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published at New \ ork, publishes a let iWfoovi Paris, which it savs emanates from ir ilragßUd testimony: Khe night is som!<ro arid sad; the wind itli violence among the tall trees of the park iJfSt- ('load, and draws from tliern sounds of pwni The clock of the cliateati strikes 1; the silence is brokeu only by the barking of some restUfedog, or the noise of some vehicle rumbling on Sllteny to Paris. From the ourahh’ the imperial palace has the air of an editiucirfLi> occupants are all, asleep; m4* interior. flptaUon and tumult reign ? Cas-ar has not beert able to find his wife 1 The conjitgal chamber is deserted. The wait ing woman on service, interrogated by Ilis Ma jesty, replies with an embarrassed manner that the Empress has just gone out, and ordered that no one should follow her. The Emperor is furious, his ordinary phlegm has left him.— He utters oaths in all languages. The persons present nre in consternation; everybody starts r.ut in search of M’me Bona parte. On the opjiosite side of the chateau, on the ground floor, liefore that magnificent park which the old King, Louis l’billippe and his prede cessor, the bigoted Charles X, wore so fond of, is the apartment formerly occupied by the Duchess of Orleans. In the farthest part of the blue chamber, re clining on the sofa, a woman young and beau tiful, prays and weeps. This woman is the Empress of France! Suddenly she trembles; she lias heard a noise; someone knocks. It is the Eufpeior and his followers. “Open Madam, or I will have the door bro ken open.” No answer. The courtiers went to work, aided by His Majesty. At the end of a few moments the door gave way. “Wait for me gentlemen,” said Louis Napo leon to us. What passed during the two hours which the interview within occupied ! Heaven alone knows! Now and then, notwithstanding, a smothered word reached us, and we heard with terror, “Villian I—assassin !—I love him !—to Cayenne!” Suddenly the noise of a body falling heavily on the floor (the blue chamber is not carpeted) made us tremble. Impelled half by curiosity, half by anxiety, we entered. Napoleon was holding by the hair, his wife, thrown on the floor. “Coward !” she exclaimed. “Help ! help ! He would assassinate me as he did Ca meratra! lie is drunk! Help!” We were stupefied. We surrounded the Prince to endeavor to disengage his victim.— She whom he thus maltreated was a woman, beautiful and envied ! Alas! “Gentlemen,” said the Emperor “you can retire. If one of you relates wlint he has seen —I need not tell the fate reserved for him.” The next day the Patrie contained the fol lowing paragraph: “llis Majesty this morning heard mass with his accustomed piety. His Majesty appeared to be suffering from bad health. His friends at the chateau say that Ilis Majesty works too much.” As to the unhappy heroine of this mystery she was not seen for six days. Evil tongues say that she was shut up in a convent. The French papers’ are famous for a species or hoax called canards —“ducks.” This story appears to us to be a’ “duck” of the very finest kind ; so large, indeed, ns to exceedingly re semble a goose. The whole affair bears on its face the.most nonsensical and contradictory impressions. • * ’ Later From Bogota. A correspondent of the Panama Star writes from Bogota, (the capital of New Granada,) on the 17th ult., as follows: The late extra session of Congress, which terminated the day before yesterday, has been very important. The law was sanctioned by which civil and religious matters are entirely separated ; also, was passed by the two houses, the law regard ’ ing matrimony, which recognizes marriage as a simple contract, and provides for divorces in some cases, and almost at the will of the parties; but it has not yet been officially promulgated. The representative from your province, Justo Arosetneua, presented to the House of Repre sentatives the following projects for codes, viz: civil mining; penal; supplementary laws to the penal code; of judicial organization; of passing judgement in criminal cases. Those codes were received with unmistak able signs of satisfaction by the house, and were adopted immediately on the first debate, and in the second were adopted to be printed for the i coming session. Thus it is safe to say that in | 1854 New Granada will have her legislation properly completed, which are still in force in the Republic. The disorders of which the capital has been the theatre arc being calmed. The adminis tration is now going on in a rational manner, in which state 1* has not been for the last two months. It has re. igued itself to the Necessity of accepting the new Constitution, which, in re ality it did uot like ; because it is now convinc ed that its fall would have been inevitable if it had manifested any opposition to it Later from Panama. By the arrival of the steampsbip Falcon, this morning, from Aspinwall, we have Panama pa pers to the 18th inst.: The Star, of that date, reports that city and