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SPEECH OK COL. R. M. JOHNSON,
_i< the Reception fircn to him in Sprinpjt Id. Illinois ,
May ISt, thO.
Col. Johnson then ascended the plat
form occupied by the chair of the speak
er. and addressed the assembly, in a re
ply of about two hours in length—a
reply which did not seem to us to occupy
more than half an hour, so deeply inter
esting were his remarks. The old hero
did not attempt to make any display of
oratory or eloquence. He was eloquent
eloquent in his language, in the dar
ing deeds he described, in the justice he
rendered to his brave commander and his
brother soldiers, and his very appearance
spoke to the heart of every beholder in
terms of patriotic eloquence which no
language can describe.
We cannot undertake to follow Colonel
Johnson through his speech. We took
no note of it, and the speaker himself did
not make the slightest preparation. He
began by returning his most sincere
and heartfelt thanks'to the persons pres
ent for the honor they had conferred upon
him, and to the orator of the day for the
eloquent and flattering speech to which
we had all listened. He said he had left
his home iu Kentucky about forty-five
days previous, without the least expecta
tion or wish of making any parade thro’
the country. In fact, he had approached
every place he had visited without no
tice— he was actually in St. Louis, he
said, Indore the people there knew of his
presence. He could not but feel the
deeper gratitude, and the higher gratifica
tion, in having become the object of such
high distinction and honor wherever he
went.
During the course of his speech, Col.
Johnson would often refer to many well
known persons in the crowd from ‘‘Old
Kentucky’ who had left a good country
fora better—as be was compelled to say
since he had passed over the rich and
beautiful prairies of Illinois. In the scenes
which he described during the last war,
he would often refer to Col. Craig and
several other brave and meritorious sol
diers in that war, who confirmed every
statement made by Col. Johnson. The
old hero said that, while he was a mem
ber of Congress in 1812, news of the
massacre at the river Raisin, by Proctor
and his murdering bands, had thrown all
Kentucky into mourning. He applied
to President Monroe, who gave him a
commission to raise 1,000 mounted vol
unteers, and join the army under Gen.
1 iurrison. Ile performed the duty. The
regiment was raised. Every man in it
was made out of the right stulf. The
massacre of three hundred of their coun
trymen at the river Raisin where they
were inclosed in a bullock pen, and shot
down in cold blood, one by one, under
the eye of Proctor, the British General
had created a spirit in his troop which
caused them all to make their wills before
they left Kentucky, resolving never again
to return, unless they came back con
querors over the butchery murderers of
their countrymen. Each man was moun
ted, and was armed with a rifle and pis
tols. a good sword, and a sharp knife, sim
ilar to the Indians. In fact the men knew
who they had to contend with. They
did not go out to fight by the day, but by
the job. When they arrived at the
American camp, in Canada, 1 lurrison was
on the watch for Proctor. "Oh ! how 1
did want to catch that fellow,” said Col.
Johnson. “I never thirsted for man’s
blood; but Proctor was a monster. Even
Tecumsch, an Indian warrior, whose na
ture was savage, and whose education
taught him that a scalp was honorable, no
matter how obtained, was shocked at the
conduct of the cowardly assassin. While
Proctor was silently looking on at the
massacre of our men in the bullock pen,
Tecumsch came up and put a stop to the
cold-blooded murders, telling Proctor
‘you could have prevented this, but did
not.’” *
We all wanted to catch Proctor, said
Col. Johnson. 1 asked permission of Gen.
Harrison to go in search of him. 1 shall
never forget the fire in his eye as he re
plied, “Go, Cos!., but remember discipline.
The rashness of your brave Kentuckians
heretofore destroyed themselves. Be cau
tions sir, as well as brave and active, as
1 know you all are.” We were near that
beautiful river of Canada, the Thames. 1
departed with my regiment in search of
Proctor. In a short time we caught a
spy, who begged hard for his life. 1 told
him that if tie dill not tell us where Proc
tor was I would instantly' shoot him. 1
talked big, said Johnson, to scare him. 1
don’t know whether I should have killed
him or not. However, he said he was
an American, and had been compelled by
Proctor to come out as a spy. lie said
that the British army was only within a
few miles of us. I instantly sent word
to Gen. Harrison of what this spy had
developed; and afterwards in marching
to the spot designated, sure enough there
was Proctor and his soldiers, drawn up
in beautiful order o:i a rising ground,
about 700 strong. 1 again sent word to
General Harrison that “we had tree’d
Proctor;” and in a very short time Gen.
