I ask, & boldly anser no where®,
or any wheres else.
Old man Townsin’s Fort was to maik Sassype
riller. ‘Goy to the world! anuther life saved.’
(Cotashun from Towsin’s advertisement.)
Cyrus Field’s Fort is to lay sub machine telegraf
under the boundin biller of the Oshuu & then hev
it bust.
My Fort is the great moral show bizinis and
ritin choice famerly literatoor for the noospapers.
That’s what’s the matter with me.
The Louisville Press understands that
Hon. Jessee D. Bright has sold all his
Kentucky possessions, freed his negroes,
given each of them a sum of money
sufficient to commence the world with,
and has, with his family, gone to Europe,
there to remain until after the war.
Astronomers predict that in November
of this year, a meteoric display of falling
stars, similar to that ol November, 1833,
will take place. •
By Ellis, Livingston Sc Cos.
200 GKA-XjXjOJNTS
PURE CATAWBA GRAPE BRAMOY!
A VERY FINE ARTICLE.
For sale in quantities of 10 Gallons and upwards.
ag3o ts
BEEF! BEEF!!
I HAVE secured the services of an experienced
Butcher, an 1 will keep on hand at all times the
best Beef that can be found in the country.
j*3“Beef ready for sale every morning at daylight.
WM. H. H. PHELPS,
g pl7 5t 114, Broad St.
Notice,
TAKEN by mistake from the Brown House, Ma-
L con, Ga., on the 17th inst., a Trunk containing
Ladies wearing apparel. A Trunk was left in tne
place of the one taken, supposed to j?e the propertj
of the person now in possession of the first.men
tioned Trunk. Miss M. C. Cress eta. is written in
pencil on the Trunk left by mistake. The person
having the Trunk taken from the Brown House can
get thl one left, by retu ruing it to Mr. John Knight,
near the Brown House, Macon, Ga.
«epl9 2t* 1
THE CITY.
J- JACKSON....." LOCAL EDITOR.
Funeral Notice.
Tho friends and acquaintances of Mr. and Mr*.
A. Cadnaan, ara requested to attend the funeral of
their Infant Daughter, from their residence, this
morning, at 10 o’clock.
sepl9 It _
A Sum in “Figers.”—lf it takes tkirty-soven
dollars per month in shoe leather to protect the
pedal extremities of a preambulating Local, what
would the bide and tallow of a flea be worth in
current prices, or speaking plainly, couldn’t our
friend John Black induce his friend Tompkins to
send up a good pair of shoes ? We fpause for a
reply.
The Review. —The local companies of the city
were reviewed and inspected on the South Com
: mons Saturday evening by Col. Von Zinkeu. The
spectacle was quite gratifying and imposing.
Many of the fair sex of Columbus and vicinity, en
livened the Common by their cheering presence.
The war has not diminished the reputation of our
city iu the way ofbeautiful women, as we imagined
on this occassion, we had never beheld a brighter
array of blooming belles and charming matrons.
Quiteanumber of strangers, civilians, and soldiers
were also present.
We felt highly pleased with the new Comman
dant. He evinced a familiarity with the minutiae
of handling troops that proves him at once a man
of business and accomplished soldier.
Sword Presentation.— lt will bo seen by tho
following coorrospondence that tho “ Davrsou
Artillery” of this city have recently presented
Major Dawson, late Post Commandant, with a
handsome sword. Both tho presentation and ac
j ceptanee letters are very pretty productions :
Columbus, Ga., Sept. 12th, 1364.
| To Major Geo. 0. Dawson,
Sir : —lu behalf of the Dawson Artillery, I
have the honor of presenting to you the sword
herewith accompanying. In so doing, permit me
to say, it is the united contribution of rank aud
file, officers and men, that have prepared this gift as
a mark of affection. When we remember the many
courtesies extended towards U3 as a company in
infancy and in the act cf formation by yourself
as the then Commandant of tho Post, we are
proud to have an opportunity of showing our high
est esteem for one who has long since drawn the
sword for Southern Independence and the right of
self Government. The history of the present strug
gle tells us that where our braves fell you dared
to lead. We desire therefore, that you receive
this token of our confidence in your military ability
a3 well as bravery, aud our best wishes whither
so ere 3 r ou go. May happiness attend you: may
you long live an honor to the country. May this
token of gratitude never be sheathed until the last
battle is fought and won, and the sword pas3 hon
ored down from sire to son.