Isthmus very healthy. The Star adds : We do not remember ever to have experi enced so much and intense hot weather, as has prevailed during the whole of this month. The seasoil has also been marked by an unusually small quantity of rain. The Star learns, authoritatively, that special instructions have been sent out by the United Slates Government, to the Commodore on the Pacific coast, ordering a vessel of war to he im _ mediately stationed in the harbor of Panama. &|)t Cnrntr Stone. COLUMBUS, GEORGIA. THURSDAY, AUGUST 11, 1853. ~ , ■■ ■ ■ ~ ‘’ ’ Tlie Corner Stone for the Cam paign. As there will probably be considerable ex citement in the political campaign for the next three months, we propose to furnish die Corner Stone until the second week in October on die following terms for cash in advance: 1 copy, < . . . .50 cents. 5 copies, , . . #2 00 10 “ . : . . 4 00 20 “ , . . . 7 00 60 “ . . . 15 00 100 “ ... 25 00 As we acknowledge no fealty to either of the great parties, State or National, we shall sup port neither of them any further than shall suit ns for the time being. We shall express our opinions of >i>oth freely, without reference to the effect upon either. There ate, however, subjects of great import ance to the people, and which party papers are afraid to touch, which we shall freely discuss. Wo are opposed to the Liquor Law. We fre in favor of abolishing the Supreme Court J We think the whole system of taxation is unequal'and unfair; and ought to be radically changed. These are subjects of infinitely more import ance to the people of Georgia, than the settle ment of the question who shall be Governor or Presi lent, and we intend to bring them fully before our readers. The hills of the St. Mary’s Bank, of less than fire dollars, will be received in payment for subscription at this office. Debtor and Creditor. We heard the Judge of otir Superior Court remark from the Bench the other day that leg islation was all in favor of the debtor class. En tertaining a different opiuion we were taken by surprise by the remark, and have been led to examine some of our statutes to see if we were in error. We find that the creditor may, by making oath “that his debtor resides out of the State, or is actually removing without the limits of of this State, or any county, or absconds or con ceals himself, or stands in defiance of a peace officer, so that the ordinary process of law can not be served on him,” the creditor may have the property of the debtor seized and held by the Sheriff to answer the debtor. We find that when a creditor will make oath to the amount of the debt, and that lie lias rea son to apprehend the loss of the same, or some part thereof, unless garnishment do issue, ‘lie may have every man who owes his debtor gar- nishecd, and cause him to hold up whatever he may .-have in his hands, until ha w litigate his own claim. Thus the creditor may hold up ten or a hundred times as much as he claims. This power is often very oppressively and ruinously used. We find that the creditor may, by making oath to the amount of his debt, and “that lie has reason to apprehend the loss of the same or some part thereof, unless the debtor be held to bail,” he may have the debtor arrested and cast into prison, although he knows the debtor has not a dollar in the world. This power is very often used with the ex pectation that some kind hearted friend of the debtor will go his bail, and that after the thing is forgotten, and the debtor has gone off, the money may be collected out of the bail. We find that without any oath, the creditor, after obtaining judgment, may take out a casa, and arrest the debtor and cast him into prison, until he can take all the proper steps to swea out—and this, although the creditor may know j that the debter is not worth one cent. This power is often resorted to with the hope that some kind-hearted friend of the debtor will be his security for his appearance at Court, and that from his negligence or from an indisposi tion to swear out, his friend will have to pay tho money—and *his is often the result. We might point out a good many eases which show that so far from legislation being in favor of the debter that it is greßtly against him, and we may perhaps take up the subject again. ’The Right Spirit. We conunend to tho special attention of our readers remarks from’ the Spirit of the Sonh. The Southern Rights party, if such a party there be, ought to keep itself aloof from nation al party. It is a poor compensation for the sac rifice of self reject and of all Southern rights and independence, that we may be able to at tach ourselves, as serfs and slaves, to the tail of a national party which may, for the time being, j happen to be in power. What difference does it we nro j That the result of our county ejection is con trary to our wishes, and widely contrary to our expectations, we do not denj® Our ticket was barely mccessful as to the House—wo lost our Sei.atoflP To whom or to what ceuse this re sult is attributable we care not to enquire. 