Harrison came up with the main body
of the army on foot. I again asked per
mission of Gen. Harrison to begin the
battle. He granted that permission; and
here let me say that Gen. Harrison beha
ved throughout the engagement like a
brave officer. He was where he ought
to have lieen —in the place where duty
called him. As to my regiment, it was
a pious regiment—that is we had many
religious men in it. Preacher Suclcet was
an uncommon man. I do lieliovc lie
loved fighting better than any thing else,
except praying—that is, fighting the en
emies of his country. Well, I divided
my regiment into two bodies. My bro
ther James commanded the 500 of them
who were opposed to the British. Upon
die first onset of brother James with a lew
of his men, the British line fired entire—
upwards of 350 of them all fired togeth
er, and what do you think was the dam-
age? Why, fellow-citizens, they killed
one horse \ Those falling back, the re
maining portion of the British also ad
vanced and fired; but this time not a soul
was hurt; they did not even touch a
horse. Our men then advanced at full
speed on the British, who threw down
ttieir weapons, calling out, “we surrender
—we surrender!” Proctor, the coward,
had fled long before: like the captain 1
once heard of, who told his men that they
might fight or retreat as they deemed
most advisable ; but as ‘retreat’ might lie
the word, and as he (the captain) was a
little lame, he would set out now, so that
he might not be behind too far! So it was
with Proctor. He had run away some
time before.
Such was the battle of the Thames,
said Col. Johnson. The British were de
feated by my brother James and his brave
men, without losing scarcely a man.
[Here Col. Johnson concluded, but was
called upon to give an account of the
conduct of that part of the regiment en
gaged with the Indians.]
Col. Johnson said that at his age it was
wrong to put oil any false modesty ; and
as he had been called upon to relate that
portion of the fight which took place with
the Indians, he would endeavor to do so.
The Indians were 1,400 strong, com
manded by Tecumseh, one of the bravest
warriors who ever drew breath. He was
a sort of Washington among the Indians
that is, they looked upon him as we
look upon Washington. The Indians
were in ambush on the other side of what
we were informed was an impassible
swamp; but just before they came on, a
narrow passage across the swamp was dis
covered. Knowing well the Indian char
acter, I determined to draw forth the en
tire Indian fire, so that the remainder of
the regiment might rush forward upon
them while their rifles were empty. Hav
ing promised the wives, mothers, and sis
ters of my men, before I left Kentucky,
that I would place their husbands, sons,
and brothers in no hazard which I was
unwilling to share myself, I put myself
at the head of these 2U men, and we ad
vanced upon the covert in which I knew
the Indians were concealed. The mo
ment we came in view, we received the
whole Indian fire. Nineteen of my twenty
men dropped in the field. 1 felt that 1
was myselfseverely wounded. The mare
1 rode staggered and fell to her knees :
she had fifteen balls in her, as was after
wards ascertained : but the noble animal
recovered her feet by a touch of the rein.
I waited but a few moments, when the
remainder of the troop came up, and we
pushed forward on the Indians, who in
stantly retreated. 1 noticed an Indian
chief among them, who succeeded in ral
lying them three different times. This I
thought 1 would endeavor to prevent;
because it was by this time known to
the Indians that their allies, the British,
had surrendered. I advanced singly upon
him, keeping my right arm close by my
side, and covered by the swamp ; he took
to a tree, anti from thence deliberately
fired upon them. Although I previously
had four balls in me, this last wound was
more acutely painful than all of them.
Ills ball struck me on the knuckle of my
left hand, passed through my hand, and
came out just above the wrist. 1 ran my
left arm through the bridle rein, for my
hand instantly swelled,and became use
less. The Indian supposed he had mor
tally wounded me; he came out from
behind the tree, and advanced upon me
with uplifted tomahawk. When lie had
come within my mare’s length of me, 1
drew my pistol and instantly tired, having
a dead aim upon him. He fell : and the
Indians shortly after either surrendered
or had fled. My pistol had one ball and
three buckshot in it; and the body of the
Indian was found to have a hall through
his body, and three buckshot in different
parts of his breast and head.
[Thus fell Tecumsch, cried out some
one of the audience.]
(fob Johnson said lie did not know that
it was Tecumsch at that time. [Circum
stances have since rendered this a matter
of certainty. No intelligent man, we be
lieve, now pretends to doubt the fact.]