I have the honor to be,
Most rcspoctfully,
C. H. JONES,
Chairman of Committee to purchase and present
sword.
Columbus, Ga., Sept. 16,1864.
Mr. C. H. Jones, Chairman, &e.
Sir: I have the honor to tender through you to
the “Dawson Artillery” my sincere thanks for a
most magnificent sword, a gift which you are
pleased to say, is the united contribution, of rank
and file, officers and men. I cannot express how
greatly affected lam at this proof of public cpnfi
dence. Next to the approval of one’s judgment—
and the sanction of his conscience, is the good
opinion of the wise, the virtuous, and the brave,
with whom socially and officially, we are in daily
intercourse.
The duties of a Post Commandant, are as varied
and complex, as the motives which eontrel human
action. Promptness, firmness and decision are in
dispensable to the proper discharge of its duties.
The clashing interest of society, where duty, right
and justice arc constantly opposed to favoritism,
inclination and gratitude, make the position
neither pleasant nor enviable. In the discharge
of it3 duties, I am conseiou- that official inter
course and military discipline are by no means in
consistent with good breeding and gentlemanly
deportment.
No truly brave officer will take advantage ofhi3
rank to wound the feelings of the humblest soldier,
whose only fault is the most disinterested patriot
ism, whose only crime is the proud distinction of
being called a private, and who perhaps in the
civil walks of life, is the peer, if not the superior
of his commanding officer.
For the kind manner you have spoken of the
humble part borne by me in the present revolu
tion I thank you. To that record I refer you, a3
the best guarantee that the trusty blade confided
to my keeping, shall be consecrated to tho sacred
cause of “Southern Independence and the right of
self-government,” and shall “never bo sheathed
until the last battle is fought and won, and our
independence acknowledged.”
Very respectfully, your ob'fc serv’t,
G. O. DAWSON,
Major 3th Regiment Georgia Volunteers.
AUCTION SALES.
By Ellis, Liviiigsiow A Cos
ON TUESDAY, 20th of September, at 101 -2 o’clk,
we will sell in front of our store,
A VERY FINE
HARNESS AND SADDLE HORSE,
Eight years old, kind and gentle.
jepl9 2t $6
By Ellis, Livingston Sc Cos.
m t mm
1 AN TUESDAY, September 20th, at 10 1-2 o’dk,
! U we will sell in front of our store,
DWELLING HOUSE AND LOT,
East of the Muscogee Rail Road Depot;
House is new with 4 good rooms; Collon*
ade in front; Kitchen, Smoke-house, and
good Well of Water. Lot 1-4 acre—a
comfortable residence.
—also —
A VERY FINE PARLOR MIRROR,
French plate, 3 by 5 ft.
100 REAMS FOOL’S CAP PAPER.
100 Shares Bank of Columbus Stock.
1 GUTTA PERCHA GIN BAND,
40 feet long and 8 inches wide.
—also, —
101 1-4 Acres Land,
Eight miles of the City, being the W eat
half of Lot No, 142, in the 9th district,
South of the old express road, adjoining
the land of Lawrence and Jones—- 1 wanty
acres cleared, with a small I welling.
—ALSO, —
A VERY LIKELY NEGRO BOY!
15 years old.
16 Bbls. COAST-SALT ;
400 lbs. WRAPPING PAPER
16 BOXES FINE TOBACCO.
sepli 45