11’ those who contributed to it, arc satisfied, so are we; the consciousness rests with us, however, and with every candid mind, that in point of ability, merit, and claim to the station, the de feated candidate is at least the equal of his ‘ competitor. The balance of our ticket succeed ed by the skin of their teeth. con- | fess, this result is especially as it shows a split and a falling off , in the vote of the Southern Rights party, which ; evidently would not have occurred had there j been no opposing congressional candidate in the field. We deplore that such was the case, but shall attach no blame to any one. We wish the past forgotten, breechA Sealed, ani mosities buried, and tire goodly 1 fellowship of former days restored. aware that this election has changed our reluiems or cir cumstances ; or that it is any reatbn to abro gate the organization we have hitherto kept up. Wc ask those who say they are done with Southern Rights, that they have washed their hands, and filed their lull of divorcement; what are we to infer from (heir language? Do they mean that whenin\?sion and infringement of our rights come again, they will be (pund among nn ignoble crew, submitting like-w crouching spaniel to the whip, and lick the hand that in flicts the blow ? If such be their meaning we wish them to enjoy, without our participation, the honor and glory of their achievement, i Southern Rights or or ganization, we never expect or affiliate with national parties again, while their perpetu ity and organization require and demand the sacrifice of State Rights, State interests and State enterprise. And so far as our feeble in fluence and ability extend, we shall endeavor to stimulate others to think less of national hon ors, and turn their attention more to the consid eration of Slate honors, interests, and aggran dizement. Let there he a Southern party to co-operate but not affiliate with vjjiatjver na tional party accords us justice, but to war against it whenever violating our constituted rights and guarantees. To go beyondjßfcyo stop short of this would be imn>. *■ ssa isc. Corruption of the GoveAnVit. We ask the attention of our refers to the following article from the New York Herald. It is no wonder that men are anxiolb to go to Congress when they can make it so profitable. We saw the other day a statemffft tikwMfe pa per accounting for the superior influence of Southern statesmen over those of tile North — the reason given was that in the Vorth and West, each man has to tako his turn at the profits, while the men of the South go only for the honor, and as those who go for the prefit predominate very largely in those who go for the honor, there is nob so much contention for it, and the SoutherMmeu stay longer. We have long entertained that many members receive a great deußnore in the way of “perquisites and pickings<jßn for their regular pay. It is now pretty ascertained that with money euough, any sort of a claim or any sort of a measure which is not purely of a party character, may be passed the Congress of flic United States: ConohessiSnai.'Pkuquisites and Pickings —A Witness on tiie Stand. —Mr. Richard 11. Stanton, Demodr-mdunember of the last'’ Congress, from the State of Kentucky, is up again for a re election ; but some of Ins Demo cratic brethren, not exactly liking it, have turn ed State’s evidence against him. Among these is Mr. Samuel Pike, a Democratic editor, who has been publishing some choice extracts from Mr. Stanton’s letters from Washington to the said Pike, one of which is as follows: ‘•lf I could stay here a month I could make $5,000. As it is, I fear I shall have to hurry off without even completing the business I came on. I saw men in New York, Philadelphia and here, who want my services, and are wil ling to pay for them, and pay for them well. If I can be re-elected I can make a cue at deal of monev. But this is between ourselves. Give iny respects to all friends, and believe ine yours, sincerely, * R. 11. Stanton.” Five thousand dollars in a month! This shows what an enterprising Congressman may do in the way of pickings and perquisites. But bow was this money made? In the practice of the Supreme Court ? We think not. Mr. Stanton, we apprehend, knowns more about laying brick than about Blackstone; and be sides, Congress having evidently adjourned when the above letter was written, the docket of the Supreme Court was pretty well taken up. Was this money to lie made in collecting claims against the government? Members of Con gress do embark in this reprehensible business to men in their official station; but we had hoped that Mr. Stanton was not of the number. How else, then, were these five thousand dol lars in a month to be made, than by a broker- age upon office seekers ? The limitation to five thousand dollars for a month, shows that Mr. Stanton is not a man of capital, and did not contemplate making it in the sale of fancy stocks. Very few young members of Congress are rich enough to take a