As Col. Johnson described those thrill
ing incidents, the vast hall was so still as
to render the fluttering of one of the win
dow curtains distinctly h#hrd all over the
room. Some cried out “Huzza for the
hero,” and the siumtaticous shout which
instantly arose from a thousand voices,
might have waked the dead. We have
given a very imperfect sketch of the re
marks of Col. Johnson ; they are taken
entirely from memory. His speech was
interspersed with lively anecdotes—such
as he knows how to tell, and which we
should only spoil by attempting a repeti
tion. lie concluded by saying that the
noble animal upon which he fought that
day survived only till she had borne him
out ot the press of the battle ; when she
fell dead, and [ was myself unable to rise.
I felt that dreamy feeling coming over
me consequent upon the loss of blood,
and after the excitement of deadly strife
had passed away, I was reported as dead
to Gen. Harrison, who instantly rode up
to the spot: when it was found that i was
not dead, but only possuming.
1 cannot conclude, said Col. Johnson,
without doing justice to the memory of
my brave commander Geu. Harrison.
He was a brave and experienced General.
He was just where he ought to have been
throughout this battle -/’lie was ready,
with the remainder of the army to push
forward to our support if it had been ne
cessary. But Proctor was an arrant cow
ard, and ran away at the commencement
ot the battle. The foot-soldiers of 1 larri
son s forces were also drawn up in a hoi- j
low spunre, just iu the position where j
they could do the greatest service to either
division ol my mounted regiment. Braver j
men never trod the earth than those foot
soldiers. Col. Johnson concluded by
again returning his sincere thanks to all:
present for the unmerited honors they
had conferred upon him.
freal the Albany Argos.
minis.
It is said to be a gratification to see the
strong struggling through a morass —but
this gratification is much increased when
we see the weak, with an honest heart
and a resolute tv iti, struggling through
the same morass, until they plant their
feet upon firm ground.
The present and past position of Illi
nois give rise to these reflections, and we
believe a few minutes attention will con
vince our readers that they are not un
timely. During the Banking mania and
Internal Improvement fever, Illinois was
one of those States which embarked the
most recklessly. Her system of Internal
Improvement was the most comprehen
sive of any State in the Union. Two
great lines of railway were to intersect
the whole length of the State. One of
these was no less than 400 miles long
nearly as long as the Erie rail-road. She
also commenced the construction of the
Illinois and Michigan canal, to connect
the waters of Lake Michigan and those
of the Mississippi. This too. was on a
gigantic scale lOO miles long, 00 feet
wide a:id 0 feet deep.
The population of the State was not
over 300,000, and the taxable property
not over $40,000,000. Half ot the State
was yet a wilderness. Millions of acres
were unoccupied. The “credit system
enabled her for three years to move on
swimmingly; but she soon paid the pen
alties of violating the laws of trade. The
fever of financial delirium inevitably
brings a corresponding depression. Cap
italists began to question the ability of the
State to pay. Her assets were evidently
small, and her debt was becoming enor
mous. She was borrowing to pay her in
terest. This excited suspicion and dis
trust. They refused to lend another dol
lar. As credit was her only resource
the State stopped payment, the works
were suspended and a debt of $10,000,-
000 was already created, and a mile of
canal or rail road completed.
I'nder circumstances like these, it isnot
a wonder she was deemed but a few
months since hopelessly insolvent.
In December, 1842, Illinois (i per cts.
which in 1838 had commanded 100 cents
on the dollar, were sold for IS cents on
the dollar, and were regarded as a poor
investment at that price. This is one of
the most impressive lessons of the dangers
of excessive borrowing, there is in the
history of the times.
The Legislature of 1841 made no ef
forts to pay. Wc believe they even re
solved that they could not pay. The
whig party, who generally go for resolu
tions to pay, rather than paying, uncorked
some of their peculiar morality, and im
mediately stigmatized Illinois as a State
that would never pay her debt.
Those repudiating resolutions were
subsequently rescinded, but unquestion
ably had a serious effect on all American
credit. Capitalists are so sensitive, that
even after they give up all hopes of seeing
their money again, the are still more
alarmed when they hear their debtors de
clare they will not pay. This tears away
even their last hope of possible payment.
During 1 the canvass of 1812, the public
debt question was much agitated through
out Illinois, and it was suggested that
something might still be done by a settle
ment and compromise,which would save
the character of the State, relieve the peo
ple from heavy taxation, and yet satisfy
their foreign creditors,and thus take away
the reproach of repudiation. The dem
ocratic party swept the State. Gov. Ford
was elected by 8000 majority, and a large
majority of democrats in bot h Senate and
House. When the legislature assembled,
it was acknowledged by all that Illinois
could not pay in money, but she had
property, and this might be turned over to
the creditors, with their consent.
The money article of the N. Y. Herald
of Thursday, sketches the subsequent ef
forts of Gov. Ford and the Democratic
party to lift Illinois out of the morass, and
also the success of their measures and
the confidence capitalists already begin
to repose in the acts of the last legisla
ture.
“Gov. Ford in his message ably and
skilfully sketched the plan, which was
vigorously followed up. The $3,100,-
000 subscribed to the banks are with
drawn and cancelled near SBOO,OOO of
bonds issued to Stebbing & McAlister,
were settled by a law passed on the ap
plication of those gentlemen. There re
main about $9,000,000, of which $5,000,-
000 have a lien upon the canal and its
property. This canal and its property
are promptly put in their possession by
the new law, on condition that they com
plete it and pay themselves, principal and
interest, in full. The State debt will then
be reduced to $4,000,000 improvement
bonds. Its means will be enhanced by
the completion of a work which may be
considered one of the most important of
the age, if reference is had to its locality
and connections. 'File canal itself is 100
miles in length, but the Illinois river is
navigable from the canal to its mouth,
and completes the circle of water com
munication round the United States. The
population of thecountries through which
this canal passes, was in 1840,200,000,
and is now fully 250,000. 'l’lie immi
gration into the State lias alone been
120,000, or 50,000 per annum, according
to the most accurate returns.
“The consideration in which it is held
by the leading interests in this country,
may he estimated from the fact that Mes
srs. Oakly & Ryan arrived in this city to
open their mission at a time when the
stock and money market was nearly stag
nant. From some of the warmest friends
of Illinois, they met with but little encour
agement. The experienced skill of Col.
Oakley, and the cool judgment of Mr. Ry
an, soon, however, satisfactorily explain
ed the nature of the operation, and it was j
easily entered into. The American Ex- j
change Bank and other holders in the \
city, immediately subscribed their quota,
amounting to $9)0,000 bonds. Yester- [
day a letter was received from the Comp
troller, stating that about $225,000 are
held by the free-hanks of this State,
which have expressed a desire to sub
scribe, making $052,000, which are all
the canal bonds held here. The public
have appreciated the movement, and the
stock has risen from 18 to 41. The cap
italists of Boston, who look upon the ca
nal of Illinois as an important adjunct to
the Albany rail-road, have freely tendered
their assistance, and the success of the
loan is beyond a doubt. The buoyancy
in Illinois stock has been communicated
to all others, and the rise has been enor
mous, because full confidence is enter
tained that the movement of Illinois will
go far to restore American credit, and in
duce foreign creditors to retain their
stocks, and during the plenteousness of
money there, perhaps to increase their in
vestments in the best description of Uni
ted States securities.”
Messrs. Evan and Oakley sailed from
Boston to England on Thursday. It ap
pears that $25,000 is subscribed in this
country. The foreign bond-holders (who
hold to the amount of $3 800,000) are
entitled to subscribe the residue wanted,
that is, $970,000. We cannot doubt hut
they will avail themselves of this privil
ege. Interest will induce them so to act,
and the plenteousness of money is such
in England that a failure does not seem
probable. But if the commissioners should
return unsuccessful, there is a fair proba
bility that the money will be subscribed
in New York and Boston. At any rate,
the canal will be recommenced at least by
the first of September, on the money al
ready subscribed, and in two years it is
calculated that the waters of Michigan
will flow into the Illinois river.
We have given this subject an exten
ded notice, because it is considered as in
timately connected with the credit of all
the States. If one of the heavily indebt
ed States can reach dry land by her own
exertions, she will be a beacon light to all
the States similarly situated. Illinois
was one of the first to fall, and she is the
first to resume. She has no money, but
with an honest heart, she yields her
whole property to her creditors, and does
all she can to make it available.
It also shows that an assumption of the
State debts is not needed. The States
will best work out their own regeneration.