hand in \\ all street. Some of the old ones are. By his own confession, the money was to be made from his own “services” to men in New York, Philadelphia and Washington, and we suppose that these “services” referred in some way to his usefulness as a member of Congress. We are quite willing to take Mr. Stanton’s letter upon its most liberal interpretation, to wit: that all this money was to be made for I fair and legitimate services; but if a “great deal (>f money” can be fairly made by a member of i J.”ongress, how shall wo measure the amount j ■hat may be pocketed by an unprincipled fellow j ■who goes to Washington with the will and ex- j Iperience necessary to turn every thing to the 1 ■main chance. | The niMouri Flections. I Baltimore, August 3. ■ Clniborno I - ’. Jackson, Democrat, and a latter IpoMical adversary of Mr. Benton, has been elect led to Congress fro - the third District, and Samuel |D. Caruthrrs, Whig, from the seventh District, of I Missouri. Edward Bates, Whig, has been elected [judge of the Land Court. j Maryland. —Thomas N. Loeke, President of the I Baltimore Mechanical Fire Insurance Company, [died in theSuty on the 28tl| ult. To llic People of Muscogee County. I have already announced*to you, that lam a candidate for the Representative branch .of tho Legislature. If it were possible for me to be moved to assume this position by the poor | ambition of merely being known as a member of the Legislature—or the still poorer one of acquiring the reputation of ability in procuring I votes by trick and management —or if I had no higher aim, than to aid in putting the officers | and emoluments of the State into the hands * n&d under the control of this or that, party,’ nothing more would be necessary than that I should seek the nomination and support of some party organization, and bring into the common stock what little of personal influence I inay have, and then rese.t to the ordinary ap pliances of money, liquors and promises for the purpose of seeing those with whom the ob ligations of party are not paramount. But I have different, and I think higher no tions and objects. I am a candidate because there are certain things, which I desire to see accomplished, which, will in my opinion, greatly advance the in terests of tho country —to these objects the ac tion of parties as at present organized, is op posed. There is one portion of the people, upon whom I desire to impress tho feeling and the conviction, that they, in the legislation of the cohntry, have an interest of more importance and higher value,-than the little pittance which they may bo able to get out of the candidate fij£their votes —to make them feel that they are men whose right, duty and interest, it is to know and to understand the measures which those who seek to represent them propose to adopt, and to decide upon the merits of those meas ures in reference to there bearing upon the rights of themselves aud others; and that they are not slaves to be led or driven to the poles to do the bidding of their masters. If this can be effected, it would make a won derful change upon the face of society. I have been told by good men who profess to hold moral considerations higher than all others, and who profess to mourn over the cor ruptions of tho land, that it cannot be done. — This will be true just so long as such men throw their weight into the other scale, and no longer. There is a philanthropy and a Christi anity which is wonderfully active in promoting the interest of morality provided it requires no sacrifice and no self denial. They will talk for it, and vote for it, and make men moral and pure by law, hut if they he required to give up an interest or a prejudice, it becomes altogether another affair. Many of you will remember that four years ago I was a candidate for the Legislature, and that in the address in which I announced my self as a candidate, I, also, announced that I would not buy votes, that I would not treat, that I would open no houses to bring in and pen up voters, and to make them drunk, and that I would diag no man up to the polls on the day qf the election, and it is known to you that I carried out this determination to the let ter —ariiLal though some of my opponents had , an open nouse in town, where there were hun dreds of men from Saturday night until Mon day morning, drinking, fiddling, dancing <fcc., and though this was known to everybody, yet I was beaten by the cliu^i —I am of the opinion that at least throejrfaurths of the prominent Methodist, Baptist] Presbyterians and Episcopalians’ in the county voted against me. Though they professed to hold morality higher and more important than all things else; though they prayed and mourned over the de pravity and corruption and degradation of the land; yet when the time came to test their faith by their works, when some sacrifice and self denial had to be done in the cause, they fjjund that there were higher aud more important things than the advancement of morals, and though conscience might have pleaded strongly with them, they said “go thy way fpr this time, at a convenient season I will call for thee.”