They will .compromise to the satisfaction
of their creditors, and ultimately pay all,
by the agency of the boundless but yet
undeveloped resources of a soil as fertile
as ever trod by the foot of man. Finan
cial tricks and stratagems, and resolu
tions to pay, will not do. Statesnmst
either levy a tax or surrender ala thftir
property to their creditors.
means alone, can credit be maintained.
The embarrassments and sufferings of the
past will teach them the dangers of debt,
and they will learn to do without those
“improvements,” for which they cannot
readily pay.
Annexed is a summary of the present
debt of Illinois:
“The amount of the debt of Illinois,
Dec. 1,1842, was $14,497,472
Which has been subsequent
ly reduced as follows:
By settlement with the
Banks $3,100,000
Sale of internal
improvements, 1,720,000
Settlement with M’-
Allisterifc Stebbins, 000,000
55,420,000
$0,077,472
If the canal law goes into ef
fect, the debt which will
be still farther reduced, $5000,000
A sum upon which, the commissioners
think, the people of the State are abun
dantly able to pay the interest by taxa
tion.”
In justice to the American people, we
would add, that the apparent repudiation
of the western states lias arisen entirely
from unavoidable inability, rather than
from nnv design or intention on their part
to defraud their creditors. As their means
improve, they will do all they can to pay
their debts to the last dollar. The de
pression of prices has been so intense,
and the revulsion so extraordinary, from
the times of ’3O to those of 1842, that it is
rather a wonder that men so surrounded
and borne down by the wrecks of their
once supposed ample property, should
make an effort to struggle through this
Dead Sen, * *'' * * ' *
From the Tuscaloosa Monitor.
Port: aits of the Fourteenth Congress.
In the speech of Mr. Wilde, of Georgia,
delivered in the House of Representatives
in 1842, ou the Tariff, he thus introdu
ces, in a style of beauty peculiar to his
own classic genius, sketch of some of the
distinguished men of the Fourteenth
Congress, (1810.) Mr. Wilde says
The restrictive system is more plainly
to be traced to the embargo, noil-inter
course, non-importation, war. and double
duties. When peace came, these duties
were about to expi re. Anew system of
revenue was to be devised, and the man
ufacturers, threatened, as they believed,
with ruin, earnestly and humbly entreated
that the amount required ns revenue
should he so imposed as to enable them
to stand the shock.
It was under such circumstances that
the Fourteenth Congress assembled. At
that time I had the honor to be a member
of this House. It was an honor then.
What it is now, 1 shall not say. It is
what the twenty-second Congress have
been pleased to make it. I have neither
time, nor strength, nor ability, to speak
of the legislators of that day, as they de
serve: nor is this the fit occasion. Yet
I the coldest or most careless nature, can
| not recur to such associates, without some j
! touch of generous feeling, which, in j
quicker spirits, would kindle into high!
i and almost holy enthusiasm.
Lowndes.
Pre-eminent yet not more proudly
than humbly pre-eminent —among them,
was a gentleman from South Carolina,
now no more: the purest, the calmest,
the most philosophical of our country’s
modern statesmen. One no less remark
able lor gentleness of manners, and kind
ness of heart, than for that passionless,
unclouded intellect, which rendered him
deserving of the praise if ever man de
served it —of merely standing by and
letting reason argue for him. The true
patriot, incapable of all selfish ambition,
who shunned office and distinction, yet
served his country faithfully, because he
loved her. He, i mean, who consecra
ted by his example, the noble precept, so
entirely bis own, that the first station in
the republic was neither to be sought af
ter nor declined —a sentiment so just
and so happily expressed, that it contin
ues to be repeated, because it cannot be
improved.
Pinckney.
There was, also, a gentleman from
Maryland, whose ashes now slumber in
your cemetery. It is not long since I
stood by his tomb, and recalled him, as
he was then, in all the pride and power of
his genius. Among the first of his coun
trymen and contemporaries, as a jurist
and statesman, first as an orator, he was,
if not truly eloquent, the prince of rheto
ricians. Nor did the soundness of his lo
gic suffer any thing, by a comparison
with the sickness and classical purity of
the languagein which he copiously pour
ed forth those figurative illustrations of
his argument, which enforced while they
adorned it. But let others pronounce his
eulogy. I must not. 1 feel as if his
mighty spirit still haunted the scene of its
triumphs, and when I dared to wrong
them, indignantly rebuked me.
These names have become historical.
There were others, of whom it is more
difficult to speak, because yet within the
reach of praise or envy. For one who
was, or aspired to be a politician, it would
be prudent, perhaps wise, to avoid all
mention of these men. Their acts, their
words, their thoughts, their very looks,
have becomesubjectsof party controversy.
But he whose ambition is of a higher or
lower order, has no need of such reserve.
Talent is of no party exclusively; nor is
justice.
Itaiutolph.
Among them, but not of them, in the
fearful and solitary sublimity of genius,
stood a gentleman from Virginia—- whom
it were superfluous to designate. Whose
speeches were universally read. Whose
satire was universally feared. Upon
whose accents did this habitually listless
and unlistening House hang, so frequent
ly, with wrapt attention ? Whose fame
was identified with that body for so long
a period ? Who was a more dextrous
debater? a riper scholar? better versed
in the politics of our country ? or deeper
read in the history of others? Above all,
who was more thoroughly imbued with
the idiom of the English language
more completely master of its strength,
and beauty, and delicacy ? or more capa
ble of breathing thoughts of flame in
words of magic, and tones of silver!
Cathoun.
There was, also, a soil of South Caro
lina, still in the service of the Republic,
then, undoubtedly, the most influential
member of this House. With a genius
eminently metaphysical, he applied to
politics his habits of analysis, abstraction,
and condensation, and thus gave to the
problems of Government something of
that grandeur which the higher mathe
matics have borrowed from astronomy.
The wings of his mind were rapid, blit
capricious, and there were times when
the light which flashed from them as they
passed, glanced like a mirror in the sun,
only to dazzle the beholder Engrossed
with his subject careless of his words
his loftiest flights of eloquence were
sometimes followed by colloquial or pro
vincial barbarisms. But, though often
incorrect he was always fascinating.—
Language, with him, was merely the
scaffolding of thought—employed to
raise a dome, which, like Angelo’s, lie
suspended m the heavens.
It is equally impossible to forget, or to
omit, a gentleman from Kentucky, whom
party has since made the fruitful topic of
unmeasured panegyric and detraction.
I Os sanguine temperament, and impetuous
I character, his declamation was impas
sioned. his retorts acrimonious. Deficient
in refinement, rather than in strength,
his style was less elegant and correct, than
animated and impressive. But it swept
away your feelings with it, like a moun
tain torrent, and the force of the stream
left you little leisure to remark upon its
clearness. His estimate of human nature
was, probably, not very high. It may
Le that his past associations had not
tended to exalt it. Unhappily, it is, per
haps, more likely to have been lowered
than raised by his subsequent experience.
Yet then, and ever since, except when
that imprudence, so natural to genius,
prevailed over his better judgment, ho
had, generally, the good sense, or good
taste, to adopt a lofty tone of sentiment,
whether he spoke of measures, or of men,
of friend, or adversary. On many occa
sions he was noble and captivating.
One, I can never forget. It was the fine
burst of indignant eloquence, with which
he replied to the taunting question, “what
have we gained by the war ?”
WVebster.
Nor may I pass over in silence, a rep
resentative from New Hampshire, who
has almost obliterated all memory of that
dis'inetion, by the superior fame he has
attained as a Senator from Massachusetts.
Though then but in the bud of bis po
litical life, and hardly conscious, perhaps,
of his own extraordinary powers, he gave j
promise of tire greatness he lias since j
achieved. 'File same vigor of thought ; I
the same force of expression ; the short
sentences ; the calm, cold collected man
tier; the air of solemn dignity ; the deep, :
sepulchral, imimpassioaed voice; all I
have been developed only, not changed,
even to the intense bitterness of his frigid
irony. The piercing coldness of his sar
casm was indeed peculiar to him ; they
seemed to be emanations from the spirit
of the ice ocean. Nothing could be at
once so novel and so powerful —it was
frozen mercury, becoming as caustic as
red hot iron.
Realities of Whipg ry#
The Whig papers express much as
tonishment, because of the old Union
party having adopted Mr. Calhoun ns
one of their candidates for nomination to
the Presidency. We have selected a few
“elegant extracts” from the Whig diary
which the pure and spotted soi disaiit
Whigs are at liberty to “ read and circu
late.”
“ Mr. Clay, has long since forfeited all
claims to the suffrages of the South, by
his zealous support of the Tariff; and
his advocacy of the Force Bill, will afford
an additional reason for his receiving the
determined opposition of the State Rights
Party.” Georgia Journal, Bee. 25,
1838.