— the biddings of party were stronger than , tire* pleadings of conscience. I say that such men are more than all others responsible for these things, and qjr.e mfcre cul pable than the candidates. They pu> up their candidates and say to them “any thing but de feat.” Upon us you may calculatajjrymy event and the rest you must get'upon tfeme plan or another ; any sin will be forgjren but a sin against the party, and the greabJw sin gainst the party is to be beaten. body jknow that every candidate would be glad to be relieved from the necessity of resorting to these means ? And dont every body know that if all of those who profess to have their moral feelings so greatly shocked by these things, would vote against those who resorted to them, no candidate would resort to it ? They justi fy themselves by “aying that both parties do it: then let them put up some body that wont. I shall give them another chance.’® W e hear every day a great deal of denunciation of men who will sell their votes for a drink of whiskey or a pair of shoes. I should like to know the difference betweeit the man that sells his vote for a pair of shoes and him that votes against the dictates of his judgement or his conscience, for fear of being charged with de serting his party —it is decidedly in favor of him that gets the shoes->-hc don’t know or care perhaps whether he is doing l ight or ro.ng, perhaps thinks he is doing right, and makes something by it—the other does a known wrong, from a cowardly, slavish fear of men, and gets nothing for it. Suppose he does it w ith the hope of getting an office, his vote is as much sold as if he had got a pair of shoes, he only stipulates for his pay in different coin and that upon a credit. I will now tell you some of the principal things that I shall do if I am elected. I shall oppose to the utmost limit what is called the Temperance movement, as developed in the proceedings of the Atlanta Convention. I shall not now attempt to argue the question fuily. Suffice it to say it is not a fit subject for legislation —it belongs exclusively to Christian ity—and to me it has always been a strange thing that there should be numbered among its advocates a single man who professess to believe in its doctrines. They profess to have faith in the religion of Him who expressly declared tha|’ hiskingdom was not of this yvorld—who sought the aid of no earthly laws to propogate hisdoc trines or to enforce his precepts —they boast that he came to do that which human laws were powerless to effect—they profess to be lieve that His religion has power to redeem men from their sins—they boast that in the hands of a few humble fishermen, it has gone forth conquoring and to conquor, and confident ly predict that it will overcome the whole earth. And all this they do with good reason, for they have seen wonderful exemplifications of its mighty power. They have seen thousands of instances in which its influence and power have changed the lion into the lamb—they have seen the moral leper cleansed, and made like anew born babe—they have seen him who had set at naught the laws of God and man, whom hu man laws could not restrain, whom human pun ishments could not reform, brought by the be nign influences of Christianity, to the feet of Jes.us, clothed and in his right mind. They have seen the Christian religion spring ing from an humble origin—opposed by the laws of the country, the usages and customs of society, the passiofs, the prejudices, the desires, the interests and superstitions of men; yet by its purity, its simplicity., winning its way to the hearts of men —gwng on purifying and eleva’ ting society, refining the wicked of all classes, restraining every improper feeling, and giving activity and energy to every good one. They have seen it under these circumstan ces, doing for morality and virtue what human law’s never did, and ne’er can do—nay, it has done it even in opposition to human laws. — But now, when it has no open enemies, when its divine and sating power is every where rec ognized, except where faith in it has been de stroyed by itsTprofessed followers —when public opinion is in its favor, and the institutions of the country, instead of opposing, foster and proetet it, and yet its advocates come forward and pro claim to the world that it has not power to do its work. They go into a savage country where the sound of the gospel lias never been heard, with no public opinion to sustain, no physical power to protect, where they have to combat the com bined powers of wickedness and ignorance—to encounter mental and moral darkness and deg radation, to contend with the interests, the pre judices, and the influence of the great and pow erful, with the superstitions, fears and ignorance of the humble, with the expectation not only of enlightening the understanding and purify ing, tha(|*eßit, but of heating down those preju dices