“ We can never support thedistinguish
ed Orator, whose powerful eloquence,
has in so many instances, been directed
against the interests of the South. We
can never support an advocate of the
‘ Force Bill’ we cannot support ‘ Har
ry of the West.’ ” Georgia Journal,
Feb. 20, 1839.
“ We we were among those who lie
lievcd Mr. Clay was wedded to a U. S.
Bank, but events as they have transpired,
convince us that wc are in error.” “We
are pleased that he has abandoned the
project, and sincerely hope that the ener
gies of his great and powerful mind, will
be directed to the support of what we
conceive to be more beneficial to the
country.” Georgia Journal, May 28,
1839. '
“ The opposition which is made to
Henry Clay by the State Rights Party, is
one of principle. They have no pre-di
lections for him as President of the Uni
ted States, nor love for his political creed.
He has always been the open and avowed,
but generous opposer of their doctrines.
They cannot, to be consistent, cast their
suffrages in his favor, and opposition to
his election will be as firmly persevered
in, as will be the opposition of the same
party, to Martin Van Buren.” Georgia
Journal, June 11, 1839.
“ Wo will strive to promote the cause
of State Rights, by placing before the
people, the acts and opinions of a distin
guished son of Georgia, (G. M. Troup,)
in contrast with those of Martin Van Ru
ren and Henry Clay.” Georgia Jour
nal, July 9,1839.
“ Mr. Clay has identified himself with
a course of policy on the part of the Fed
eral Government which is in our opinion
no less unjust than injurious to the best
interests of the South ; against his views,
we have warred hitherto, and shall con
tinue to war uncompromisingly.”—
Southern Recorder, April 3, 1838.
“Our correspondent with all his zml,
cannot arrive at the forced construction,
that we, necessarily,because Mr. Calhoun
is in favor, and Clay and Webster op
posed to the Sub-Treasury scheme, arc
tinctured with Clayism, Websterism,
Federalism, the American System and
Abolitionism. Os these sins we have ne
ver been accused by our enemies, and it
is too late in the day for us to be cate
chised by our friends.”
To answer our correspondent categor
ically, we have to say, that we are neither
a Clay nor Webster man, and so far as
the Sub-Treasury is concerned we are
not a Calhoun man.”—- Georgia Mes
senger, April 2f>, 1838.
“ As to the other charges of minor con
sideration, but no less false, viz :
That the Georgia Whigs, are in favor
of a National Bank.
That the Georgia Whigs, are in favor
of Henry Clay.
That the Georgia Whigs, arc panegyr
ists of Daniel Webstcr.
We would express our denial in a very
emphatic monosyllable, were not the use
of it offensive to “ears polite.”—Geor
gia Messenger, August 23, IS3B.
Tj the Editors of the Georgia Messenger, July 24, 1938.
“ My best reflections and most careful
investigations have confirmed the opin
ion that Congress has no power to char
ter a Bank.”
“ Opposition to a National Bank lies
deep in the elements of our party organi
zation. We shall in vain expect the re
spect due to consistent politicians, if we
become the advocates of a National
Bank”
“ I belong neither to the house of
York or of Lancaster. My principles
will not permit me to support either Van
Buren or Clay.” —E. A. JSesbit.
Addressed to Committees , of the citizens of Taliaferro ond
Franklin counties , Sept. 13, 1839.
I am requested to make known my
choice for the next President, between
Van Buren, Clay, Webster and Harrison.
These men all stand charged with along
catalogue of unpardonable political sins
against the South. They were all advo
cates and supporters of the Tariff, or A
merican System, as it was called. They
were in favor of the Force Bill, and the
doctrines of the Proclamation. They
entertain the opinion, that Congress has
power under the Constitution, to abolish
Slavery in the District of Columbia
and the right and is in duty bound to re
ceive abolition petitions.
“He, (Mr. Clay,) has recently hoisted
the Flag of a Fifty Million Bank. This
is his last great move for the Presidency.
He says in language not to 1 e misunder
stood, to the Commercial Manufacturing
interests of the North, make me Presi
dent and I will give you a Bank of fifty
millions. He was the father of the Amer
ican System, and new seeks to he the fa
ther of a National Bank. Such a progeny
leagued with such a parent, would con
solidate this Union into an unmitigated
despotism, or break it into fragments,”
Thomas Butler King.