and I^o*l'turn ing those laws and customs which rq*onjMbd to Christianity—and this they do by the power of human laws and the jpawer of human officers—hut bv the .MviMpb wer and the holy purity and beauty of truth, as exemplified in the teachings and the . example of a few humble men—strangers to thcoupon whom they exert such a wonderful influence. llow is it, then, that in a land where every man has the Bible, where the truth of Christian ity is universally acknowledged, where the man nets, habits, prejudices, opinions, laws and in stitutions of the country are favorable to it, that they are afraid, to rely upon the religion for which they claim such superhuman power, and Rail for the poqr aid of human laws to sustain morality ? Is it true that’ Christianity possesses this saving power only when it has to contend unaided and nloy against human depravity in ail its worst sniiies! Or is'it true that after it has reached a s **nain point in civilizing, enlightening, purifying and elevating a people, its effect is to produce in a part of that people, a depravity which even its divine power canjaot reach ? Ah, no—it is n Jr, this—these arc not the prom ises of our Saviour* to his disciples when he was upon the earth—he told them that in his name they should remove mountains, they should east out devils, heal the sick, cleanse the lepers, and many other thinjf he told them; ana his last I promise to them was, “And lo 1 lam with you always, even to the end of tho world.” And it has been most beautifully remarked by one of the | purest and most gifted of Ills followers, “that his promises are pay iUjle to bearer, are never protested, andare good tqall generations.” Then why rely upon any other nnme to effect these things 1 4fhy trust in the name of the At lanta convention, or in the name of the Legisla ture of Georgia, or in the great names of great men who may sign their petition j? If I felt that he had “annoir.ted me to preach the gospel to the poor,” and had me to heal I the broken hearted, to preaeh deliverance to the captives, and recovering of sight to the blind, to set at liberty, them that are bound”—with all his promises of aid and support, I should in the pur suit of my mission no sooner think of laying aside the mighty spiritual armour with which he had invested me, and relying upon the puny arm of hu man power, than if I had been Moses I would have thought of dipping out the waters of the Dead Sea with a gourd, instead of using the means which God had commanded. But the difficulty is, that in the purity and sim plicity of Christianity, there are not the regalia of office, the pomp and circumstance of power, the pageantry and gorgeousness of wealth, no loud blasts of the trumpet of fame to sound its namea|l over the land—its movements are gentle as the air we breathe, and noiseless as the sunshine falls upon us. The laborer in the cause must pass by all these and look to God for his pay, and a great many have left off working far that kind af pay. If half the time, and talents, and industry, that are exercised in getting up Temperance Conven tions and meetings, were exercised in going out into the highways and hedgos, and,hunting top tho halt, tlie lame, and the blind—if half the seal and interest in their welfare wore manifested, which in manifested in building up splendid ohurchos, and High Schools and, Colleges—if tlrey were ns perse veringly and as frequently, and as zealously, and ns affectionately appealed to, in behalf of tlioir groat interests, os those who have money are ap pealed t.o for money to carry out and aecomplish j those objects which shall give the Church a great name, there would bo no use for legislation for Next week I shall give you my position upon taxation, and other questions. JAMES IT. BETHUNE [FoiI tiie Corner Stone.] Mr. Editor: In my last articlo I pressed upon my fellofP citizens the question, whether they hnd any more rights and liberties than they could bo safe with ; and if so, how many and what those rights were. If this question has been answered, or attempted to be answered, I am not apprised of it; and I therefore turn to another branch of ther liquor law, and by your leave, Mr. Editor, I would propound to its advocates a few plain questions, and ako file a bill of charges against them.—- Should any of them see proper to attempt an answer to the questions, or file a bill of demurer to the charges, I hope you will hold the columns of the Corner Stone open for tlieir-answer or demurers. And I would first ask the advocates of the pro posed liquor law, what important purpose they ex pect or design to accomplish by introducing a’ system of legislating upon subjects and matters which in republysan governments we, from the very nature of the government, and the necessity of the case, are accustomed to consider wholly private and domestic t Secondly, why are you’ so anxious to bring the matter of retailing in toxicating drinks, before the Legislature, whilst you say not a word about the extensive distil leries from which the poison is sent forth into tho world, not by the half pint, or by tho drink,, but by the hundreds and thousands of hogshead* annually; nor do we hoar a word from you touch ing the wholesale dealers in the article I Thirdly, 1 ask, wlmt assurance the people have, if they should grant the request of the memorialists, and suffer their representatives to dictate to them what they shall drink, that they will not upon the same principle, assume the right to dictate what they shall eat, what they shall wear, what schools they shall patronize, or what church they shall join, what avocation they shall fol low, and in short, where the legislation is to stop if once introduced, and what great benefits are to result from the proposed policy, admitting that it should be carried no farther, nor applied to any other of Ihe inalienable rights of the American people than simply to their privilege of drinking by the half pint system, whilst tht dis tilleries and wholesale dealers ore left at liberty, the one to manufacture aud the other to sell bv the hogshead or barrel. I ask, fourthly, why you, gentlemen, advocates of the proposed law, do not come out openly before the people and let them know whut they are doing before obtaining their signatures to yonr petitions and memorials, and if you are not yourselves conscious of having ob tained the names of a great many who acted as did the Jews for whom Christ prayed upon tho cross, saying, “Father forgive them, for they know not what they do?” I have many more questions jpr the memorialists or liquor law nd veontes, but I do not wish to crowd them, nor in any way confuse them, for if they arc engaged in a good work they deserve sympathy an.i aid, and if their cause is a bad one, they should he pfe- ’ vailc.Uipon to abandon it, if possible. My friends, think of these things. I will not at present trouble yon, Mr, Editor, nor your renders, by pressing any farther qnes tions“npbn tho liquor law memorialists, bet I will proceed briefly to file my charges against them. And first, I charge that they are afraid to bring the subject in a fair and undisguised manner be fore the people; but that they seek, by deceitful and dishonest means to draw those into its sup port who, if properly informed, would not only withhold their support, but would spurn and dis countenance both the proposed law and its advo cates—and farther, that if the advocates of tho policy had any confidence in the rectitude of their cause, they xvould not thus seek to effect or carry it out by such unholy means as obtaining an ar ray of names from innocent, ignorant and unsus pecting persons, on their petitions and memorials, but as Christians, as scripture believing and scripture abiding men, they W’ould come out in bold discussion and let the world know what they. design to aecomhlish for the good of tho “dear people,” by appointing for each and every one of them guardians, so far as the matter of drinking is concerned, and whether if the peo ple grant their representatives this proposed guardianship, they will not assume a still further guardianship over them, so far as to dictate to, them not only what they shall drink, but whab. | they shall eat, what they shall wear, what schools L they shall patronize, what chureh they shall join, f and finally whether a man shall marry a native. I American or a foreigner, and how often he shall kiss his wife? And secondly, I chaige that the proposed law had its origin at the North, thnt it is a Northern, Federal, anti-republican, and un constitutional policy, and deserves not the coun tenance and support of a free, intelligent people. Gentlemen, (advocates of the liquor law,) I have done with you and your favorite theme for tho present. Tho questions I have propounded to, you, and the charges I have alleged against you, and your proposed law. are written in language not to be misunderstood, and when they are aa plainly answered, I will furnish you with another. Notes. —For Heaveo’iMie look well to thia subject before you vote, and as one who. wishes you well, desires yotir happinegiL and the perpetuity of your liberties, entreat you to vote for no flian who, under any pretext, seeks to control your lilfferties.—Farewell. * £ Kentucky Election. Louisville, August 1, P. M.-The following re turns of the Congressional elections in this State have been received : In this city, which forms a part of the 7th Con gressional District, Mr. Preston, the Whig candid ate for Congress, has 1,250 majority, and is un- Senate* 1 Ch ° Ben W ° lf ’ ‘ V tl *S> 18 elected to tho In the Ashland District, Breckenbridge, Demo crat, is re-elected by a handsome mnjority. Inthestb District the vote is very close be tween Hill, Whig, and Stone, Democrat and the result is doubtful. Stone was oleoted in 1851 bv 363 majority. ’ J SECOND DISTTATCH, £ usust 2 '— ,rhe returns from tho 10th diSTCtindicate that Hodge Whig is eleel ed to Congress over R. H. Stanton 8 sasnasft* c ’ ** Both of tliesc ark Whig gains. (